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THE 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CRUSADES 


BT 

Joseph  Francois  Michaud. 

TRANSLATED  BY   W.    ROBSOX. 

!X  Nero  (Pbition, 


"VriTH    PREFACE    ANT)    SUPPLEMENTARY    CHAPTER    BT 
HAMILTON    W.    MABIE. 


IJf    THREE    VOLUMES, 


VOL.   II. 


KEW  YORK . 

A.  C.  ARMSTRONG  &  SON, 
714   Broadway. 

1883. 


CONTENTS   rO  VOL.  II. 


BOOK  IX.^-^.i!).  1195-1198. 
FOUETH   CEITSADE. 

The  empire  of  Saladin  divided  among  his  successors — The  civil  wan 
theuce  arising — Dynasty  of  tlie  Ayoubites — Extensive  empire  of  Afdhal, 
son  of  Saladin — His  civil  contests — Alaziz,  sultan  of  Egypt,  takes  arms 
tgainst  his  stvtaet — Nazr-Allah,  vizier  of  the  sultan  Afdhbl — Malek- 
Adel — Civil  commotions  of  Palestine— ^Agitated  sta  »  of  the  Christian 
colonies — Bohemond  III.  governor  of  Antioch,  taleu  ■  >risoner — Hospi- 
tallers and  Templars — Pope  Celestine  III.  instigates  1/ie  fourth  crusade-- 
Heniy  VI.,  emperor  of  Germany,  engages  to  assist — Diet  of  Worms — 
Hostilities  at  Ptolemais — Death  of  Henry  of  Champagne — Jaffa  captared 
by  the  Mussulmans — Siege  and  battle  of  Berytus — Malek-Adel  defeated 

•Pallandus,  the  Sicilian  historian — Henry  VI.  of  Germany  conquers 
Naples  and  Sicily — Progress  of  his  arms  in  Palestine — The  Saracens 
defeated — Death  of  Henry  VI. — Massacre  of  the  garrison  of  Jaffa — St. 
Martin — Causes  of  the  failure  of  this  crusade,  and  its  mischievous  con- 
si  quences — Cruel  character  of  Henry  VI pp.  1—35 


BOOK  X.— A.D.  1198-1204. 
riFTH    CETJSADE. 

Rousseau's  opinion  of  the  Crusaders — Enthusiasm  and  valour  of  the 
Christian  troops — Causes  which  led  to  the  fifth  crusade — Instigated  by 
Pope  Innocent  111. — His  quarrel  with  Philip  of  France — S-cafh  of 
Richard  1.  of  England — Preaching  of  Foulkes  in  favour  of  th3  cusade 
— Thibault  IV.,  count  of  Champagne,  engages  in  the  crusade — Louis, 
count  of  Chartres— Preaching  of  Martin  Litz — Villehardouin,  marshal 
of  Champagne — Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders — Commercial  greatness  of 
Venice — Dandolo,  the  doge  of  Venice — He  engages  to  assist  the  Cru- 
saders— Gauthier  de  Brienne — -Sums  advanced  by  Venice — Death  and 
character  of  Thibault -^Count    le  Bar  —  Death  of  Eude  III  ,  duke  of 


iv  CONTENTS. 

Burgundy — Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  elected  commander  of  the 
crusade — Famine  in  Egypt  and  Europe — Death  of  Foulkes— Pecuniary 
".xaciions  of  Venice — Revolt  of  the  city  of  Zara — Dandolo's  address  to 
the  Venetians  in  favour  of  the  Crusaders — Isaac,  emperor  of  Constan- 
tinople, dethroned — Siege  of  Zara — The  Abbot  de  Cernay — Quarrels 
between  the  Venetians  and  the  French  Crusaders — Address  of  Philip  of 
Swabia  to  the  French  barons — Policy  of  Malek-Adel — Reproaches  of 
Innocent  III.  against  the  Crusaders  at  Zara — Character  of  the  emperor 
Alexius — Capture  of  Corfu — Conquests  of  the  younger  Alexius,  son  of 
Isaac — Descriptioa  of  Constaiitino])le— Besieged  by  the  Crusaders — The 
Varangians — Speeches  of  Rossi  and  Conon  de  ]3ethune — Capture  of 
Constantinople — Alexius  dethroned— Isaac  and  his  son  Alexius  restored 
to  the  sovereignty — The  Crusaders  become  the  allies  of  the  Greeks,  and 
tiie  protectors  of  the  Greek  empire — Their  communications  with  the 
pope pp.  36-99, 


BOOK  XI.— A.D.   1198-1204. 

Character  of  the  Greeks — Position  of  Alexius  the  youngcjr — His  pro- 
posals to  the  Crusaders — Disputes  between  tlie  Greeks  and  one  Latins  on 
articles  of  faith — Contentions  with  the  Bulgarians — Conliagration  of 
Constantinople — Imbecility  and  bigotry  of  the  emperor  Isaac — Statue  of 
Miaerva  destroyed — Insurrectionary  spirit  in  Constantinople — Famine  in 
Egypt — Contests  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins — Greek  fire- 
Treachery  of  Mourzouffle — He  murders  young  Alexius,  and  ascends  the 
tbrone — Character  of  Alexius — Mourzouflie's  contests  with  the  Latins — 
Is  dethroned — Death  of  Isaac — Lascaris  chosen  emperor — Abandons  the 
city — Constantinople  taken  possession  of,  and  plundered  by  the  Latins — 
Destruction  of  the  works  of  art — Statues  of  Bellerophon,  Hercules,  and 
Helen,  destroyed  — Reverence  for  relics  and  images — Fanaticism  of 
Martin  Litz — Fragment  of  the  "true  cross" — Virtues  of  Dandolo,  the 
doge  of  Venice — Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders,  elected  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople— The  conquered  lands  distributed  among  the  Crusaders — 
Thomas  Morasini  elected  patriarch  of  Constantinople — Correspondence 
between  Baldwin  and  the  pope— Death  of  Marguerite  of  Flanders,  wife  of 
Baldwin — C'onquests  of  Leo  Sguerre — Michael  Augelus  Comnenus  gains 
the  kingdom  of  Epirus— Lascaris  proclaimed  emperor  at  Nice — Mour- 
zouffle captured  and  executed — Column  of  Theodosius — Quarrels  between 
Bonitace,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  Baldwin — Boniface  invades  Greece 
—  The  Greeks  rebel  against  the  domination  of  the  Latins — Victories  of  the 
Bulgarians — Defeat  and  Massacre  of  the  Latins  -  Bravery  of  Henry  of 
Hamault— Incidents  of  Baldwin's  life  — Death  of  Dandolo— Bonifase  is 
slain— Characters  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Franks— Their  different  his- 
torians—  Disputes  re.-.])ecting  the  so-ereignty  of  Cyprus — Death  of 
Gnuthier  de  Brieiine— Policy  of  Innocent  III.— Knowledge  of  Greel 
diffused  in  the  West — Refinement  of  the  Venetians,  and  commercial  great 
ness  of  Venice pp.  100-184. 


CONTENTa.  f 

BOOK  XII.— A.D.  1200«1215. 

SIXTH    CRUSADE. 

Famine  in  Egypt,  and  its  frightful  consequences — Destructive  eaiin* 
quake — Saadi,  the  Persian  post — Earthquake  and  famine  in  Palestine 
— Agitated  state  of  Palestine — Death  of  Amaury,  king  of  Jerusalem — 
Death  of  Bohemond  III. — Pope  Innocent  III.  stimulates  the  western 
world  to  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land — State  of  Palestine  and 
Jerusalem — John  of  Brienne  accepts  the  young  queen  of  Jerusalem 
in  marriage — Agitated  state  of  Europe — Malek-Adel  renews  hostilities 
against  the  Christians — John  of  Brienne  takes  possession  of  Ptolemais — 
First  dawnings  of  (he  Reformation — The  Albigeois,  the  Vaudois,  and 
other  reforming  sects — Pa|)al  crusade  against  them — Spain  at  war  with 
the  Saracens  and  Moors — Cardinal  de  Cour^on  preaches  the  crusade  — 
Philip  Augustus  king  of  France,  and  John  king  of  England,  engage  in 
the  crusade — Dominant  spirit  and  political  contentions  of  Pope  Inno- 
cent III.  —  Battle  of  Bouvines — The  pope  assembles  the  council  of 
Lateran,  and  stimulates  aU  Europe  to  the  holy  war — His  death  and 
character — Censius  Savelli  chosen  pope,  under  the  title  of  Honorius  III. 
— He  urges  the  crusade — Andrew  II.,  king  of  Hungary,  engages  in  it — 
Paganism  of  Prussia  in  the  thirteenth  century — Political  state  of  Palestine 
— The  throne  of  Syria  abdicated  by  Malek-Adel — Melik-Kamel,  the 
sultan  of  Cairo — Mount  Tabor — Political  state  of  Hungary — Her  king 
returns  from  Palestine — The  tower  of  Damietta  captured  by  the  Cru- 
saders—  Death  and  character  of  Malek-Adel — Decline  of  the  empire 
of  the  Ayoubites — Cardinal  Pelagius  instigates  the  prosecution  of  the 
crusade,  and  proceeds  to  Egypt — Panic  amongst  the  Mohammedans  — 
Conspiracy  to  dethrone  the  sultan  of  Cairo — Battle  before  the  walls  of 
Damietta — Piety  of  St.  Francis — The  Mohammedans  propose  conditions 
of  peace — Damietta  captured,  and  the  inhabitants  destroyed  by  famine — 
The  city  assigned  to  John  of  Brienne — His  speech  against  the  invasion  of 
Egypt — Obstinacy  of  Cardinal  Pelagius — The  Mohammedans  burn  the 
fleet  of  the  Crusaders  on  the  Nile,  and  compel  them  to  capitulate — Melik- 
Kamel  enters  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which  Damietta  is  surrendered  to 
the  Mussulmans — Death  of  Philip  Augustus  of  France — John  of  Brienca 
revisits  Europe — Oppressions  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine — The 
Georgians — Invasions  of  the  Tartars — Marriage  of  Frederick  II.,  emperor 
of  Germany,  with  the  heiress  of  the  king  of  Jerusalem — Acknowledged 
to  be  king — Persecutions  of  the  Albigeois — Contests  with  the  Moors  in 
Spain — V\  ar  of  factions  in  Italy — The  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines — Frederick 
of  Germany  engages  in  the  holy  war,  sets  sail,  and  returns  to  Otranto — • 
Gregory  IX.  succeeds  Pope  Honorius — His  rage  against  Frederick  of  Ger- 
many— Frederick  arrives  at  Ptolemais,  and  concludes  a  treaty  with  Melik- 
Kamel — Death  of  Conraddin,  sultan  of  Damascus — Frederick  acknow- 
-edged  king  of  Jerusalem — Hostility  of  the  Christians — He  quits  Pales- 
tine for  Europe — His  victories  in  Lombardy — Excommunicated  by  Gre- 
gory IX. — Treaty  with  his  holiness — The  pope  determines  on  renewing 
the  haJy  war — Thibault  V.,  king  of  Navarre,  and  Pierre  de  Dreux,  ca- 
llage in  it — Council  of  Tours  for  promoting  the  cause  of  the  Crusader*— 


il  CONTENTS. 

Deaths  of  Peter  and  of  Robert  Courtenay—  Decline  of  the  Latin  empiw 
in  Constantinople — John  of  Brienne  called  *o  the  throne — His  death — 
Baldwin,  his  son-in-law,  driven  from  the  thi one— Frederick  of  Germany 
excommunicated — He  invades  Ttaly  and  besieges  Rome — Desolating  civil 
war — Death  of  Melik-Kamel  —  Agitated  state  of  Palestine— Battle  of 
Gaza-  Death  of  Gregory  IX. — Richard,  duke  of  Cornwall,  joins  the 
Crusaders  at  Ptolemais,  but  soon  returns  to  Italy— Pope  Celestine  IV. — 
Disturbances  in  the  reign  of  Innocent  IV. — Pilgrims  buy  off  their  vows 
— Wretched  state  of  Palestine — Pohtical  pretensions  of  the  popes — State 
of  Europe — General  reflections  on  the  crusades — Songs  of  the  Trouba- 
dours— Leprosy  in  the  West — Crusades  against  Prussia  and  the  Albigeois 
•  -The  sanguinary  wars  ia  the  name  of  religion   pp.  185—311. 


BOOK  XIII.— A.D,  1242-1245. 

SETENTH   CEUSADE. 

The  Tartars  of  the  middle  ages — Their  history  and  conquests — Gengis- 
khan,  the  Tartar  chief — Temugin — Prester  John — Khan  of  the  Karaites 
— Conquest  of  China,  Carismia,  and  other  extensive  countries  in  Asia 
and  Europe,  by  Gengiskhan — His  death — Victorious  career  of  Octal, 
khan  of  the  Tartars — Hungary  conquered — The  warriors  of  Carismia 
join  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  and  capture  Jerusalem — The  Mohammedans 
of  Syria  defeated  by  the  Carismians,  and  Damascus  captured — The 
Carismians  rebel  against  the  sultan  of  Cairo — They  are  defeated  and 
dispersed — Barbarous  hordes  of  the  Comans  — Distress  of  the  Christians 
— Valeran,  bishop  of  Berytus — Innocent  IV.,  at  the  council  of  Lyons 
determines  on  the  seventh  crusade,  and  excommunicates  Frederick,  em- 
peror of  Germany — Cardinals  first  clothed  in  scarlet — Louis  IX.,  king 
of  France,  recovers  from  a  dangerous  malady,  and  determines  on  pro- 
secuting the  seventh  crusade  against  the  infidels — The  illustrious  names 
engaged  in  it — Blanche,  the  queen-mother — Agitated  state  of  Germany 
and  Italy — Frederick  of  Germany  deposed  by  the  pope — Civil  contests 
thence  arising — The  nobles  of  France  form  a  league  to  resist  the  exactions 
of  the  pope — Louis  makes  extensive  preparations  for  the  holy  war — The 
earl  of  Salisbury,  and  Haco  king  of  Norway,  engage  in  it — Ameliorated 
state  of  society  resulting  from  the  crusades — Louis  embarks  and  arrives 
at  Cyprus — Pope  Innocent  IV.  takes  charge  of  his  kingdom — Mar- 
guerite, wife  of  Louis — Archambault  de  Bourbons — Sieur  de  Joinville — 
Antioch  ravaged  by  the  Turcomans — Louis  receives  an  embassy  from  the 
Tartar  prince,  Ecalthai — Political  discord  among  the  Mohammedans — 
Family  of  the  Ayoubites — Malek-Salek  Negmeddin,  sultan  of  Egypt — 
Military  and  political  state  of  Egypt  at  the  time  of  the  crusade — Louis  IX. 
and  the  Christian  forces  arrive  before  Damietta — His  address  to  the  Cn;- 
Baders — He  besieges  Damietta— Fakreddin,  the  Egyptian  leader — Louis 
attacks  and  defeats  the  infidel  troops — Damietta  captured — Negociationi 
with  Negmeddin — Livre  Tournois — Bravery  of  the  Bedouin  Arabs— 
Sidon  captured  by  the  Mohammedans pp.  312-392, 


CONTENTS.  Vn 


BOOK  XIV.— A. D.  1248-'it'55. 


Alphonse  count  of  Poictiers,  and  Hugh  Lebrun  count  of  Angoulem^ 
engage  in  the  holy  war — Opposition  of  Henry  III.  of  England  to  hii 
oarons  and  the  pope — Raymond,  count  of  Thoulouse — Count  d'Artois — ■ 
Death  of  Negmeddin — Beauty  and  genius  of  Chegger-Eddour,  sultana 
of  Egypt — Scharmesah  captured  by  the  Crusaders — Fakreddin  takes  the 
eommaiid  of  the  Egyptian  forces — Treachery  of  the  Mamelukes — Military 
opei-ations  on  the  canal  of  Aschmoum — Terrific  eflfects  of  the  Greek  fire 
— Fakreddin  slain,  and  the  Saracens  defeated — Rashness  of  Count 
d'Artois,  and  his  death — Battle  of  Mansourah — The  Crusaders  defeated 
by  the  Mamelukes — The  earl  of  Salisbury,  Robert  de  Vair,  and  other 
illustrious  warriors  slain — Continued  contests  with  the  Egyptians,  and 
severe  losses  of  the  Crusaders — Instances  of  devoted  heroism  and  indi- 
vidual bravery — The  Crusaders  exposed  to  famine  and  pestilence,  and  the 
Saracens  victorious — The  canal  of  Mehallah  fatal  to  the  Crusaders — 
Sufferings  and  losses  of  the  Christian  army — Guy  du  Chatel,  Gaucher  de 
Chatillon,  and  other  distinguished  Crusaders  slain — Louis  attempts  to 
regain  Damietta — Is  defeated,  and  surrenders  as  a  prisoner  of  war — His 
entire  army  annihilated  by  the  Saracens — Sieur  de  Joinville  taken  prisoner 
— Agonizing  situation  of  Marguerite,  queen  of  Louis — 30,000  Crusaders 
massacred,  or  taken  into  slavery — Religious  resignation  of  Louis — He 
enters  into  an  abject  treaty  for  his  ransom — Revolt  of  the  Mamelukes — 
Death  of  Almoadan — Octa'i,  chief  of  the  Mamelukes— The  emirs  of 
Egypt— Chegger-Eddour  elected  sultana  of  Egypt,  and  Ezz-Eddin 
Aybek  the  governor — Extinction  of  the  Ayoubite  dynasty — Damietta 
delivered  up  to  the  Mussulmans — Ransom  paid  for  Louis — Consternation 
in  France  on  hearing  of  his  capture — He  arrives  at  Ptolemais — Deli- 
berates with  his  knights  as  to  their  future  operations — The  Syrians  refuse 
to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  Mamelukes — Civil  commotions  in 
Egypt — Chegger-Eddour  marries  Ezz-Eddin,  and  yields  her  regal  autho- 
rity— Death  of  Frederick  II.  of  Germany — Conrad,  his  successor,  ex- 
communicated— Jacob  of  Hungary — "Pastors" — Pope  Innocent  IV. 
urges  the  preaching  of  a  fresh  crusade — Singular  message  of  the  "  Old 
Man  of  the  Mountain"  to  Louis — A  visit  to  his  court — Cities  of  Palestine 
fortified  by  Louis — War  between  the  sultans  of  Cairo  and  Damascus — 
Treaty  between  them,  and  hostilities  resumed  agsinst  the  Christians — The 
Turcomans  surprise  Sidon,  and  slaughter  the  inhabitants — Belinas  pil- 
laged by  the  Crusaders — Pious  devotedness  of  Louis — He  fortifies  Sidon 
• — Death  of  Blanche,  queen-regent  of  France — Louis  quits  Palestine,  and 
arrives  at  Paris — Excellence  of  Joinville's  history — On  the  character  and 
misfortunes  of  Louis — Damietta  destroyed  by  tlie  Mussulmans,  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Nile  filled  with  stones — Rise  and  fall  of  the  Mamelukes — ■ 
Hospital  of  Quinze-Vingts — The  Tartars  and  Moguls — "  Assizes  ot 
Jerusalem" — Characters  of  Frederick  II.  of  Germany  and  Pope  Inno- 
cent  IV. — FapA  ci  usade  against  Eccelino  de  Romano  ....  pp.  393—493. 


H  I  S  T  0  EY 

OF 

THE    CRUSADES. 

BOOK    IX. 


FOUETH    CETJSADE. 

A.D.  1195—1198. 

"When  we  cast  a  retrospective  glance  over  the  periods  we 
have  described,  we  congratulate  ourselves  upon  not  having 
lived  in  those  times  of  war  and  trouble  ;  but  when  we  look 
around  us,  and  reflect  upon  the  age  of  which  we  form  a  part, 
we  fear  we  have  little  reason  to  boast  over  the  epochs  com- 
monly termed  barbarous.  During  twenty-five  years  a  revo- 
lution, born  of  opinions  unknown  to  past  ages,  has  pervaded 
cities,  agitated  nations,  and  shaken  thrones.  This  revolution 
has  for  auxiliaries  war  and  victory  ;  it  strengthens  itself  with 
all  the  obstacles  that  are  opposed  to  it ;  it  is  for  ever  born 
again  from  itself,  and  when  we  believe  we  can  perceive  the 
end  of  its  ravages,  it  re-appears  more  terrible  and  menacing 
than  ever.  At  the  moment  in  wliich  I  I'esume  the  account 
of  the  Crusades,*  the  spirit  of  sedition  and  revolt,  the 
fanaticism  of  modern  doctrines,  which  seemed  to  slumber, 

*  The  author  wrote  the  history  of  tlie  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  crusades 
during  the  last  usurpation  of  Buonapartf.  [Fiow  easily  an  ob'^;rva^t 
readier  may  tell  when  a  hook  was  jiuljlislied — the  above  note  was  >lc>ubt- 
less,  written  after  Buonaparte's  failure. — Tii\ns.] 

1* 


I  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

all  at  once  awake,  and  again  thi'eateu  tlie  woi-ld  with  un 
versa!  disorder ;  nations  which  tremble  lor  theii-  libert}^  anc; 
their  laws,  are  aroused,  and  spring  up  in  arms ;  a  coalitior 
of  all  kings  and  of  all  nations,  a  general  crusade  is  formed 
not  to  defend  the  tomb  of  Christ,  but  to  preserve  that  whieV 
Eiu-ope  possesses  of  its  ancie'^'^  civilization.  It  is  amidst 
the  rumoiurs  of  a  new  revolutij  i,  of  a  ibrmidable  war,  tliat 
I  am  about  to  describe  the  revolutions  and  wars  tiiat  dis 
turbed  the  East  and  the  "West  in  the  mido  i  ages.  May  I, 
whilst  deploring  the  calamities  of  my  couin^ry,  profit  by  the 
events  of  which  I  am  a  witness,  and  b_7  .he  frightful  spec- 
tacle which  is  before  my  eyes,  to  paint  ^vith  greater  truth 
the  passions  and  the  troubles  of  a  remote  age,  and  revive 
in  the  hearts  of  my  contemporaries  a  love  of  concord  and 
peace. 

The  death  of  Saladin  was  followed  by  that  which  almost 
always  is  to  be  observed  in  the  dynasties  of  the  East, — a  reign- 
of  agitation  and  trouble  succeeding  a  reign  of  strength  and 
absolute  power.  In  these  dynasties,  which  have  no  other 
support  but  victory',  and  the  all-powerful  will  of  a  single 
man,  as  long  as  the  sovereign,  surroiuided  by  his  soldiers, 
commands,  he  is  tremblingly  obeyed  ;  but  as  soon  as  Le  has 
closed  his  eyes,  his  people  precipitate  themselves  towards 
license  with  the  same  ardour  that  they  had  yieldsd  to  ser- 
vitude ;  and  passions,  long  restrained  by  the  presence  of  the 
despot,  only  blaze  fortli  with  the  greater  violence  when  there 
remains  nothing  of  him  but  a  vain  remembrance. 

Saladin  gave  no  directions  respecting  the  order  of  succes- 
sion, and  by  this  want  of  foresight  prepared  the  ruin  of  !iis 
empire.  One  of  his  sons,  Alaziz,*  who  commanded  in 
Egypt,  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  sultan  of  Cairo; 
anotlierf  took  possession  of  the  sovereignty  of  Aleppo,  and 
a  third  of  the  principality  of  Amath.J  Malek-Adel,  the 
brother  of  Saladin,  assumed  the  tlirone  of  Mesopotamia, 
and  the  countries  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Euphrates. 

*  Almelik-AIazoz,  Emad-eddin  Otsman.  We  have  given  the  names 
of  the  Mussulman  princes  as  the  greater  part  of  our  historians  write 
them  ;  we  shall  take  cat-e  to  point  out  in  notes  how  they  arc  pronounced 
by  Arabian  authors. 

t  Alemclck  Almansour,  Nassir-cddin  Mohammed. 

\  Almelek  Aladtrl  .Seif-eddin  Abcn- beer  Mohammed, 


HISTOlii'    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  9 

The  priiicipal  emirs,  and  all  the  princes  of  the  race  of  the 
Avoubites,  made  themselves  masters  of  the  cities  and 
provinces  of  which  they  held  the  command.* 

Afdhal,t  eldest  son  of  Saladin,  was  proclaimed  sultan  oi 
Damascus.  Master  of  Syria,  and  of  the  capital  of  a  vast  empire, 
sovereign  of  Jerusalem  and  Palestine,^  he  appeared  to  have 
preserved  something  of  the  power  of  his  fatlier ;  but  all  fell 
into  disorder  and  confusion.  The  emirs,  the  old  companions 
of  the  victories,  of  Saladin,  endured  with  reluctance  the 
authority  of  the  young  sultan.  Several  refused  to  take 
the  oath  of  obedience,  §  drawn  up  by  the  cadis  of  Damascus  ; 

*  Aboulfeda  and  some  other  Arabian  l-.istorians  point  out  sufficiently 
succinctly  the  divi>ion  thnt  the  Ayoubite  princes  made  of  the  vast  provinces 
that  formed  the  empire  of  Saladin.  This  empire  included  Syria,  Egypt, 
almost  all  Mesopotamia,  and  even  a  great  portion  of  Arabia. 

Aziz,  as  we  have  said,  established  himself  in  Egypt ;  Afdhal  and  Thaher 
shared  Syria  between  them,  one  reigning  at  Damascus,  and  the  other  at 
Aleppo.  A  del  retained,  as  his  [larr,  the  cities  situated  beyond  the 
Euphrates,  which  composed  the  eastern  provinces,  that  is,  Mesopotamia 
proper.  To  these  three  gre  it  divisions  were  attached  several  feudatory 
princes,  who  governed  as  fiefs  various  cities  of  the  empire.  Hamah, 
falaniiak,  Moanah,  and  M^imbedj  belonged  to  Mansour;  it  was  from  this 
branch  that  issued  the  celebrated  Aboulfeda  :  the  family  of  Chiikoiih  was 
established  at  Emessa  ;  Thaher,  son  of  Saladin,  enjoyed  Bo.-ra  ;  Amdjed, 
great-grandson  of  Ayoub,  was  prince  of  Balbek  ;  Cheiz'  r,  Abou  Cobais, 
Sahyoun,  Tell-Bacher,  Kaubeb,  Adjloun,  Barin,  Kafar-Tab,  and  Famieh 
were  possessed  by  various  emirs  who  had  st-rved  in  the  armies  of  Saladin. 

As  to  Yemen,  a  province  of  Arabia,  in  which  Touran-chah  established 
himself,  the  family  of  the  Ayoobites  reigned  there  till  1239. 

t  Alujelek  Alafdhal,  Nour-eddin  Ali. 

X  At  the  death  of  Saladin  Jfrus;dem  came  into  the  possession  of 
Afdhal,  his  son.  who  gave  it  in  fief  to  the  emir  Azz-eddin  Djeruik.  Aziz 
becoming  master  of  Damascus,  the  holy  city  fell  into  the  hands  of  another 
emir,  Ilm-eddin  Caisser  ;  to  him  succeeded  Ahoulhedj,  the  favourite  of 
Adel ;  for  in  the  division  that  this  prince  and  his  nephew  Aziz  made  of 
Egypt  and  Syria,  Palestine  remained  in  the  power  of  Adel.  Aboul-Hcdj 
was  in  his  turn  replaced  by  the  famous  emir  Aksankar-el-Kebir,  and  he 
by  Mfimoun,  1197.  When  the  empire  became  re-united  under  the 
dominion  of  Adel,  his  son  Moaddhem  had  Damascus,  of  which  Palestine 
and  Jerusalem  were  dependencies. 

§  This  is  the  text  of  the  oath,  as  it  has  been  preserved  by  an  histo- 
rian : — "  I,  such  a  one.  devote  myself  entirely  from  this  moment  to  the 
service  of  the  su'tan  Elmelek  Alnaser  Salak-eddin,  as  Ions  as  he  ^J■.a^ 
live.  I  swear  to  consecrate  my  life,  my  proi)erty,  my  sword,  and  my 
powers  to  the  defence  of  his  em))ire,  and  to  be  always  obedient  to  his 
orders.     I  swear  to  observe  the  same  engagements  after  him  to  his  son 


i  HISTOKY    OF    TUB    CKUSADES. 

others  consented  to  take  it,  but  on  condition  that  their  fiefs 
shoulil  be  secured  to  them,  or  that  new  ones  should  he 
bestowed  upon  them.  Far  from  labouring  to  reduce  tlie 
power  of  this  haughty  soldiery,  Afdhal  neglected  the  duties 
of  his  throne  for  the  pleasures  of  debauchery,  to  -which  he 
gave  himself  up  entirely,  abandoning  the  welfare  of  his 
empire  to  a  vizier,*  who  rendered  him  odious  to  the 
Mussulmans.  The  army  demanded  the  dismissal  of  the 
rizier,  whom  they  accused  of  having  usurped  the  authority  of 
the  prince :  the  vizier,  on  his  part,  advised  his  master  to 
banish  the  seditious  emirs.  The  weak  sultan,  who  only  saw 
with  the  eyes  of  his  minister,  annoyed  by  the  })reseuce  and 
complaints  of  a  discontented  army,  dismissed  from  his  ser- 
vice a  great  luimber  of  soldiers  and  emirs,  who  went  among 
all  the  neighbouring  princes,  complaining  of  his  ingratitude, 
and  accusing  him  of  forgetting,  in  the  bosom  of  idleness 
and  elfeminacy,  the  holy  laws  of  the  prophet  and  the  glory' 
of  Saladin. 

The  greater  number  of  them,  who  went  into  Egypt, 
exhorted  Alaziz  to  take  arms  against  his  bi'other.  The 
sultan  of  Cairo  gave  ear  to  their  advice,  and  under  the  pre- 
tence of  avenging  the  glory  of  his  father,  conceived  the 
project  of  possessing  himself  of  Damascus.     He  assembled 

and  heir  Almclek  Alafdhal.  I  swear  to  submit  myself  to  him,  to  fight  for 
his  empire  aiil  states  with  my  life,  my  wealth,  my  sword,  and  my  troops. 
I  swear  to  obey  him  in  ev.  rything;  I  devote  myself  to  him  inwardly  and 
outwardly,  and  I  take  God  fi  r  a  witness  of  this  enzajement." 

*  Tlii<  vizier  was  named  Na.-r-allah,  and  bore  the  surname  of  Dhia- 
eddin,  '  the  splendour  of  religion  ;'  he  was  brother  of  the  celebrated  his- 
torian Ibn-Elatzir,  author  of  t'le  Tarikh  Kantel,  and  himselt  cultivated 
Iptters  with  success.  The  study  of  most  of  the  sciences  occupied  his 
youth,  and  his  memory  was  ad  niied  with  the  most  beaiitiful  jiassage^  of 
the  ancient  and  modern  |)netry  of  his  nition.  Saladin  had  given  liim  as 
vizier  to  his  son,  and  Nasr-aPah  in'ove!  fty  his  conduct  that  he  was  worthy 
of  the  honour.  If  he  comnd'te  1  fiults  as  a  miuii^ter,  he  at  least  honoured 
his  character  by  remaining  faithful  to  his  master,  sharing  his  misl'ortunes, 
and  following  hiai  into  exile.  After  remaining  soine  time  at  San.osata, 
whither  .\fdhal  was  banished,  he  came  to  Aleppo,  and  entered  into  the 
service  of  Thaher,  who  reigned  there;  and  becoming  dissatisfied  with  his 
conduct,  he  cjuittcd  the  court,  and  retired  to  Mossoul,  where  he  took  np 
his  residence.  He  died  at  Bagdad  in  12:i9,  whilst  fidfiUing  a  diplomatic 
mission  with  which  the  prince  of  Mossoul  had  cliar.,Md  bin).  N.isr-allah 
left  several  literary  works,  the  nomenclature  of  which  is  contained  in  the 
biography  of  Ibn-Khiican. 


HISTOKY    OF    THE    CKL'SABIS.  6 

his  forces,  and  marched  into  Syria  at  the  head  of  an  army. 
At  the  approach  of  danger,  Aidhal  invoked  assistance  fronj 
the  princes  that  reigned  over  the  countries  of  Aniath  and 
Aleppo.  Soon  a  formidable  war  blazed  forth,  into  which 
was  dragged  the  whole  of  the  family  of  the  Ayoubites. 
Alaziz  laid  siege  to  Danmscus.  The  hopes  of  an  easy  con 
quest  animated  his  emirs,  and  made  them  believe  that  they 
were  fighting  in  a  just  cause;  but  as  they  at  first  had  bu' 
little  success,  and  as  victory  seemed  every  day  to  fly  furthei 
from  their  banners,  the  war  began  to  appear  to  them  unjust. 
At  first  they  murmured ;  then  they  revolted  from  Alaziz, 
and  at  length  rejoined  the  troops  of  Syria.  The  sultan  of 
Cairo,  upon  being  thus  abandoned,  was  obliged  to  raise  the 
siege  disgracefully,  and  return  into  Egypt.  The  sultans  of 
Damascus  and  Aleppo  pursued  him  across  the  desert,  with 
the  design  of  attacking  him  in  his  capital.  Afdlial,  at  the 
head  of  a  victorious  army,  soon  carried  terror  to  the  banks  of 
the  Nile.  Alaziz  was  about  to  be  dethroned,  and  Egypt  to  be 
conquered  by  the  Syrians,  if  tlie  brother  of  Saladin,  guided 
by  a  policy,  whose  motive  might  be  easily  divined,  had  not 
opposed  the  authority  of  his  counsels  to  the  arms  of  the 
couqueror,  and  re-established  peace  in  the  family  of  the 
Ayoubites. 

The  princes  and  emirs  respected  the  experience  of  Malek- 
.4.del,  and  allowed  him  to  be  the  arbitrator  of  their  dift'er- 
ences.  The  warriors  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  accustomed  to 
see  him  in  camps,  looked  upon  him  as  their  leader,  and 
followed  him  with  joy  to  battle  ;  whilst  nations,  that  he  had 
often  astonished  by  his  exploits,  invoked  his  name  in  their 
reverses  and  dangers.  The  Mussulmans  now  perceived 
with  surprise  that  he  had  been  in  a  manner  exiled  in 
Mesopotamia,  and  that  an  empire,  founded  by  his  valour, 
was  abandoned  to  young  princes  who  bore  no  name  among 
warriors  :  he  himself  grew  secretly  indignant  at  not  having 
received  due  recompense  for  his  labours,  and  was  aware  ot 
all  that  the  old  soldiers,  he  had  so  often  led  to  victory,  might 
one  day  do  to  further  his  ambitious  views.  It  was  important 
to  his  designs  that  too  much  of  the  empire  should  not  be  in 
the  same  hands,  and  that  the  provinces  should  remain  for 
some  time  longer  shared  by  two  rival  powers.  The  peace 
which  he  had  brought  about  could  not  be  of  long  duration 


6  nisroKv  of  thk  crusades. 

a'.H  the  discord  ever  on  the  point  of  breaking  out  among 
bi;^  nephews,  must  soon  offer  him  an  opportunity  of  reaping 
tne  rich  harvest  of  the  vast  heritage  of  Saladin. 

Af'ihal,  warned  by  the  dangers  he  had  run,  resolved  to 
eliange  his  conduct.  Hitherto  he  had  scandalized  all  faith- 
ful jMussulmans  by  his  intemperance  in  the  use  of  wine. 
Aboulftnla,  who  was  descended  from  the  family  of  Saladin,* 
says,  m  his  history,  that  the  sidtan  of  Damascus,  during  the 
earlv  years  of  his  reign,  passed  his  life  amidst  banquets  and 
indulgence,  taking  delight  in  nothing  but  listening  to  songs 
and  composing  verses.  On  his  return  from  Egypt,  Afdhal 
exhibited  an  entire  alteration  in  his  manners ;  but  he  only 
fell  from  one  excess  into  another ;  he  was  now  constantly  at 
prayers,  or  employed  in  the  most  minute  practices  of  the 
jMussulmun  religion ;  but,  in  his  excessive  devotion,  as  in 
his  dissipated  life,  he  was  perfectly  inattentive  to  the  duties 
of  a  monarch,  and  submitted  himself,  without  reserve,  to* 
the  counsels  of  the  same  vizier  who  had  already  nearly  cost 
him  liis  dominions.  "  Then,"  says  Aboulfeda,  "  complaints 
against  him  were  heard  from  all  quarters,  and  tongues  that 
had  Ijeen  loud  in  his  praise  became  silent." 

Alaziz  thought  this  opportunity  favourable  for  again 
taking  up  arms  against  his  brother ;  and  Malek-xldel,  per- 
suaded that  war  was  most  likely  to  minister  to  his  ambition, 
no  longer  advocated  peace,  but  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  army  of  Egypt.  Having  intimidated  by  his  tln^eats,  or 
won  by  his  presents,  the  principal  emirs  of  Afdhal,  he  at 
a^ice  took  possession  of  Damascus  in  the  name  of  Alaziz, 
and  soon  governed  as  sovereign  the  richest  provinces  of 
Syria. 

Every  day  fresh  quarrels  broke  out  among  the  emirs  and 
princes  ;  all  those  who  had  fought  with  Saladin,  thought  the 
moment  was  come  at  which  to  put  forth  and  establish  their 
pretensions ;  and  the  princes  who  still  remained  of  tlie  fiimily 
of  Noureddin  began  to  entertain  hopes  of  regaining  the 
provinces  wrested  from  the  unfortunate  Attabeks  by  the  son 
of  Ayoub.     All  the  East  was  in  a  state  of  fermentation. 

*  M.  Am.  Jourdiiii  liiis  published  a  curious  account  of  Aboulfeda  and 
his  family,  the  materials  for  which  were  supplied  by  the  works  themselves 
of  this  historian  :  it  is  printed  in  the  fourteenth  volume  of  Lex  Amuila 
des  Voyuycn,  &.c.  of  M.  Make  Biun. 


UlSTORV    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  t 

Bloody  divisions   desolated  Persia,  a  prey  to  the  varioue 

claims  of  the  feeble  remains  of  the  race  of  the  Seljoucides. 
The  empire  of  the  Carisniians,  which  conquest  was  every 
day  extending,  threatened  at  the  same  time  the  capital  of 
Corosan  and  the  city  of  Bagdad,  in  which  tlie  pontiii'  of  the 
Mussulman  religion  lived  in  perpetual  fear.  Eor  a  long 
time  the  caliphs  had  been  unable  to  take  any  active  part  in 
the  events  that  changed  the  face  of  Syria ;  and  the  only 
authority  they  possessed  was  exercised  in  consecrating  thf» 
victories  of  the  triumphant  pafty,  whoever  that  might  be. 
Afdhal,  driven  from  Damascus,  called  in  vain  upon  the 
caliph  of  Bagdad  lor  protection  ;  all  that  shadow  of  power 
could  aflbrd  him  was  a  recommendation  to  exercise  patience, 
and  an  assurance  "  fJiaf  his  enemies  would  have  to  render  an 
account  to  God  of  what  they  had  done.^' 

Among  the  rivalries  that  convulsed  the  Mussulman  states, 
Malek-Adel  met  with  no  obstruction  to  his  projects  ;  the 
troubles  and  disorders  which  his  usurpation  gave  birth  to, 
even  the  wars  undertaken  against  him,  all  contributed  to  the 
consolidation  and  extension  of  his  unjustly-obtained  power. 
It  became  evident  that  he  must  soon  unite  under  his  sway 
the  greater  part  of  the  provinces  conquered  by  Saladin. 
Thus  was  verified,  for  the  second  time  within  a  few  years, 
the  observation  of  an  Arabian  historian,  who  expressed 
himself  in  the  following  words  when  speaking  of  the  suc- 
cession of  Noureddin :  "  TJie  greater  part  of  the  founders 
of  empires  have  not  been  able  to  leave  them  to  their  jjosteriti/.^^ 
This  instability  of  power  is  not  a  tiling  to  be  Avondered  at 
in  countries  where  success  renders  evervthing  legitimate, 
where  the  caprices  of  fortune  are  frequently  laws,  and 
where  the  most  formidable  enemies  of  an  empire  founded 
by  arms,  are  the  very  men  whose  bravery  has  assisted  in 
raising  it.  The  historian  we  have  quoted,  deplores  the  revo- 
lutions of  military  despotism,  without  duly  searching  for  the 
natural  causes  of  them  ;  aiul  can  explain  so  many  changes 
only  by  referring  to  the  justice  of  God,  always  ready  to 
punish,  at  least  in  their  children,  all  who  have  employed  vio- 
lence or  shed  the  blood  of  man  to  attain  empire. 

Such  were  the  revolutions  which,  during  many  years, 
ag  tated  the  Mussulman  states  of  Syiia  and  Egypt.  The 
fourth  crusade,  which  we  are  about  to  describej  and  in  whicb 


g  HISTOEY    0F   THE    CRUSAg>l!8. 

;  le  Christians  might  have  greatly  profited  by  the  troubiea 
of  the  East,  only  served  to  reunite  the  scattered  membera 
of  the  empire  of  Saladin.  Malek-Adel  owed  the  progress  of 
his  power  not  only  to  the  divisions  of  the  Mussulmans,  but 
to  the  spirit  of  discord  that  reigned  among  the  Christians. 

After  the  departure  of  the  king  of  Engkiiid,  as  was 
always  the  case  at  the  termination  of  every  crusade,  the 
Christian  colonies,  surrounded  by  perils,  advanced  more 
rapidly  to  their  Ml.  Henry  of  Champagne,  charged  with 
the  government  of  Palestine,  disdained  the  title  of  king,  as 
he  was  impatient  to  return  to  Europe,  and  looked  upon  his 
kingdom  as  a  place  of  exile.  The  three  military  orders, 
detained  in  Asia  by  their  vows,  constituted  the  principal 
strength  of  a  state  which  but  lately  had  had  all  the  warriors 
of  Europe  for  its  defenders.  Guy  of  Lusignan  retired  to 
Cvprus,  took  no  more  interest  in  the  fate  of  Jerusalem,  and 
had  full  occupation  in  keeping  himself  on  his  new  throne, 
shaken  by  the  continual  revolts  of  the  Greeks  and  threatened 
by  the  emperors  of  Constantino[>le. 

Bohemond  III.,  grandson  of  Ivaymond  of  Poictiers,  and 
descended,  in  the  female  line,  from  the  celebrated  Bohemond, 
one  of  the  heroes  of  the  first  crusade,  governed  the  prin- 
cipality of  Antioch  and  the  county  of  Tripoli.  Amidst  the 
misfortunes  that  afflicted  the  Christian  colonies,  the  sole  aim 
of  this  prince  was  the  extension  of  his  dominions,  and  every 
means  appeared  to  him  good  and  just  that  could  forward  his 
designs.  Bohemond  pretended  to  have  claims  to  the  prin- 
cipality of  Armenia ;  and  employed  by  turns  force  and 
stratagem  to  get  possession  of  it.  After  several  useless 
attempts,  he  succeeded  in  decoying  into  his  capital  Kupin 
of  the  jVf  ountain,  one  of  tlie  princes  of  Armenia,  and  detainee 
him  prisoner.  Livon,  the  brother  of  Kupin,  determined  to 
take  signal  vengeance  for  such  an  outrage ;  and,  under  the 
])retence  of  treating  for  peace,  invited  Bohemond  to  repair 
to  the  frontiers  of  Armenia.  The  two  princes  engaged  by 
oath  to  come  without  escort  or  train  to  the  place  of  confer- 
ence ;  but  each  formed  a  s«?cret  design  of  laying  a  snare  f„r 
his  adversary.  The  Armenian  prince,  better  seconded  by 
either  his  genius  or  fortune,  remained  conquerc  r  in  this  dis- 
graceful contest.  Boliemond  was  surprised,  loaded  with 
cliaijis,  and  carried  away  to  a  fortress  of  Lesser  Aruienia. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    CRUSADES.  fl 

The  "War  was  instantly  renewed  with  fury  ;  the  people  ii 
botli  Armenia  and  Antioch  rushed  to  arms,  and  the  coim 
tries  and  cities  of  the  two  principalities  were  speedily  hj 
turns  in\'r\ded  and  ravaged.  At  length  peace  became  desir- 
able, and  after  some  disputes  upon  the  conditions,  the  prince 
of  Antioch  was  sent  back  to  his  states,  and  Rupin  of  tlie 
Mountain  was  restored  to  the  nations  of  Armenia.  By  an 
agi'eement  entered  into  by  the  two  princes,  Alice,  the  daugh- 
ter of  llupin,  married  the  eldest  son  of  Bohemond.  This 
union  promised  to  be  the  pledge  -of  a  durable  peace  ;  but 
the  germ  of  so  many  divisions  still  subsisted ;  the  two  par- 
ties retained  a  strong  feeling  of  the  outrage  they  had  re- 
ceived ;  and  every  treaty  of  peace  becoming  a  fresh  subject 
of  discussion,  war  was  always  ready  to  be  rekindled. 

In  another  direction,  ambition  and  jealousy  set  at  variance 
the  orders  of  the  Temple  and  St.  John.  At  the  period  of 
the  third  crusade,  the  Hospitallers  and  the  Templars  were  as 
powerful  as  sovereign  princes  ;  they  possessed  in  Asia  and 
Europe  villages,  cities,  and  even  provinces.*  The  two  orders, 
rivalling  each  other  in  power  and  glory,  attended  far  less  to 
the  defence  of  the  holy  places  than  to  the  augmentation  of 
tiieir  own  renown  and  riches.  Every  one  of  their  immense 
possessions,  every  one  of  their  prerogatives,  the  renown  of 
the  knights,  the  credit  of  the  leaders,  all,  even  to  the  trophies 
of  their  valour,  were  for  them  subjects  of  rivalry,  and,  at 
length,  this  spirit  of  discord  and  jealousy  produced  an  open 
war.  A  French  gentleman,  established  in  Palestine,  pos- 
sessed, as  a  vassal  of  the  Hospitallers,  the  castle  of  Margat, 
situated  towards  the  frontiers  of  Arabia.  The  Templars 
pretended  that  this  castle  belonged  to  them,  and  took  pos- 
session of  it  by  main  force.  Robert, — that  was  the  name  of 
the  "ijentleman, — carried  his  complaints  to  the  Hospitallers, 
^lio  immediately  flew  to  arms  and  drove  the  Templars  from 

*  The  Hospitallers  then  possessed  within  the  limits  of  Christendom 
nineteen  thoxsand  manors ;  the  Templars  had  only  nine  thovsand.  Mat- 
thew Paris  expresses  himself  thus  : — Hubent  insuper  Teirplarii  in  Chris- 
tianitate  novem  millia  maneriorum  ;  Hospitalii  vero  novetn  decern,  praeter 
fmolumenta  et  varios  pro%'entus  e.i;  fraternifatibus  et  pra;dicationibus  pro- 
\enientes,  et  per  privilegia  sua  accresrentes  — Matth.  Paris,  ad  annum 
1244,  in  Henry  III.,  lib.  .xi.  p.  615.  A  manor  in  the  middle  ages  wm 
the  labour  qf  one  plough. 


10  UlSTOin     JF    THE    CnUSABES. 

the  castie.  From  that  time  the  knii^hts  of  the  1  »ro  trdera 
never  met  witliout  provoking  eaeh  otlier  to  the  couibat, 
most  of  the  Franks  and  Christians  always  talcing  a  part  in 
the  quarrel,  some  for  the  order  of  St.  John,  others  for  that 
of  the  Temple.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  and  tlie  rnost  pru- 
dent of  the  barons  made  many  useless  attempts  to  restore 
peace  ;  and  several  Christian  princes  endeavoured  in  vain  to 
reconcile  the  two  rival  orders.  The  pope  himself  had  much 
difficult}'  in  getting  his  sacred  mediation  to  be  accepted  ;  and 
it  was  only  after  long  debates  that  the  Holy  See,  sometimes 
armed  with  evangelical  thunders,  sometimes  employing  the 
paternal  language  of  the  head  of  the  Church,  terminated,  by 
its  wisdom  and  supreme  ascendancy,  a  contest  which  the 
knights  themselves  would  have  preferred  deciding  with 
erjord  and  lance. 

During  these  fatal  divisions  none  thought  of  defending 
wheniselves  against  the  general  enemy,  the  Saracens.  One 
I  f  the  most  melancholy  consequences  of  the  spirit  of  faction 
i\,  t  hat  it  always  leads  to  a  lamentable  iudifterence  for  the 
coAi.non  cause.  The  more  violently  the  parties  attacked 
each  other,  the  less  perception  they  seemed  to  have  of  the 
daiif;(  rs  that  threatened  the  Christian  colonies  ;  neither  the 
knign  :s  of  the  Temple  or  of  St.  John,  nor  the  Christians  of 
Anciorh  or  Ptolemais,  ever  thought  of  asking  for  succour 
again? c  the  infidels;  and  history  does  not  say  that  one  per- 
son wa.H  sent  from  the  East  to  make  Europe  aware  of  the 
griefs  i-f  Sion. 

The  situation  of  the  Christians  in  Palestine  was  besides  so 
uncertain  and  perilous,  that  the  wisest  could  form  no  idea  of 
coming  events,  or  dare  to  adopt  a  resolution.  If  they 
appealed  afresh  to  the  warriors  of  the  West,  they  broke  the 
truce  made  with  Saladio,  and  exposed  themselves  to  all  the 
resentment  of  the  infidels ;  if  they  respected  treaties,  the 
truce  might  be  broken  by  the  Mussulmans,  ever  ready  to 
profit  by  the  calamities  which  fell  upon  the  Christians.  *  In 
this  state  of  things,  it  appeared  difficult  to  foresee  a  new 
cra.-'ade,  which  was  neither  called  for  by  the  wishes  of  the 
Christians  of  Asia,  nor  promoted  by  the  interests  of  Europe. 
In  fact,  when  we  cast  our  eyes  over  the  Christian  colonies 
of  the  East,  as  they  are  described  to  us  in  these  unhapj)} 
times,  and  see  the  spirit  of  ambition  and  discord  dispkcing 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CUUSABIS,  11 

m  all  hearts  tlie  holy  spirit  of  tlie  Gospel,  we  cannot  wondei 
that  Christendom  took  so  little  interest  in  their  fate.  Again, 
wlien  contemi)orarv  history  represents  to  us  these  colonies  a 
prey  to  license  and  division,  and  destitute  of  everything  that 
could  render  them  flourishing,  we  caii  scarcely  believe  that 
the  West  was  again  lilvely  to  lavish  its  wealth  and  its  blood 
to  support  and  defend  tliem.  But  the  great  name  of  Jeru- 
ea'-em  still  produced  a  powerfiJ  effect  upon  the  minds  of  aU  ; 
the  remembrance  of  the  first  crusade  still  aroused  the  enthu- 
siasm of  Christians  ;  and  the  veneration  for  the  holy  places, 
which  appeared  to  grow  weaker  in  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
itself,  was  yet  cherished  beyond  the  seas  and  in  the  principal 
countries  of  the  West. 

Celestine  III.  had,  by  his  exhortations,  encouraged  the 
warriors  of  the  third  crusade  ;  and,  at  the  age  of  ninety, 
pursued  with  zeal  all  the  projects  of  his  predecessors ; 
ardently  wisliing  that  the  last  days  of  his  pontificate  should 
be  illustrated  by  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  After  the 
return  of  Eichard,  the  news  of  the  death  of  Saladin  had 
spread  joy  throughout  the  AVest,  and  revived  the  hopes  of 
tlie  Christians.  Celestine  wrote  to  all  the  faithfid  to  inform 
them  that  the  most  formidable  enemy  of  Christendom  had 
ceased  to  live ;  and,  without  regarding  the  truce  made  by 
Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion,  he  ordered  his  bishops  and  arch- 
bishops to  preach  a  new  crusade  in  their  dioceses.*  The 
sovereign  pontiff'  promised  all  who  would  take  the  cross  the 
same  privileges  and  tlie  same  advantages  as  in  the  preceding 
crusades.  The  profanation  of  the  holy  places  ;  the  oppression 
under  which  the  faithful  of  the  East  groaned ;  the  ever- 
increasing  insolence  and  audacity  of  the  Saracens — such  were 
the  motives  by  which  he  supported  his  holy  exhortations. 
He  addressed  himself  particularly  to  the  bishops  of  England, 
and  commanded  them  to  use  every  persvia&ion  to  induce 
Eichard  again  to  take  up  arms  against  the  infidels. 

Eichard,  although  returned,  had  never  laid  aside  the  cross, 

*  We  possess  two  letters  written  by  Celestine  to  Hubert,  arclibislio])  o( 
Canterbury,  to  engage  hiui  to  preach  the  crusade.  The  pope  commands 
the  aiciibishop  to  employ  ecclesiastical  censures  against  those  who,  after 
taking  the  cross,  delayed  their  departure  for  the  Holy  Land;  and  to  re- 
quire such  as  could  not  possibly  set  out,  to  send,  at  their  own  expeusCj 
one  or  two  men   o  fight  against  the  infidels. 


12  HISTORT    OE   THE    CHUSA  tZB. 

the  syi  bol  of  pilgrimage  ;  and  it  might  be  supposed  he  still 
intended  to  repair  again  to  the  Holy  Land ;  but,  scarcely 
escaped  from  an  unjust  captivity,  taught  by  his  own  experi- 
ence how  great  were  the  difficulties  and  perils  of  a  distant 
enterprise,  his  thoughts  and  time  were  engrossed  by  Lis 
endeavours  to  remedy  his  losses,  to  defend  or  aggrandize  his 
states,  and  to  be  on  his  guard  against  the  insidious  attempts 
of  Philip  Augustus.  His  knights  and  barons,  whom  he 
himself  exhorted  to  resume  the  cross,  professed,  as  he  did,  a 
w^arm  devotion  for  the  cause  of  Jerusalem  ;  but  they  could 
not  make-up  their  minds  to  return  to  a  country  which  had 
been  to  them  a  place  of  suffering  and  exile. 

Although  the  appearance  of  the  preachers  of  the  crusade 
everywhere  inspired  respect,  they  had  no  better  success  in 
France,  where,  only  a  few  years  before,  a  hundred  thousand 
warriors  had  been  roused  by  the  summons  to  defend  the  holy 
places.  If  the  fear  of  the  enterprises  of  Philip  was  sufficient 
to  detain  Richard  in  the  West,  the  dread  of  the  vindictive 
and  jealous  disposition  of  Richard  exercised  the  same  influ- 
ence over  Philip.  The  greater  number  of  his  knights  and 
nobles  followed  his  example,  and  contented  themselves  with 
shedding  tears  over  the  fate  of  Jerusalem.  The  enthusiasm 
for  the  crusade  was  communicated  to  only  a  small  number  of 
warriors,  amongst  whom  history  names  the  count  de  Mont- 
fort,  who  afterwards  conducted  the  cruel  war  against  the 
jAlbigeois. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  crusades,  Glermany  had 
iiever  ceased  to  send  its  wai-riors  to  the  defence  of  the  Holy 
Land.  It  deplored  the  recent  loss  of  its  armies,  destroyed 
or  dispersed  iu  Asia  Minor,  and  the  death  of  the  Em[!eror 
Frederick,  who  had  gained  nothing  but  a  grave  in  the  plains 
of  the  East ;  but  the  remembrance  of  so  great  a  disaster  did 
-lot  extinguish  in  all  hearts  the  zeal  for  the  cause  of  Jeru- 
salem. Henry  VI.,  who  occupied  the  imperial  throne,  had 
tiot  partaken,  as  the  kings  of  France  and  England  had,  the 
perils  and  reverses  of  the  last  expedition.  Unpleasant 
remembrances  or  fears  of  his  enemies  in  Europe  coidd  have 
no  effect  iu  preventing  him  from  joining  in  a  new  enterprise, 
or  deter  him  from  a  holy  pilgrimage  which  so  many  illus- 
trious examples  seemed  to  point  out  as  a  sacred  duty. 

Although   tl  is  prince  had  been  excommunicated  by  the 


HISTOSY    OF    THE    CEUSAUES.  13 

iloly  8ee,  only  the  preceding  year,  the  Pope  sent  an  embassy 
to  him,  charged  with  the  duty  of  recalhng  to  his  mind  the 
example  of  his  father  Frederick,  and  urging  him  to  assume 
the  cross.  Henry,  who  sought  every  occasion  to  conciliate 
the  head  of  the  Church,  and  who  likewise  entertained  vast 
projects  in  which  a  new  crusade  might  be  very  serviceable, 
received  the  envoy  of  Celestine  with  great  honours. 

Of  all  the  princes  of  the  middle  ages,  no  one  evinced  more 
ambition  than  Henry  VI.  ;  his  imagination,  say  historians, 
was  tilled  with  the  glory  of  the  Caesars,  and  he  wished  to  be 
able  to  say  with  Alexander,  all  that  my  desires  can  embrace 
belongs  to  me.  Tancred,  a  natural  son  of  AVilliam  II.,  king 
of  Sicdy,  chosen  by  the  Sicilian  nobility  to  succeed  his 
father,  was  recently  deceased  ;  and  the  emperor,  who  had 
espoused  Constance,  tlie  heiress  of  a  throne  founded  by 
Norman  Crusaders,  and  desirous  of  establishing  his  claims, 
judged  that  the  time  was  come  to  carry  out  his  designs  and 
achieve  his  conquests.  The  expedition  of  which  the  Holy 
See  desired  him  to  be  the  leader,  was  exceedingly  favourable 
to  his  ambitious  projects ;  when,  promising  to  defend  Jeru- 
salem, he  only  tliought  of  the  conquest  of  Sicily ;  and  the 
conquest  of  Sicily  liad  no  value  in  his  estimation  but  as 
opening  the  road  to  Greece  and  Constantinople.*  At  the 
same  time  that  he  professed  entire  submission  to  the  will  ol 
the  head  of  the  Church,  he  endeavoured  to  form  an  alliance 
with  therepubhcs  of  Genoa  and  Venice,  promising  them  the 
spoils  of  the  conquered  ;  but  in  his  mind  he  nourished  the 
hope  that  he  should  one  day  overthrow  the  Italian  republics 
and  lower  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  and  upon  their 
remains  revive,  for  himself  and  his  family,  the  empire  of 
Augustus  and  Constantino. 

Such  was  the  prince  to  whom  Celestine  sent  an  embassy, 
and  whom  he  wished  to  persuade  into  a  holy  war.  Ai'ter 
having  announced  his  intention  of  taking  the  cross-,  Henry 
convoked  a  general  diet  at  Worms,  in  wMch  he  himself 
exhorted  the  faithful  to  take  up  arms  for  the  defence  of 
the  holy  places.     Since  Louis  VII.,  king  of  France,  who 

*  This  reminds  us  of  the  plans  of  conquest  laid  down  by  Pyrrhus, 
king  of  Epiriis, — and  of  the  traveller,  who  intended  to  perambulate  the 
globe, — that  he  might,  at  the  end  of  his  wandeiir.gs,  plant  cabbages  in 
Hunoner. — Trans. 


I4t  HISTORY    or    THE    CRcSADES. 

harangued  liis  subjects  to  induce  them  to  joii;  in  the  crusade 
Henry  was  the  only  monarch  that  had  mingled  his  voic«. 
with  that  of  the  preachers  of  the  holy  war,  to  make  his  sub 
jects  acquainted  with  the  sufterings  and  complaints  of  tht. 
Church  of  Jerusalem.  His  eloquence,  celebrated  by  tho 
historians  of  his  time,  but  a'jove  all,  the  spectacle  presented 
of  a  great  emperor  himself  preaching  a  hoiy  war  against  the 
iniidels,  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the  multitude  of 
his  auditors.*  After  this  solemn  address,  the  most  illus- 
trious of  the  prelates  assembled  at  AVorms  ascended  the 
evangelical  pulpit  to  keep  up  the  rapidly  increasing  en- 
thusiasm of  the  faithful ;  during  eight  hours  nothing  was 
heard  but  the  groans  of  fSion  and  the  city  of  God.  Henry, 
surrounded  by  his  court,  assumed  the  symbol  of  the  Cru- 
saders ;  a  great  number  of  German  nobles  followed  his 
example,  some  to  please  God,  a?id  others  to  please  the  em- 
peror. Among  those  who  took  the  oath  to  combat  the 
Saracens,  history  names  Henry  duke  of  Saxony;  Otho  riiar- 
quis  of  Brandenburgh  ;  Henry  count  palatine  of  the  Rhine  ; 
Herman  landgrave  of  Thuringia ;  Henry  duke  of  Bi'abant  • 
Albert  count  of  xlpsburg;  Adolphus  count  of  Schwembui'g ; 
Henry  count  of  Pappenhein,  marshal  of  the  empire  ;  the  duke 
of  Bavaria;  Frederick,  son  of  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria; 
Conrad  marquis  of  Moravia;  Valeran  de  Limbourg ;  and 
the  bishops  of  Yv'^urtzburg,  Bremen,  Verdun,  Habbastadt, 
Passau,  and  Katisbon.f 

The  crusade  was  preached  in  all  the  provinces  of  Ger- 
many, and  the  letters  of  the  emperor  and  the  pope  kindled 
the  zeal  of  the  Christian  warriors  everywhere ;  never  had  an 
enterprise  against  the  infidels  been  undertaken  under  more 
favourable  auspices.  As  Germany  undertook  the  crusade 
almost  singly,  the  glory  of  the  German  nations  seemed  as 
much  interested  in  this  war  as  religion  itself.     Henry  \\as 

*  All  the  facts  relative  to  the  ^reaching  of  this  crusade  are  to  be  found 
in  Roger  do  Hoveden,  Mntthew  Pans,  Godfrey  Moine,  William  of  New- 
bridge,  Otho  of  St.  Blaise,  and  Arnold  of  Luljeck.  The  latter  gives  the 
most  details  ;  he  doi-s  not  fail  to  tell  us  that  forty  burgesses  of  Lubeck 
took  tlie  cross  on  tliis  orc^'sion. 

t  The  long  lists  of  ,he  names  and  titles  of  the  Crusaders  may  at  first 
appear  tiresome  to  the  reader ;  but  us  each  name  re]:resents  a  territory  o* 
an  e>tate.  tfie  lists  are,  in  fact,  Hie  b;-st  means  of  becoming  tiioroughly 
ar,quainl--!!)    'ith  the  extent  of  this  asConishiiig  mania. — Trans. 


HTSTOR?    Oi"    THE    CKUSAUES.  15 

to  command  the  holy  expedition ;  and  the  Crusaders,  full  of 
confidence  and  hope,  were  preparing  to  follow  him  to  the 
East.  But  Heury  entertained  other  views  ;  several  nobles 
of  his  court,  some  who  penetrated  his  secret  designs,  and 
others  who  believed  they  offered  him  prudent  advice,  con- 
jured him  to  remain  in  the  West,  and  direct  the  crusade 
irom  the  bosom  of  his  dominions ;  and  Henry,  after  a  sligh 
resistance,  yielded  to  their  prayers,  and  gave  his  whole 
attention  to  the  hastening  of  the  departure  of  the  Cru- 
saders. 

The  emperor  of  Germany  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
forty  thousand  men  and  took  the  route  for  Italy,  where 
evervthing  was  prepared  for  the  conquest  of  Sicily ;  the 
remainder  of  the  Crusaders  were  divided  into  two  armies, 
which,  proceeding  by  diiferent  roads,  were  to  meet  in  Syria. 
The  first,  commanded  by  the  duke  of  Saxony  and  the  duke 
of  Brabant,  embai-ked  at  ports  of  the  German  Ocean  and 
the  Baltic ;  the  second  crossed  the  Danube,  and  directed  its 
march  towards  Constantinople,  whence  the  fleet  of  the 
Greek  emperor  Isaac  was  to  transport  it  to  Ptolemais.  To 
this  army,  commanded  by  the  archbishop  of  Mayence  and 
Valeran  de  Limbourg,  were  joined  the  Hungarians,  wlio 
accompanied  their  queen  Margaret,  sister  to  Philip  Augustus. 
The  queen  of  Hvmgary,  after  having  lost  Bela  her  husband, 
had  made  a  vow  to  live  only  for  Christ,  and  to  end  her  days 
i;i  the  Holy  Land. 

The  Crusaders  under  the  command  of  the  archbishop  of 
Mayence  and  Valeran  de  Limbourg,  were  the  first  to  arrive 
in  Palestine.  Scarcely  were  they  landed  when  they  ex- 
pressed their  desire  and  resolution  to  begin  the  war  against 
the  infidels.  The  Christians,  who  were  then  at  peace  with 
the  Saracens,  hesitated  to  break  the  truce  signed  by  Eichard, 
and  were,  further,  unwilling  to  give  the  signal  for  hostilities 
before  they  could  open  the  campaign  with  some  hopes  of 
success.  Henry  of  Champagne  and  the  barons  of  Palestine 
represented  to  the  German  Crusaders  the  danger  to  which 
an  imprudent  rupture  would  expose  the  Christians  of  the 
East,  and  conjured  them  to  wait  for  the  army  of  the  dukes 
of  Saxony  and  Brabant.  But  the  Germans,  full  of  con- 
fidence in  then  ovn  strength,  were  indignant  at  having 
obstacles  thrown  in  .he  way  of  their  valour  by  vain  scruples 


16  HISTORY    OF    THE    CUUSA0E8. 

and  chimerical  alarms ;  they  wore  astonished  that  the  Chris- 
tians ol"  Palestine  should  thus  refuse  the  assistance  sent  tc 
them  by  Providence  itself,  and  added,  in  a  tone  of  anger  and 
contempt,  that  warriors  of  the  West  were  not  accustomed 
to  defer  the  hour  of  battle,  and  that  the  pope  had  not  in^ 
duced  them  to  talie  up  arms  and  the  cross  to  remani  in  i 
state  of  shameful  inactivity.  The  barons  and  knights  of  tht 
Holy  Land  could  not  listen  to  such  injurious  speeches  with- 
out indignation,  and  replied  to  the  German  Crusaders  that 
they  had  neither  solicited  nor  wished  for  their  arrival ;  that 
they  were  better  acquainted  than  the  northern  warriors  ol 
Europe  with  what  was  ad'.antageous  to  the  kingdom  ol 
Jerusalem ;  that  they  had  without  any  foreign  succour 
braved  the  greatest  perils,  and  that  when  the  proper  mo- 
ment should  arrive  they  knew  how  to  prove  their  valour 
otherwise  than  by  words.  Amidst  such  warm  debates  the 
minds  of  both  parties  became  daily  more  exasperated,  and 
the  most  cruel  discord  thus  prevailed  among  the  Christians 
before  war  was  declared  against  the  infidels. 

All  at  once  the  Grerraan  Crusaders  marched  out  in  arms 
from  Ptolemais,  and  commenced  hostilities  by  ravaging  the 
lands  of  the  Saracens.  At  the  first  signal  of  war  the  Mus- 
sulmans gathered  together  their  forces ;  and  the  danger  that 
threatened  them  putting  an  end  to  tlieir  discord,  from  the 
banks  of  the  JSile  and  from  the  remotest  parts  of  Syria 
crowded  ho&zs  of  warriors  but  lately  armed  against  each- 
other,  but  who  now,  assembled  unJer  the  same  banners, 
acknowledged  no  other  enemies  but  the  Christians. 

Malek-Adel,  towards  whom  all  Mussulmans  turned  their 
eyes  when  the  defence  of  Islamism  was  the  question,  marched 
from  Damascus  at  the  head  of  an  army  and  repaired  to  Jeru- 
salem, where  all  the  emirs  of  the  adjoining  provinces  came 
to  lake  his  orders.  The  Mussulman  army,  after  dispersing 
the  Christians  who  had  advanced  towards  the  mountains  oi 
Kaplouse,  laid  siege  to  Jatfa. 

In  the  third  crusade  much  importance  had  been  attached 
to  the  coiiservation  of  this  city.  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  had 
fortified  it  at  great  expense,  and  when  that  prince  returned 
to  Europe  he  left  a  numerous  garrison  in  it.  Of  all  the 
maritime  places,  Jaffa  was  nearest  to  the  city  which  waa 
the  rbiect  of  the  wishi^s  of  the  faithful ;  if  it  remained  in 


HISTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  1 

the  hands  of  the  Christians,  a  road  was  always  open  for  them 
to  Jerusalem,  and  the  means  of  laying  siege  to  that  place 
were  rendered  more  easy;  but  if  it  fell  into  the  power  of  the 
Mussulmans,  it  gave  them  proportionate  advantages  for  the 
defence  of  the  holy  city. 

AVhen  it  was  known  at  Ptolemais  that  the  city  of  Jaffa 
was  threatened.  Henry  ol"  Champagne,  with  his  barons  and 
knights,  immediately  took  arms  to  defend  it,  and  joined  the 
German  Crusaders,  giving  all  their  energies  to  the  prosecu- 
tion of  a  war  which  tliey  found  covdd  now  no  longer  be 
deferred  or  avoided.  The  three  military  orders,  with  the 
troops  of  the  kingdom,  were  about  to  set  forward  on  their 
march,  when  a  tragical  accident  once  more  plunged  the 
Christians  in  grief,  and  retarded  the  effects  of  the  happy 
harmony  which  had  been  re-established  at  the  ap])roach  of 
peril.  Henry  of  Champagne,  leaning  against  a  window  of 
his  palace,  at  which  he  had  placed  himself  to  see  his  army 
defile  from  the  city,  the  window  all  at  once  gave  way,  and 
in  its  fall  precipitated  him  with  it.*  The  unfortunate  ])rince 
expired  in  sight  of  his  soldiers,  who,  instead  of  followhig 
him  to  battle,  accompanied  him  to  his  grave,  and  lost  several 
days  in  celebrating  his  funeral  obsequies.  The  Cliristians  of 
Ptolemais  were  still  weeping  the  death  of  their  king,  when 
the  misfortuve  they  dreaded  increased  their  grief  and  con- 
sternation ;  the  garrison  of  Jaffa  having  attempted  a  sortie, 
had  fallen  into  an  ambuscade,  and  all  the  warriors  that  com- 
posed it  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  The  Mus- 
sulmans entered  the  city  almost  without  resistance,  and 
twenty  thousand  Christians  were  put  to  the  sword. 

These  disasters  had  been  foreseen  by  all  who  had  di-eaded 
the  breaking  of  the  truce  ;  but  the  barons  and  knights  of 
Palestine  lost  no  time  in  vain  regrets,  or  in  the  utterance  of 
useless  complaints,  and  looked  with  eager  impatience  for  the 
arrival  of  the  Crusaders  who  had  set  out  from  the  ports  of 
the  Ocean  and  the  Baltic      These  troops  had  stopped  on  the 

*  Roger  de  Hoveden  gives  this  account  of  the  death  of  Henry  of 
Chan.pagne.  Arnold  of  Lubeck  says  that  this  prince  had  placed  himself 
at  a  window  to  take  the  air.  The  same  Arnold  adds  that  many  thought 
that  God  hiul  punished  Henry  for  the  legret  he  had  evinced  on  the  arrival 
iif  tlie  Germans,  whom  he  envied  the  glory  of  delivering  the  kingdom  oi 
Chiist. 

Vol.  II.— 2 


18  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES, 

coast  of  Portugal,  where  they  had  defeated  the  Moors,  and 
taken  from  theiii  the  city  of  yilves.  Proud  of  their  triumph 
over  tlie  infidels,  they  landed  at  Ptolema'is  at  the  moment 
the  people  were  lamenting  the  loss  of  .Tatiii  and  crowding  to 
the  churches  to  implore  the  mercy  of  Heaven. 

The  arrival  of  the  new  Crusaders  restored  ho])e  and  joy 
to  the  Christians,  and  they  resolved  to  Igse  no  time,  but  to 
inarch  at  once  against  the  iniidels.  The  army  left  Ptolema'is 
and  advanced  towards  the  coast  of  Syria,  whilst  a  nume- 
rous fleet  kept  along  shore,  loaded  with  provisions  and 
warlike  stores.  Tlr?  Crusaders,  without  seeking  the  army 
of  Malek-Adel,  lairf  siege  to  Berytus. 

The  city  of  Berytus,  at  an  equal  distance  between  Jeru- 
salem and  Tripoli,  by  the  commodiousness  of  its  port,  its 
large  population,  and  its  commerce,  had  become  the  rival  of 
Ptolema'is  and  Tyre.  The  JNlussulman  provinces  of  Syria 
acknowledged  it  as  their  capital,  and  it  was  in  Berytus  that 
the  emire,  who  contended  for  the  lordship  of  the  neighbour- 
ing cities,  came  to  display  the  pomp  of  their  coronations. 
After  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  Saladin  was  here  saluted 
sovereign  of  the  city  of  God,  and  crowned  sultan  of  Da- 
mascus and  Cairo.  The  pirates,  who  infested  the  seas, 
brought  to  this  city  all  the  spoils  of  the  Chi-istians ;  the 
Mussulman  warriors  there  deposited  the  riches  acquired  by 
conquest  or  brigandage  ;  and  the  Frank  captives,  made  in 
late  wars,  were  crowded  togetlier  in  the  prisons  of  Berytus ; 
so  that  the  Christians  had  pow  erl'ul  motives  for  endeavouring 
to  get  possession  of  this  ])lace,  and  the  Mussulmans  had  no 
less  urgent  ones  for  defending  it. 

IMalek-Adel,  after  having  destroyed  the  fortifications  of 
Jaifii,  advanced  with  his  army  as  far  as  the  moa"  tains  of 
Anti-Iiibanus,  on  the  route  to  Damascus;  but  on  hearing 
of  the  march  and  determination  of  the  Crusaders,  he  crossed 
the  mountains  on  his  left,  and  drew  near  to  the  coast :  the 
two  armies  met  on  the  plain  watered  by  the  river  Ele.  thera, 
between  Tyre  and  Sidon.  The  tr\unpets  soon  sounded  to 
battle  ;  the  army  of  the  Saracens,  which  covered  an  immense 
space,  endeavoured  at  first  to  surrc  nid  the  Pranks,  and 
then  to  get  between  them  and  th(>  coast ;  their  cavalry  pre- 
cipitated itself  b}  turns  on  the  (laid<s,  the  van,  and  the  rear 
of  the  Christians      The  Christians   closed  their  battalions 


HISTORY    OF    T1[E    CRUSADES.  19 

and  on  all  sides  presented  impenetrable  ranks.  AVliilst  tlieir 
enemies  showered  arrows  and  darts  upon  them,  their  lances 
and  swords  were  bathed  in  the  blood  of  the  Saracens.  They 
fought  with  different  arms,  but  with  the  same  bravery  and 
furv.  Tlie  victory  remained  for  a  long  time  uncertain  ;  the 
Christians  were  several  times  on  tlie  point  of  losing  the 
battle ;  but  their  obstinate  valour  at  length  triumphed  over 
all  the  resistance  of  the  Mussulmans,  and  the  sea-coast,  the 
banks  of  the  river  Eleuthera,  aud  the  declivities  of  the 
mountains  were  covered  with  dead.  The  Saracens  lost  a 
great  many  of  their  emir?.  Malek-Adel,  who  displayed, 
during  the  whole  of  this  day,  the  skill  of  a  great  captain, 
was  wounded  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  only  owed  his  safety 
to  flight.  All  his  army  was  dispersed ;  some  fled  towards 
Jerusalem,  whilst  others  hurried  along  the  road  to  Da^ 
mascus,  whither  the  news  of  this  bloody  defeat  carried 
consternation  and  despair.* 

In  consequence  of  this  victory,  all  the  cities  on  the  coast 
of  Syria,  which  still  belonged  to  the  Mussulmans,  fell  into 
the  power  of  the  Chi'istians  ;  the  Saracens  abandoned  Sidon, 
Laodicea,  and  Giblet.  When  the  Christian  fleet  aiul  army 
appeared  before  Berytus,  the  garrison  was  surprised,  and 
did  not  venture  to  offer  any  resistance.  This  city  contained, 
say  historians,  more  provisions  than  would  have  sufficed 
for  the  inhabitants  during  three  years ;  two  large  vessels, 
add  the  same  chronicles,  could  not  have  contained  the  bows' 
arrows,  and  machines  of  war  that  were  found  in  the  city  of 
Berytus.  In  this  conquest  immense  riches  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors,  but  the  most  precious  reward  of  their 
triumph  doubtless  was  the  deliverance  of  nine  thousand 
captives,  impatient  to  resume  their  arms,  and  avenge  the 
outrages  of  their  long  captivity.  The  prince  of  Antioch, 
who  had  joined  the  Christian  army,  sent  a  dovef  to   his 

*  We  possess  a  very  precious  monument  upon  the  battle  of  Sidon  ;  it 
is  a  letter  from  the  duke  of  Saxony,  written  to  the  archbishop  of  Cologne. 
The  duke  was  present  at  the  battle. 

t  Arnold,  who  gives  an  account  of  this  message  of  the  dove,  appears 
to  fear  that  it  will  not;  be  believed.  This  is  the  manner  in  which  he  ex- 
presses himself  in  the  third  chapter: — Hie  quiddam  dicturus  sum  miu 
ridiculum,  sed  ridicule  a  gentibus  tractum,  qui  quimiim  sapientiores  hhis 
lucis  in  gerieraiione  suil  sunt,  multa  excogitant,  quae  nostrates  non  nove- 
nat,  nisi  forte  ab  eis   didiceriiit.     Solent  eiiim    ey  untes  ad  quielibet 


20  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUisADES. 

capital  to  announce  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  principality 
the  miraculous  victory  gained  by  the  soldiers  of  the  cross. 
In  all  the  Christian  cities  thanks  were  offered  up  to  the 
Grod  of  armies.  The  historians,  who  have  transmitted  to  us 
the  account  of  these  glorious  events,  in  order  to  paint  tha 
transports  of  the  Christian  people,  content  themselves  with 
repeating  these  words  of  holy  writ :  "  Then  Sion  leaped  with 
joy,  and  the  children  of  Judah  were  filled  with,  delifjhty 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  were  tluis  pursuing  their  triumphs 
in  Svria,  the  emperor  Henry  \1.  took  advantage  of  all  the 
means  and  all  the  powers  tliat  the  crusade  had  placed  in  his 
hands,  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and 
Sicih'.  Altliough,  in  tiie  course  of  liis  victories,  he  unceasingly 
invoked  religion,  humanity,  and  justice,  he  only  listened  to 
the  dictates  of  his  ambition  ;  and,  tormented  by  the  sentiment 
of  an  implacable  revenge,  he  was  neither  touched  by  the 
miserv  of  the  conquered,  nor  the  submission  of  liis  enemies. 
All  wno  had  shown  any  respect  or  any  fidelity  for  the  family 
of  Tancred,  were  cast  by  his  orders  into  dungeons,  or 
perished  in  horrible  tortures,  which  he  himself  had  iuvented. 
The  army  he  led  but  too  well  seconded  his  gloomy  and 
savage  policy ;  the  peace  which  the  conqvierors  boasted  of 
having  restored  to  the  people  of  Sicily,  caused  them  more 
evils,  and  made  more  victims  than  war  itself.  Falcandus, 
who  died  some  years  before  this  expedition,  had  deplored 
beforehand,  in  his  histcy,  the  misfortunes  that  were  about 
to  desolate  his  country.  He  already  saw  the  most  flourish- 
ing cities  and  the  rich  country  of  Sicily  laid  waste  by  the 
irruption  of  the  barbarians.  "  Oh  !  unfortunate  Sicilians," 
cried  he,  "  it  would  be  less  frightful  for  you  still  to  endure 
the  tyrants  of  old  Syracuse,  than  to  live  under  the  empire 
of  this  savage  nation,  which  advances  to  invade  your  terri- 
tory, and  plunge  you  into  all  the  horrors  of  misery  and 
slavery."  * 

negotia  secum  exportare  columbas,  quae  domi  aut  ova  aut  pullos  noviter 
habent  creates,  et  si  in  via  forte  airelerare  volunt  iiuncium,  scriptas  literas 
sub  unibilicD  coluiiibie  siibtiUter  poiiunt,  et  earn  avoiare  perniittunt. 
Qute  cum  ad  suos  foetus  properat,  celeriter  amicis  desideratum  nu  iciuni 
apportat. 

*  Tlie  picture  of  Falcandus  is  perfectly  prophetic,  and  describes  events 
exactly  like  those  whicii  caine  after  him.  WV  will  (|uote  the  most  curious 
passages  : — Intueri  mihi  jam  videor  turbulentas  barbarorum  acies,  eo  ^\\\9 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  21 

Nevertheless,  these  pitiless  soldiers  wore  the  crosses  of 
pilgrims ;  and  their  emperor,  although  not  yet  relieved 
from  his  excommunication,  arrogated  to  himself  glory  as  the 
first  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  Heniy  YI.  was  considered 
as  the  head  of  the  crusade,  and  supreme  arbiter  of  the 
affairs  of  the  East.  The  king  of  Cyprus  offered  to  become 
his  vassal ;  Livon,  prince  of  Armenia,  begged  the  title  of 
king  of  him.  The  emperor  of  Germany  having  no  more 
enemies  to  dread  in  the  AVest,  gave  his  whole  attention 
to  the  war  against  the  Saracens,  and,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  all  the  nobles,  magistrates,  and  bishops  of  his  empire, 
exhorted  them  to  hasten  the  departure  of  the  Crusaders. 
The  emperor  undertook  to  keep  up  an  army  of  fifty  thou- 
sand men  for  one  year,  and  j^romis^d  to  pay  thirty  ounces  of 
gold  to  every  one  that  should  remain  under  his  banners  till 
the  end  of  the  holy  war.  A  great  number  of  warriors, 
seduced  by  this  promise,  entered  into  an  engagement  to 
cross  the  sea,  and  fight  against  the  infidels.  Henry  had  no 
further  need  of  them  for  his  own  conquests,  and  therefore 
pressed  their  departure  for  the  East.     Conrad,  bishop  of 

feruntur  impetu  irruentes,  civitates  opulentas  et  loca  diuturna  pace  florentia 
metu  concutere,  caede  vastare,  rapinis  atterere,  et  foedare  lu.xuria.  Ingerit 
se  mihi,  et  lachryinas  a  nolente  futurae  species  calamitatis  extorquet. 
Ocrurrunt  hinc  cives  aut  resistendo  gladiis  iiitercepti,  aut  se  dedendo 
misera  servitute  depress!.  lUinc  virgines  in  ipsis  parentuni  conspectibus 
constupratae  :  matronse  post  varia  et  preciosa  capitis,  colli,  et  jiectoris 
ornameiita  direpta,  ludibrio  habitse  et  defixis  in  terra  oculis  inconsola- 
biliter  deplorantes,  venerabile  foedus  conjugii  foedissimse  gentis  libidine 
violari.  Nee  enim  aut  rationis  orJine  regi,  aut  miseratione  deflecti.  aut 
religione  terreri  Theutonica  novit  insania,  quam  et  iniiatus  furor  exagitat, 
ct  rapacitas  stiniulat,  et  libido  (irsecipitat.  Hsec  autem  in  Apulia  vici- 
nisque  provinciis  geri,  iici-t  horrendum  ac  triste  sit  facinus,  et  niulto  cum 
mcerore  deflenduin,  utcunque  tamen  tolerabile  putaretur,  si  in  cisj)harinis 
tantum  partibus  barbarorum  immaiiitas  desEeviret.  Servire  baibaris 
jam  cogetur  antiqua  ilia  Coritithiorum  nobilitas  qui  patriis  olim  reiictis 
sedibus,  in  Siciliani  transuentes,  et  urbi  construendae  locum  idoneum 
perquirentes,  tandem  in  optima  et  pulcherrima  parte  Siciiiae  inter  in- 
aquales  portns  moenia  sua  loc^o  tutissimo  coiistruxeiunt.  Quid  tibi  nunc 
prodest  pliilosophorutn  i|Uondam  floruisse  doctiinis.  et  po'-taruni  ora 
vatifici  fontis  nectare  proluis.se  ?  satiiis  tibi  quidem  esset  ac  tutms,  Sicu- 
lorum  adhuc  tyrannorum  saevitiam  pati,  quam  barbarse  foedaeque  gentis 
tyrannidem  experiri.  Vae  tibi  fons  Celebris  et  praeclai'i  nominis  Arethusa, 
:[uae  ad  banc  devoluta  est.  miseriam,  ut  quae  poetar.im  soiebas  carmina 
modnlari,  nunc  Theutonicorum  ebrietatem  mitiges,  et  eor-m  serviai 
foeditati. — See  Historia  Sicvla,  ap.  Muratori,  vol.  vii. 


22  HISTORT   OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

Hildesheim,  chancellor  of  the  empire,  wliose  counsels  in  toe 
wars  of  Sicily  had  but  too  well  aided  the  ambition  and  bar- 
barous policy  of  his  master,  was  charged  w^th  the  ia-sk  of 
leading  the  third  army  of  the  Crusaders  into  Syria. 

The  arrival  of  so  powerful  a  reinforcement  in  Palestine 
rekindled  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  of  the  Christians,  and  it 
might  bo  expected  that  they  would  signalize  their  arms  by 
some  great  enterprise.  The  victory  they  had  recently  gaiu'^'d 
in  the  plains  of  Tyre,  the  taking  of  Berytus,  Sidon,  and 
Giblet,  had  struck  the' Mussulmans  with  terror.  Some  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  proposed  to  march  against 
Jerusalem.  "  That  city,"  said  they,  "  cannot  resist  our 
victorious  arms ;  her  governor  is  a  nephew  of  Saladin,  who 
endures  with  impatience  the  authority  of  the  sultan  of 
Damascus,  and  has  often  appeared  disposed  to  listen  to  the 
propositions*  of  the  Christians."  Most  of  the  barons  did 
not,  liowever,  partake  in  this  hope,  and  placed  no  confidence 
in  the  words  of  the  Mussulmans.  It  was  well  known  that 
the  infidels,  after  the  departure  of  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion, 
had  very  considerably  augmented  the  fortifications  of  Jeru- 
salem ;t  that  a  triple  wall,  and  ditches  of  great  depth,  must 
render  this  conquest  more  perilous,  and  particularly  more 
difficult,  than  in  the  time  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon.  Winter 
was  approaching  ;  the  Christian  army  might  be  overtaken  by 
the  rainy  season,  and  forced  to  raise  the  siege  in  face  of  the 
army  of  the  Saracens.  These  considerations  determined  the 
Crusaders  to  put  ofi*  the  attack  of  the  holy  city  to  the 
following  year. 

It  is  not  impertinent  to  remark  here,  that  in  the  Chris- 
tian armies  tliey  were  constantly  talking  about  Jerusalem, 

*  Rotrer  de  Ilovcden  says  that  the  Mussulman  prince  of  Jerusalem 
had  ofliVred  to  deliver  tlie  city  up  to  the  Fr.inks,  and  even  to  become  a 
Christian.  If  tht-  Mussulman  prince  had  rcrtlly  made  such  a  propositinn, 
we  cannot  easily  guess  why  the  Christians  should  not  have  accq)ted  it. 
But  Roger  is  the  only  historian  that  mentions  this  perfectly  incredible 
circumstance  :   Oriental  iiistorians  are  siltMt. 

t  Otho  of  St.  Blaise  says,  tliat  alter  the  first  crusade  tlie  Saracens  had 
fortified  .lerusalem  : — I  agaiii  suiunia  indiistria  civitates  et  ca^tella  quie 
ohtinuerunt,  muniverunt,  et  prwcijjue  Hyerusalem,  duplici  niuro  ante- 
murali  opposito,  et  fossatis  profundissimis  ciu^entes,  inexpugnabilem 
reddiderunt,  dato  Christianis  securis.-imo  conduclu  visendi  sepuicruin 
Domiuicum,  qu*stus  gratia. — See  Olli.  de  St.  Rlam  ap.  Urtii  collect. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADi:S.  23 

but  tliat  the  leaders  as  constantly  directed  their  efforts  and 
their  arms  to  the  acquisition  of  other  conquests.  The  holy 
city,  situated  far  from  the  sea,  contained  within  its  Avails  no 
other  treasures  but  religious  relics  and  monuments.  The 
maritime  cities  of  Asia  could  boast  of  more  worldly  wealth, 
and  held  out  far  greater  advantages  to  the  conquerors  ;  they 
afforded,  likewise,  more  easy  communication  witli  Europe ; 
and  if  tlie  conquest  of  Jerusalem  sometimes  tempted  the 
piety  and  devotion  of  the  pilgrims,  that  of  cities  bordering 
upon  the  sea,  constantly  kept  awake  the  ambition  of  the 
maritime  and  warlike  nations  of  the  West. 

All  the  sea-coast  from  Antioch  to  Ascalon  belonged  to  the 
Christians ;  the  Mussulmans  having  only  been  able  to  keep 
possession  of  Thoron.  The  garrison  of  this  fortress  fre- 
quently made  incursions  into  the  neighbouring  countries, 
and  by  continual  hostilities,  intercepted  the  communication 
between  the  Christian  cities.  The  Crusaders  resolved  that 
before  they  set  out  for  Jerusalem,  they  would  lay  siege  to 
the  castle  of  Thoron.  This  fortress,  built  by  Hugh  de  ISaint- 
Omer,  in  the  reign  of  Baldwin  II.,  was  situated  at  some 
leagues  from  Tyre,  on  the  summit  of  a  mountain,  between 
the  chain  of  Libanus  and  the  sea.  It  was  only  accessible 
across  steep  rocks,  and  by  a  narrow  way  bordered  by  preci- 
pices. The  Christian  army  had  no  machines  sufficiently 
lofty  to  reach  the  heights  of  the  walls,  and  an-ows  or  stones 
hurled  from  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  could  not  injure  the 
besieged ;  whilst  beams  and  fragments  of  rock  precipitated 
from  the  ramparts,  made  dreadful  havoc  among  the  besiegers. 
In  the  early  attacks,  the  Saracens  ridiculed  the  vain  efforts 
of  their  enemies,  and  witnessed,  almost  without  danger  to 
themselves,  prodigies  of  valour,  and  the  most  murderous  in- 
ventions of  the  art  of  sieges,  exercised  ineffectually  against 
their  walls.  But  the  almost  insurmountable  difBculties  that 
might  have  been  supposed  likely  to  arrest  the  progress  of 
the  Christians,  only  redoubled  their  ardour  and  coiu'age.* 
They  every  day  made  fresh  attacks,  each  day  seeming  to  in- 
crease tlicir  efforts,  and  their  obstinate  bravery  was  seconded 
by  newly-invented  machin  -s  of  war.    AVith  incredible  labour, 

*  Arnold  of  Lubec  enters  moit  fully  into  the  details  of  this  siege  :  this 
historian  is  almost  our  only  guide  in  this  part  of  our  narrative.  We  have 
found  some  useful  documents  in  the  continuator  ot  Tabary. 


24  UISTOBl'    OF    THE    CKL'SADEB. 

they  dug  out  tlie  earth,  and  made  themselves  a  way  f.croaa 
the  rocks  ;  whilst  some  Saxons,  who  had  workeu  in  the  niinrs 
of  Rammesberg,  were  employed  in  opening  the  flank  of  the 
mountain.  The  Crusaders  at  length  reached  the  bottom  of 
the  ramparts  of  the  fortress  ;  the  walls,  the  foundationii  of 
which  they  demolished,  began  to  shake  in  various  parts, 
vithout  being  struck  by  the  ram,  and  their  I'all,  which 
t-eemed  delayed  by  a  miracle,  filled  the  besieged  with  dread. 

The  Mussulmans  now  losing  all  hope  of  defending  them- 
selves, proposed  to  capitulate ;  but  such  was  the  disorder  of 
the  Christian  army,  with  its  multitude  of  leaders,  that  not 
one  of  them  durst  take  upon  himself  to  listen  to  the  pro- 
posals of  the  infidels.  Henry,  palatine  of  the  Khine,  and 
the  dukes  of  Saxony  and  Brabant,  v^ho  enjoyed  great  con- 
sideration among  the  Grermans,  could  enforce  obedience  from 
none  but  their  own  soldiers.  Conrad,  chancellor  of  the  em- 
pire, who  represented  the  emperor  of  Germany,  might  have 
been  able  to  exercise  beneficial  power ;  but,  weakened  by 
disease,  without  experience  in  war,  always  shut  up  in  his 
tent,  he  awaited  the  issue  of  the  contest,  and  did  not  even 
deigji  to  be  present  at  the  councils  of  the  princes  and 
barons.  When  the  besieged  had  come  to  the  determination 
to  capitulate,  they  remained  several  days  without  knowing 
to  which  prince  it  would  be  most  proper  to  address  them- 
selves, and  when  their  deputies  came  to  the  Christian  camp, 
their  propositions  were  heard  in  a  general  assembly,  in  which 
the  spirit  of  rivalry,  short-sighted  zeal,  and  blind  enthusiasm 
held  much  greater  empire  than  reason  and  prudence. 

The  Saracens,  in  their  speech,  confined  themselves  to  im- 
ploring the  clemency  of  their  conquerors ;  they  promised  to 
abandon  the  fort  with  all  their  wealth,  and  only  asked  life 
and  liberty  as  the  price  of  their  submission.  The  suppliant 
attitude  of  tlie  Saracens  must  have  touched  the  pride  of  the 
Christian  warriors  ;  religion  and  policy  united  to  procure  a 
favourable  answer  to  the  proposals  that  were  made  to  tliem, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  leaders  were  disposed  to  sign  the 
capitulation.  But  some  of  the  most  ardent  could  not  see 
without  indignation  that  it  was  wished  to  o'-tain  by  treaty 
tl"'vt  which  they  must  soon  gain  bv  force  of  arms.  "  It  is 
necessary,"  said  they,  "  that  all  ouj*  enemies  should  be  struck 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CBUSADE8.  26 

with  terror ;  and  if  tlie  garrison  of  this  place  perish  by  the 
sword,  the  affrighted  Saracens  will  not  dare  to  wait  for  U3 
either  in  Jerusalem  or  the  other  cities  still  in  their  pos- 
session." 

As  tlieir  advice  was  not  adopted,  these  ardent  and  incon- 
Biderate  soldiers  resolved  to  employ  every  means  to  interrupt 
the  negotiation,  and  whilst  re-conducting  the  deputies  to 
the  fortress,  sai„  to  them :  "  Defend  yourselves,  for  if  you 
surrender  to  the  Ohristians,  yoio  will  all  perish  in  tortures^ 
In  addition  to  this,  they  addressed  the  Christian  soldiers, 
and  informed  them,  with  accents  of  anger  and  grief,  that  a 
disgraceful  peace  was  about  to  be  concluded  with  the 
enemies  of  Christ.  At  the  same  time,  such  of  the  leaders 
as  inclined  towards  peace,  spread  themselves  through  the 
camp,  and  represented  to  the  army  that  it  was  useless,  and 
perhaps  dangerous,  to  purchase  by  new  contests  that  which 
fortune,  or  rather  Pi'o\  idence  itself,  ottered  to  the  Crusaders. 
Among  the  Clunstian  narriors,  some  yielded  to  the  counsels 
of  moderation,  others  were  unwilling  to  trust  to  anything: 
but  the  sword ;  such  as  preferred  victory  to  peace,  ran  to 
arms,  and  they  who  accepted  the  capitulation,  retired  to 
their  tents.  The  camp,  in  which  some  remained  in  inaction 
and  repose,  whilst  others  prepared  for  battle,  presented,  at 
the  same  time,  an  image  of  peace  and  war :  but  in  this 
diversity  of  opinions,  amidst  so  strange  a  spectacle  as  the  army 
then  presented,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that  they  woiJd  very 
soon  be  unable  either  to  treat  with  enemies  or  fight  them. 

The  capitulation  was,  notwithstanding,  ratified  by  the 
principal  chiefs  and  by  the  chancellor  of  the  empire.  The 
hostages  tlie  Saracens  were  to  send  were  looked  for  in  the 
camp,  and  the  Crusaders  fancied  they  could  see  the  gates  of 
the  castle  of  Thoron  thrown  open  to  them  ;  but  despair  had 
all  at  once  changed  tlie  resolutions  of  the  Saracens.  When 
the  deputies  to  the  Christian  camp  reported  to  their  com- 
[)anioiis  in  arms  what  they  had  seen  and  what  they  had 
heard  ;  when  they  told  them  of  the  menaces  that  had  been 
made  to  them,  and  of  the  divisions  that  existed  among  the 
enemies,  the  besieged  forgot  that  their  >val"is  were  in  ruins, 
that  they  wanted  both  arms  and  provisions  ;  that  they  had  to 
defend  themselves  against  a  victorious  army  ;  and  they  8Wor# 

2* 


26  HTSTOCY    or    THE    CRUSADES. 

rather  to  die  than  tn  xt  with  tlie  Crusaders.  Instead  ol 
sending  liostages,  they  appeared  in  arms  upon  the  ramparts, 
and  provoked  the  besiegers  to  renew  the  contest.  The 
Clu'istians  resumed  the  hiboiu's  of  the  siege,  and  recom- 
menced tlieir  attacks  ;  but  their  courage  grew  weaker  every 
day,  whilst,  in  the  same  proportion,  despair  seemed  to  in- 
crease the  bravery  of  the  Mussulmans.  The  besieged 
laboured  without  intermission  in  repairing  their  machines 
and  rebuilding  their  walls ;  sometimes  the  Christians  were 
attacked  in  the  subterranean  passages  they  had  dug,  and 
perished,  buried  under  masses  of  loosened  earth  ;  whilst 
arrows  and  stones  were  constantly  showered  upon  therti 
from  the  ramparts.  Frequently  the  Saracens  succeeded  in 
surprising  some  of  their  enemies,  whom  they  carried  alive 
into  the  place,  and  then  slaughtered  without  mercy ;  the 
heads  of  these  unfortunate  prisoners  were  exposed  upon  the 
walls,  and  afterwards  hurled  by  the  machines  into  the  camp 
of  the  Christians.  The  Crusaders  apj^  aared  to  have  sunk 
into  a  sort  of  dejection  or  apathy ;  some  still  fought  and 
remembered  their  oaths ;  but  others  remained  indifferent 
spectators  of  the  dangers  and  death  of  their  brethren. 
Many  added  the  scandal  of  the  most  depraved  morals  to 
their  indifference  for  the  cause  of  God.  There  might  be 
seen,  says  an  historian,  men  who  had  quitted  their  wives  to 
follow  Christ,  forgetting  all  at  once  the  most  sacred  duties, 
and  attaching  themselves  to  vile  prostitutes  ;  in  fact,  the  vices 
and  disorders  of  the  Crusaders  were  so  disgraceful,  that  the 
authors  of  the  old  chronicles  blush  whilst  they  retrace  the 
picture  of  them.  Arnold  of  Lubec,  after  ha\ing  described 
the  corruption  that  reigned  in  the  camp  of  the  Christians, 
appears  to  ask  pardon  of  his  reader ;  and,  that  he  may  not 
be  accused  of  writing  a  satire,  he  takes  care  to  add  that  he 
does  not  recall  such  odious  remembrances  to  confound  the 
pride  of  men,  bvt  to  warn  sinners,  and  touch,  if  possible, 
the  hearts  of  his  brothers  in  Christ.* 

Fame  soon  brought  to  tlie  ears  of  the  I^hristians  that  the 
kingdoms  of  Aleppo  and  Damascus  were  in  arms,  that  Egypt 
had  assembled  an  army,  and  that  Malek-Adel,  followed  by  a 

*  After  describing  the  corruption  of  the  Crusaders,  Arnold  adds  : — 
Veniam  non  peto,  non  enim  ut  quempiam  confuiidAm,  ha^c  scribe,  se^ 
dilectos  in  Christo  nioneo. 


HISTORY    OF    TlIK    CRUSADES.  2? 

numberless  multitude  of  warriors,  was  advaziclug  by    orced 
inarches,  impatient  to  avenge  his  late  defeat.* 

At  this  news,  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  resolved  to  raii^o 
the  siege  of  Thoron ;  and  to  conceal  their  retreat  from  the 
enemy,  they  did  not  blush  to  deceive  their  own  soldiers.  On 
the  day  of  the  Purification  of  the  Virgin,  whilst  the  Chris- 
tians were  engaged  in  the  offices  of  devotion,  the  camp  was 
informed,  by  sound  of  trumpet,  that  it  was  intended  to  make 
a  general  assault  on  the  morrow.  The  whole  army  passed 
the  night  in  preparations  for  the  fight ;  but,  at  brealv  of 
day,  they  learnt  that  Conrad  and  most  of  the  leaders  had 
quitted  the  army  and  taken  the  road  to  Tyre.  The  men 
assembled  in  groups  round  their  tents  to  ascertain  the  truth, 
and  made  inquiries  of  each  other  with  the  greatest  inquietude. 
The  blackest  forebodings  took  possession  of  the  minds  of  the 
Crusaders  ;  as  if  they  had  been  conquered  in  a  great  battle, 
their  only  thouglit  was  flight.  Nothing  had  been  prepared 
for  the  retreat,  no  order  had  been  given ;  no  man  saw  any- 
thing but  his  own  danger,  or  listened  to  any  advice  but  that 
suggested  by  his  fear ;  some  loaded  themselves  with  every- 
thing valuable  they  possessed,  whilst  others  abandoned  even 
their  arms.  The  sick  and  wounded  dragged  themselves 
along  with  pain  in  the  steps  of  their  companions  ;  such  as 
could  not  walk  were  abandoned  in  the  camp.  The  confusion 
was  general ;  the  soldiers  marched  pele-mele  with  the  bag- 
gage ;  they  knew  not  what  route  to  take,  and  many  lost 

*  Oriental  historians  say  little  of  the  siege  of  Thoron  ;  the  continiiator 
of  Tabary  e.xpiesses  himself  thus: — "The  Franks  attacked  Tehnyn 
(Thoron),  and  made  breaches  on  various  sides.  When  Mulek-Adel  1  arnt 
this,  he  wrote  to  Melic-Alaziz,  sultan  of  Egypt,  to  desire  him  to  come  in 
person  ;  '  fnr  if  you  do  not  come,'  said  he,  '  we  shall  not  be  able  to  piotect 
the  frontit-r  country.'  Aliiziz  then  came  with  bis  troops.  As  to  the  Mus- 
sulmans who  were  in  the  castle,  when  they  saw  the  breaches  made  iu  their 
walls,  and  they  bad  no  hope  but  defendini^  themselves  at  the  point  of  the 
sword,  many  among  them  surrendered  to  the  Franks,  and  demanded  a 
safe2:uard  for  themselves  and  their  property,  offering  to  deliver  up  the 
castle.  The  command  was  given  to  the  priest  Kandelard  (Conrad),  a 
German  ;  but  a  Frank  of  the  Sahel  (coast  of  Syria^i  said  to  the  Mussul- 
mans, '  If  you  give  up  the  fortress,  these  men  will  make  you  prisoners, 
and  will  kill  you  :  preserve  your  own  days  then.'  The  Mussulmans  left 
thein  as  if  to  give  up  the  fortress  ;  but  when  they  had  re-ascended,  they 
persisted  in  defending  themselves,  and  fought  in  despair,  so  that  they  kept 
the  castle  till  the  arrival  of  Melic-Alaziz  at  Ascalou." 


28  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

themselves  in  the  mountains ;  nothing  was  lieard  but  cries 
and  groans,  and,  as  if  Heaven  wished  to  denote  its  anger  at 
tliis  disorder,  a  frightful  tempest  came  on  ;  fierce  lightning 
rent  the  clouds,  the  thunder  rolled  in  awful  peals,  and 
toiTents  of  rain  inundated  the  country.*  In  their  tumnl- 
tuous  flight,  not  one  of  the  Crusaders  ventured  to  turn  his 
eyes  to  that  fortress  which,  but  a  few  days  before,  had  offered 
to  surrender  to  their  arms  :  their  terror  was  not  abated  till 
they  beheld  the  walls  of  Tyre. 

The  army  being  at  last  re-assembled,  it  became  a  genera.] 
inquiry,  "  What  was  the  cause  of  the  disorder  they  had 
experienced  ?"  Then  a  new  delirium  took  possession  of  the  • 
C'l-u'istians ;  mistrust  and  mutual  liatred  succeeded  to  the 
ji.Miuc  terror  of  which  they  had  been  the  victims ;  the  most 
grave  suspicions  were  attached  to  actions  the  most  simple, 
and  gave  an  odious  meaning  to  words  perfectly  innocent.  The 
Crusaders  reproached  each  other,  as  with  wrongs  and  proofs 
of  treachery,  with  all  tlie  evils  they  had  suffered  or  feared 
to  suffer.  The  measures  that  an  improvident  zeal  had  coun- 
selled, as  well  as  those  that  had  been  dictated  by  necessity 
and  prudence,  were  the  work  of  perfidy  without  example. 
The  holy  places,  wdiich  so  lately  the  Crusaders  had  contem- 
plated with  apparent  indifterence,  now  occupied  their  every 
thought ;  and  the  most  fervent  reproached  the  leaders  with 
introducing  none  but  profane  views  into  a  holy  war ;  with 
having  sacrificed  the  cause  of  God  to  their  own  ambition, 
and  with  having  abandoned  the  soldiers  of  Cln-ist  to  the 
fury  of  the  Saracens.  The  same  Crusaders  proclaimed 
loudly,  that  God  had  been  unfavourable  to  the  Cln-istians, 
because  those  whom  he  had  appointed  to  lead  the  defenders 
of  the  cross,  disdained  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  Our 
readers  may  remember  tliat  after  the  siege  of  Damascus,  in 
the  second  crusade,  some  Templars  and  Germans  were 
accused  of  avarice,  and  of  having  sacrificed  the  zeal  and 
bravery  of  the  Christian  warriors.  Accusations  quite  as 
serious  were  renewed  on  this  occasion,  and  with  equal 
bitterness.  If  we  are  to  believe  the  old  chronicles,  Malek- 
Adel  had  promised  several  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  a 

*  Nee  inter  ista  defuit  spiritus  procellse,  tor.itruis  et  coruscationibus,  et 
pliivisiruin  imiiidnfinnibus  et  grandine  de  ccelo  fugientes  iafestanda.— - 
Arnold  Lub.  cap.  5. 


HISTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  29 

great  n  imber  of  pieces  of  gold  to  engage  them  to  raise  the 
siege  of  Thoron  ;  and  the  same  chronicles  add,  that  when 
the  Mussulman  prince  paid  them  the  sum  agreed,  he  gaA'e 
them  nothing  but  false  gold, — a  worthy  price  of  their  cupidity 
and  treachery.*  The  Arabian  historians  give  no  sanction  to 
these  odious  accusations  ;  but  such  was  the  spirit  of  animosity 
■which  then  reigned  among  the  Christian  warriors,  that  they 
•were  judged  with  more  severity  by  their  brethren  and  com- 
panions in  arms  tlian  by  their  enemies. 

At  length  the  rage  of  discord  was  carried  so  far  that  the 
Germans  and  the  ISyrian  Christians  woidd  not  remain  under 
the  same  colours  ;  the  former  retired  to  the  city  of  Jaffa,  the 
ramparts  of  which  they  restored,  and  the  latter  returned  to 
Ptolemais.  Malek-Adel,  willing  to  profit  by  these  divisions, 
marched  towards  Jaffa,  and  offered  the  Germans  battle.  A 
severe  conflict  took  place  at  a  short  distance  from  tlie  city. 
The  duke  of  Saxony  and  the  duke  of  Brabant  both  perished 
in  the  wcler.f  Tlie  Crusaders  lost  a  great  number  of  their 
bravest  warriors  ;  but  the  victory  was  in  their  favour.  After 
a  triumph  which  was  due  to  their  arms  alone,  the  pride  of 
the  Germans  knew  no  bounds ;  and  they  treated  the  Chin^i- 
tians  of  Palestine  with  the  gi'eatest  contempt.  "  We  have," 
said  they,  "  crossed  the  seas  to  defend  their  country  ;  and,  far 
from  taking  any  part  in  our  labours,  these  warriors,  without 
either  gratitude  or  courage,  abandoned  us  in  the  hour  of 
peril."  The  Christians  of  Palestine,  on  their  side,  re- 
proached the  Germans  witli  having  come  into  the  East,  not 

*  Otho  de  St  Blaise  appears  convinced  that  the  Templars  had  received 
money  to  betray  the  causi-  of  the  Cliristians.  He  expresses  himself  as 
follows  : — Nam  sicut  fertur,  quidam  de  militibus  Templi,  a  paganis  cor- 
rupti  pecunia,  aiiimani  Conradi  cancellaiii,  qui  in  hac  ipsa,  obsidione  prae- 
cipue  clarebat,  cum  quibusdam  aliis  inflexerunt,  eisque  auri  maximo 
pondere  collocato,  obsidionem  solvere  persuas^eriint ;  sicque  vendito 
Cliristo  tradito  j)ai;anis  per  castellum,  sicut  olim  Judieis,  recesserunt. 
Nee  tamen  de  pretio  taliter  acquisito  aiiquod  emolumeutum,  sicut  nee 
Judas  de  triginta  arj^enteis,  conseeuti  sunt.  Si  quidem  pretio  corrupt!, 
corruptum  a  i)iig:aiiis  aurum  meta'lo  sophistico,  auro  in  superficie  colornto 
receperunt ;  sicque  in  opprobrium  sempiternum  cum  nota,  infamite  nierito 
conseeuti  sunt. — See  Otft.  de  SL  Blaise,  in  the  collection  of  Ui  tius. 

f  We  are  astonished  to  find  so  little  concerning  this  crusade  in  the 
continuator  of  William  of  Tvre.  He  speaks  of  this  battle  and  of  tlie 
division  among  the  Christians,  but  without  any  circumstance  worthy  ol 
being  communicated  to  our  readers. 


80  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

to  fight  but  to  comnumd ;  not  to  assist  their  brfthren,  but 
to  impose  a  yoke  upon  them  more  insupportable  than  that 
ot"  the  Saracens.  "  Tiie  Crusaders,"  added  tlie}^,  "  only 
quitted  the  West  to  make  a  pleasurable  military  progress 
into  iSyria;  they  there  found  peace,  but  they  left  war  behind 
tliem ;  like  those  birds  of  passage  that  announce  the  season 
of  storms  and  tempests." 

In  these  fatal  divisions  nobody  had  sufEcient  credit  and 
power  to  restrain  angry  spirits,  or  reconcile  discordant 
opinions  The  sceptre  of  Jerusalem  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
woman  ;  the  throne  of  Godfrey,  so  often  shaken,  was  desti- 
tute of  support ;  the  empire  of  religion  and  law  was  every 
day  fading  away,  and  violence  alone  possessed  the  privilege 
of  making  itself  respected.  Necessity  and  force  were  the 
only  powers  that  commanded  obedience  ;  whilst  the  license 
and  corruption  that  prevailed  among  the  people,  still  called 
the 'people  of  God,  made  such  frightful  pi'ogress,  that  we  are 
tempted  to  accuse  contemporary  authors  and  ocular  wit- 
nesses of  employing  great  exaggeration  in  their  recitals. 

In  this  state  of  decline,  amidst  such  shameful  disorders, 
the  most  wise  and  prudent  of  the  prelates  and  barons 
thought  the  best  step  they  could  adopt  would  be  to  give  an 
able  and  worthy  leader  to  the  Christian  colonies,  and  they 
entreated  Isabella,  the  widow  of  Henry  of  Champagne,  to  take 
a  new  husband,  who  might  consent  to  be  their  so\ereign. 
Isabella,  by  three  marriages,  had  already  given  Palestine 
three  kings.  They  proposed  to  her  Amaury,  who  had 
recently  succeeded  Guy  de  Lusignan  in  the  kingdom  of 
Cyprus.  An  Arabian  historian  says  that  Amaury  was  a  wise 
and  prudent  man,  who  loved  God  and  respected  humanity. 
He  did  not  fear  to  reign,  amidst  war,  troubles,  and  factions, 
over  the  poor  remains  of  the  unfortunate  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  came  to  share  with  Isabella  the  vain  honours  of 
royalty.  Their  marriage  was  celebrated  at  Ptolemais,  ^ith 
more  pomp,  say  histoi-ians,  than  the  posture  of  affairs 
warranted.  Although  this  marriage  might  not  remedy  all 
the  evils  under  which  the  Christians  laboured,  it  at  least 
afforded  them  the  consolatory  hope  that  their  discords  would 
be  appeased,  and  that  the  colonies  of  the  Franks,  \\\\i'n 
better  governed,  might  gatlicr  some  fruit  from  so  many 
viotoi'ieri  gained  over  the  infidels.     But  news  which  arrived 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES-  81 

from  the  West,  soon  spread  fresh  grief  through  the  kingdom, 
and  put  an  end  to  the  barren  exploits  of  the  holy  •war. 
Amidst  the  festivities  which  followed  the  marriage  and 
coronation  of  Amaury,  the  death  of  the  emperor  Henry  YI. 
was  announced.*  The  election  of  a  new  head  of  the  empire 
wonld  most  probably  produce  a  violent  contest  in  Germany  ; 
and  every  one  of  the  German  princes  or  nobles  then  in 
Palestine,  naturally  turned  his  attention  to  that  which  he 
had  to  hope  or  fear  in  the  events  preparing  in  Europe  :  they 
determined  to  return  immediately  into  the  AVest. 

The  count  de  IMontfort  and  several  other  French  knights 
had  but  recently  arrived  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  earnestly 
entreated  the  German  princes  to  defer  their  return.  The 
pope  likewise,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  death  of 
Henry  VI.,  wrote  to  the  leaders  of  the  Crusaders,  to  im- 
plore them  to  finish  their  good  work,  and  not  to  abandon 
the  cause  of  Christ ;  but  neither  the  prayers  of  the  count 
de  Montfort  nor  the  exhortations  of  the  pope  could  detain 
the  Germans,  impatient  to  return  to  their  country.  Of  so 
many  princes  who  had  left  the  West  to  secure  a  triumpli  to 
the  cause  of  God,  the  queen  of  Hungary  alone  Avas  faithfu'. 
to  her  vows,  and  remained  with  her  knights  in  Palestine.! 
On  quitting  Syria,  the  Germans  contented  themselves  -with 
leaving  a  garrison  in  .Tafia.  A  short  time  after  their  depar- 
ture, whilst  celebrating  the  feast  of  St.  Martin  with  every 
excess  of  drunkenness  and  debauchery,  this  garrison  was 
surprised  and  massacred  by  tlie  Saracens. J    .AVinter  Avas 

*  Arnold  of  Lubec  saj's  that  the  news  of  the  death  of  the  emperor  of 
Germany  arrived  before  the  siege  of  Thoron  ;  but  it  is  not  jirobable  that 
the  Crusaders,  ^\ho  were  suddenly  so  anxious  to  return  to  the  West  0:1 
account  of  the  troubles  that  threatened  Germany,  should  have  under- 
taken the  siege  of  Thoron  after  hearing  of  a  death  which  must  give  rise 
to  great  events  in  Europe.  Henry  died  in  the  month  of  Septembt-r, 
1196  ;  the  siege  of  Thomn  was  begun  nearly  at  the  same  time;  thus  t'uc 
Crusaders  could  not  be  informed  at  that  ])eriod  of  a  circumstance  wliii  11 
made  them  so  suddenly  renounce  the  holy  war. 

t  Le  Fere  Maimbourg  bestows  the  greatest  praise  upon  the  widow  <.f 
Bela.  "  This  example,"  says  he,  "  makes  apparent  thai  which  has  ot'tea 
been  seen  in  other  princesses,  that  heroic  virtue  is  not  at  all  dependent  uu 
eex,  and  that  it  is  possible  to  make  up  for  we.kness  of  temperament  and 
bodv  by  qreati.ess  of  soul  and  strength  of  mmd." 

X  Fuller,  iin  English  historian,  speaks  of  this  disaster  at  great  length. 
An  his  work  is  scarce,  1  «ill  t.anslate  the  passage  from  it  relative  to  this 


62  HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

approaching ;  neitlier  party  could  keep  the  field ;  discord 
reigneu  equally  among  Christians  and  INIussulmans  ;  ai  .d  both 
sides  were  desirous  of  peace,  because  they  were  incapable  of 
carrying  on  the  war.  The  count  de  Montfort  concluded 
with  the  Saracens  a  truce  for  three  years.  Thus  terminated 
this  crusade,  which  only  lasted  a  few  months,  and  was  really 
nothing  but  a  pilgrimage  for  the  warriors  of  the  West.  The 
victories  of  the  Crusaders  rendered  the  Christians  masters 
of  all  the  coasts  of  Syria ;  but  their  precipitate  departure 
destroyed  the  fruits  of  their  conquests.  The  cities  they  had 
obtained  were  left  without  defenders,  and  almost  without 
inliabitants. 

This  fourth  crusade,  in  which  all  the  powers  of  the  West 
miscarried  in  an  attempt  upon  a  little  fortress  of  Syria,  and 
which  presents  us  with  the  strange  spectacle  of  a  holy  war 
directed  by  an  excommunicated  monarch,  furnishes  the  his- 
torian with  fewer  great  events  and  a  smaller  number  of 
great  misfortunes  than  the  preceding  expeditions.  The 
Christian  armies,  which  made  but  a  transient  visit  to  the 
East,  experienced  neither  the  famine  nor  the  diseases  that 
had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  former  enterprises.  The  foresight 
and  attention  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  who  had  become 
muster  of  Sicily,  provided  for  all  the  wants  of  the  Crusaders, 
wliose  exploits  were  intended  to  assist  his  ambitious  projects, 
and  whom  he  con^jidered  as  his  own  soldiers. 

crusade,  in  which  the  impartial  reader  will  find  the  gross  misrepresenta- 
tions of  a  violent  enemy  of  the  Crusaders.  "  In  this  war,"  says  he,  "  we 
may  contemplate  an  episcopal  army  which  might  have  served  for  a  synod  ; 
or,  more  truly,  it  offers  us  a  picture  of  the  Church  militant  Many 
captains  returned  home  secretly,  and  when  the  soldiers  wanted  to  fight, 
the  officers  went  away  :  what  remained  of  this  army  fortified  themselves 
in  .Tatfa.  The  feast  of  St.  Martin,  that  great  saint  of  Germany,  tell  at 
this  time.  This  holy  man,  a  German  by  birth,  and  bishop  of  Tours  in 
France,  distinguished  himself  eminently  by  his  charity.  The  Germans 
chaniied  his  cljarity  for  the  poor  into  excess  for  themselves,  observing  the 
11th  of  November  in  such  a  manner  that  it  ought  no  longer  to  be  calkd 
a  saint's  day,  but  a  day  of  festivity.  Drunkenness  reduced  them  to  such 
a  state,  that  the  Turks,  falling  upon  them,  killed  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand of  them.  This  day,  which  the  Germans  write  in  red  letters  in  their 
calendars,  takes  its  colour  from  their  own  blood,  and  ae  tht-ir  camp  was  a 
slaughter-house,  the  Turks  were  their  butchers.  We  may  compare  them 
to  the  oxen  of  St.  Martin,  which  ditler  little  from  droves  of  drunkards.' 
—  Nicol.  Fuller,  h.  ii.  chap.  xvi.  p.  IX',.  [I  really  cannot  see  Uidt  oW 
Fuller  is  so  very  widely  wrong. — Tkans.] 


HISTOitl'    or    TUE    CKUSADE3.  33 

The  German  warriors  that  composed  the  Clirist'au  ai-mies 
l)ad  not  the  requisite  qualities  to  secure  the  advantages  of 
victory.*  Always  ready  to  throw  themselves  blindly  into 
danger;  quite  ignorant  that  it  is  possible  to  ally  prudence 
with  courage  ;  listening  to  nothing  but  the  violence  of  their 
own  passions,  and  recognising  no  law  but  theif  own  will  ; 
obedient  to  leaders  of  their  own  nation,  and  despising  all 
othei'S ;  full  of  an  indomitable  pride,  which  made  them  dis- 
dain the  help  of  their  allies  and  the  lessons  of  experience, 
such  men  could  neither  make  peace  nor  war. 

When  we  compare  these  new  Crusaders  with  the  com- 
panions of  Eichard  or  Godfrey,  we  find  in  them  the  same 
ardour  for  tight,  the  same  indifference  for  danger ;  but  we 
find  them  very  delicient  in  that  enthusiasm  which  animated 
the  first  soldiers  of  the  cross  at  the  sight  of  the  holy  places. 
Jerusalem,  which  had  never  ceased  to  be  open  to  the  devo- 
tion of  the  faithful,  no  longer  beheld  within  its  walls  that 
crowd  of  pilgrims  which,  at  the  commencement  of  the  holy 
wars,  repaired  thither  from  all  parts  of  the  AVest.  The  pope 
and  the  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  forbade  Crusaders  to 
enter  the  holy  city  without  having  conquered  it;  and  they, 
who  did  not  always  prove  so  docile,  obeyed  the  prohibition 
without  pain.  More  than  a  hundred  thousand  warriors  tliat 
had  left  iCurope  for  the  purpose  of  delivering  Jerusalem, 
retui-ned  to  their  homes  without  having  entertained  perhaps 
one  thought  of  visiting  the  tomb  of  Christ,  for  which  they 
had  taken  up  arms.  The  thirty  ounces  of  gold  promised  by 
the  emperor  to  all  who  should  cross  the  sea  to  fight  the 
infidels,  very  much  increased  the  nund)er  of  the  Crusaders ; 
this  was  not  the  case  in  former  expeditions,  in  which  the 
crowd  of  soldiers  of  the  cross  was  influenced  principally  by 
religious  motives.  More  religion  than  politics  had  entered 
into  the  other  holy  wars  ;  in  this  crusade,  although  it  had 
been  directly  promoted  by  the  head  of  the  Church,  and  was 
to  a  considerable  extent  directed  by  bishops,  we  may  safelv 
say  there  was  more  of  politics  than  religion.     Pride,  ambi- 

*  Tliis  is  the  picture  of  ttie  Hermans  in  the  chronicle  of  Usperg  : — 
Bfllicosi,  crudeles,  expensaruni  prodigi,  rationis  expertes,  voluntatera 
pro  jure  habentes,  ensibus  invicti  j  in  iiulhs,  nisi  hoiuinibus  suae  gentis 
coiiftdentes ;  ducibus  suis  fidelissimi,  et  quibus  vitam  citius  quara  fidetn 
posses  aulerre. 


84  HISTOKS    OF    THE    CI...SADES. 

tion,  jealousy,  the  most  disgraceful  passions  of  the  human 
heart,  did  not  make  an  effort,  as  in  the  preceding  expedi- 
tions, to  cover  themselves  with  a  religious  veil.  The  arch- 
hishop  of  Mayence,  the  bishop  of  Hijdeshehn,  with  most  of 
the  other  ecclesiastics  who  took  the  cross,  attracted  uo  ad- 
miration for  either  their  wisdom  or  piety,  or  distinguished 
themselves  by  any  personnl  quality.  Conrad,  the  chancellor 
of  the  empire,  on  his  return  to  Europe,  was  followed  by 
the  suspicions  which  had  been  attached  to  his  conduct 
during  the  holy  war ;  and  when,  a  long  time  after,  he  was 
slain  by  several  gentlemen  of  AVurtzburg,  who  consjDire.d. 
against  him,  the  people  considered  his  tragical  death  as  a 
punishment  from  Heaven. 

Henry  YI.,  who  had  preached  the  crusade,  only  viewed 
this  distant  expedition  as  a  means  and  an  opportunity  for 
increasing  his  power  and  extending  his  empire ;  whilst  the 
West  put  up  prayers  for  the  success  of  a  holy  war,  of 
which  he  was  the  life  and  soul,  he  prosecuted  an  impious 
war,  desolated  a  Christian  people  for  the  purpose  of  subject- 
ing them  to  his  laws,  and  threatened  the  empire  of  Greece.* 
The  son  of  Tancred  was  deprived  of  his  sight,  and  cast  into 
prison,  and  the  daughters  of  the  king  of  Sicily  were  carried 
away  into  captivity.  Henry's  barbarities  were  so  excessive, 
that  he  irritated  his  neighbours,  and  created  enemies  in  his 
own  family.  AVhen  he  died,  a  report  prevailed  in  Europe 
that  he  had  been  poisoned ;  the  nations  that  he  had  ren- 
dered miserable  could  not  believe  that  so  many  cruelties 
could  remain  unpunished,  and  they  asserted  that  Provi- 
dence had  employed  the  wife  of  the  emperor  to  be  his 
executioner,  and  to  avenge  all  the  calamities  he  had  inflicted 
\ipon  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  At  the  approach 
of  death,  Heiuy  remembered  that  he  had  persecuted  Eichard; 
that  he  had  detained  a  ])rince  of  the  Crusaders  in  chains, 
in  spite  of  the  solicitations  of  the  father  of  the  faithful ; 
and    he    hastened    to    send    ambassadors    to    the    king    of 

*  The  Latin  and  Greek  chronicles  both  describe  the  cruelties  of 
Henry  VI.  in  Sicily.  Nicetns,  in  his  history,  makes  a  long  enumeration 
of  the  punishments  invented  by  tlie  emperor  of  Germany,  and  says  that 
Greece  was  on  the  eve  of  seeing  all  the  evils  that  afflicted  Sicily  fall  u;  on 
her  t-.rritory,  when  Henry  VI.  was  removed,  as  if  by  an  extraordinary 
uUerposition  of  Providence. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSABES.  35 

England,  charged  -with  tlie  task  of  making  him  a  solemn 
reparation,  for  so  great  an  outrage.  After  his  death,  as  he 
had  been  excommuuieated,  it  was  thought  necessary  to 
address  the  sovereign  poutilF  to  obtain  permission  to  bury 
him  in  the  Holy  Land;  and  the  pope  coolly  replied,  that 
they  were  at  liberty  to  bury  him  among  Christians,  but  before 
they  did  so,  they  must  ofier  up  many  praters  to  mitigate  the 
anger  of  God. 

In  taking  possession  of  the  boaac\f.d  and  rich  territories 
of  Italy  by  perfidy  and  violence,  Henry  prepared  for  that 
unfortunate  country  a  series  of  revolutions,  to  be  renewed 
from  age  to  age.  The  odious  war  he  had  made  against  the 
family  of  Tancred,  naturally  gave  birth  to  other  wars 
injurious  to  his  own  family.*  In  removing  so  far  from 
Germany  with  his  armies,  Henry  afforded  opportunity  tor 
the  formation  of  powerful  parties,  which,  at  his  death,  dis- 
puted the  imperial  sceptre  with  some  success,  and  at  length 
gave  rise  to  a  war  in  ^^•hich  the  principal  states  of  Europe  wei*e 
involved.  Thus,  whilst  the  other  holy  wars  had  contributed 
to  maintain  or  establish  public  peace  in  Europe,  this  fourth 
crusade  produced  divisions  among  the  states  of  Christendom, 
without  at  all  diminishing  the  power  of  the  Saracens,  and 
only  served  to  introduce  trouble  and  confusion  into  many 
kingdoms  of  the  West. 

*  We  shall  see  in  the  end  that  Sicily  cost  Frederick  II.,  but  particularly 
young  Conrad,  the  last  prince  of  the  family  of  Svvabia,  much  embarrass- 
ment and  many  misfortunes. 


BOOK    X. 

FIFTH   CEUSADE. 

A.D.  1198—1204. 

"  Clirislian  troops,^''  says  J.  J.  Rousseau,  iii  his  "  Contrat 
Social,"  "are,  as  they  say,  excellent;  I  deny  it;  sliow  me 
such ;  for  my  2^ art,  I  know  no  Christian  troops.''''  The  events 
we  have  just  related,  and  those  we  are  about  to  make  known, 
will,  there  is  no  doubt,  sufEee  to  refute  this  strange  paradox 
of  J.  J.  Eousseau.  The  author  of  the  "Social  Contract" 
does  not  dissemble,  it  is  true,  the  objections  that  may  be 
made  to  him  from  the  history  of  the  crusades ;  but,  ever 
faithful  to  his  sjstem,  and  taking  no  account  of  historical 
truths,  he  answers,  that  "  the  Crusaders,  far  from  leiny  Chris- 
tians, were  citizens  of  the  Church  ;  that  they  fought  for  their 
spiritual  country,  ivhich  the  Church  had  rendered  temporal 
nobody  k/ioivs  how."  Strange  abuse  of  reasoning,  Avhich  con- 
founds the  sense  of  words,  and  refuses  the  title  of  Christians 
to  those  who  fought  in  the  name  of  Christ !  In  representing 
the  Crusaders  as  citizens  of  the  Church,  Rousseau  doubt- 
less, meant  to  say  that  the  popes  were  the  origin  of  the 
crusades,  and  that  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  defended  the 
temporal  power  of  the  popes.  Vie  at  once  reply  that  tlie 
crusades  owed  their  birtli  and  growth  to  the  religious  and 
warlike  enthusiasm  tliat  animated  the  nations  of  the  West 
in  the  twelfth  century,  and  that  without  this  enthusiasm, 
xliich  was  not  tlie  Avork  of  the  heads  of  the  Church,  the 
preachings  of  the  Holy  See  would  not  have  been  able  to 
\ollect  a  single  army  under  the  banners  of  the  cross.  A¥e 
may  further  add  that,  during  tlie  holy  wars,  the  sovereign 
}."Oi\tJtls  were  frequently  driven  from  Piome  and  despoiled  of 
tlicir  stateS;  and  that  "they  did  not  summon  the  Crusader* 


HISTOHT    OF    THE    CKUSABKS.  37 

to  the  defence  of  the  power  or  temporal  coxintry  of  the 
Church.  Not  only  were  the  Crusaders  not  always  the  blind 
nistrunients  of  the  Holy  See,  but  they  sometimes  resisted 
the  will  of  the  popes,  and  yet  in  their  camps  were  no  less 
models  of  valoiir  united  with  Christian  piety.  No  doubt, 
the  leaders  were  often  seduced  by  ambition,  the  love  of 
glory,  and  a  passion  ibr  war ;  but  religion,  well  or  ill  under- 
stood, acted  upon  the  greater  number ;  the  Christian  reli- 
gion which  they  defended,  or  believed  they  defended,  by 
inspiring  them  with  a  desire  for  the  blessings  of  heaven  and 
a  contempt  for  life,  elevated  them  above  all  perils,  and 
enabled  them  to  brave  death  on  every  occasion.  Here  is 
the  whole  truth ;  but  this  truth  is  too  simple  for  such  as 
disdain  common  routes,  and  cannot  form  a  judgment  upon 
human  aft'airs  without  displaying  all  the  parade  of  a  proud 
and  austere  philosophy.  For  ourselves,  who  are  persuaded 
that  true  philosophy  consists  in  studying  the  human 
heart  and  the  spirit  of  societies,  not  in  vain  theories,  but  in 
the  faithful  history  of  past  ages ;  we  will  not  refute  bril- 
liant sophisms  by  iong  arguments ;  but  to  show  in  all  its 
splendour  the  valour  of  Christian  soldiers,  we  will  content 
ourseh  es  with  pursuing  our  recital,  and  making  known  with 
impartiality  the  labours,  the  reverses,  and  the  victories  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  cross.* 

The  departure  of  the  German  Crusaders  plunged  the 
easteni  Christians  into  grief  and  consternation  ;  the  colonies, 
Avhen  left  to  their  own  resources,  were  only  protected  by 
the  truce  concluded  between  the  count  de  Montfort  and 
Malek-Adel.     The  infidels  had  too  great  a  superiority  over 

*  Our  excellent  author  has  conceived  a  kind  of  parental  affection  for 
the  crusades,  which  makes  him  blind  to  their  defects.  If  we  speak  of  the 
Bpiril  of  Christianity,  certainly  the  philosopher  of  Geneva  has  the  advan- 
tage of  him,  as  his  own  pages  show.  Divested  of  their  mundane  motives, 
the  crusades  were  little  else  than  ''  a  savage  fanaticism."  There  was,  at 
least,  as  much  religious  merit  in  the  Mussulmans,  who  fought  to  defend 
their  faith.  A  philosopher  may  deduce  beneficial  results  from  the  cru- 
sades, particularly  to  Europe  ;  but  he  will  be  much  puzzled  to  prove  that 
that  which  we  now  consider  a  truly  Christian  spirit,  influenced  many  of 
the  warriors  that  carried  them  out,  or  the  churchmen  that  promoted  them. 
The  Inquisition  and  the  crusade  against  the  Albigeois  were  of  the  same 
age,  and  the  principal  agents  ir,  them  equally  prostituted  the  name  of 
religion  in  their  horrors. — Trans 


38  HISTOEY    OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

their  enemies  to  respect,  for  any  length  of  time,  a  treaty 
which  they  considered  as  an  obstacle  to  the  progress  of 
their  power.  The  Christians,  threatened  by  new  perils,  again 
turned  their  eyes  to  the  West.  The  bishop  of  Ptolemais, 
accompanied  by  several  knights,  embarked  for  Europe,  in 
order  to  solicit  the  aid  of  the  faithful.  The  vessel  in  wliicli 
he  embarked  had  scarcely  quitted  the  port,  when  it  was 
swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  and  the  bishop  and  every  person 
of  his  suite  perished.  Other  ships,  that  set  sail  a  short  time 
afterwards,  were  surprised  by  the  tempest,  and  forced  to 
return  to  the  port  of  Tripoli ;  so  tliat  the  prayers  and 
complaints  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine  could  not  reach 
the  ears  of  their  brethren  of  the  West.  Nevertheless,  the 
afflicting  news  of  the  situation  of  tlie  feeble  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem  soon  became  generally  known ;  sonse  pilgrims, 
escaping  from  the  perils  of  the  sea,  described,  on  their 
return,  the  triumphs  and  threats  of  the  Saracens ;  but  in 
the  state  of  Eiu^ope  at  that  moment,  nothing  could  be  more 
difficidt  than  to  induce  nations  to  undertake  a  new  crusade. 
The  death  of  the  Emperor  Henry  YI.  divided  the  princes 
and  prelates  of  Germany,  and  Philip  Augustus  was  still  at 
war  with  Richard  of  England.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bela, 
king  of  Hungary,  who  pretended  to  take  the  cross,  only 
assembled  an  army  to  agitate  the  kingdom,  and  get  posses- 
sion of  the  crown.  Amidst  the  fierce  contentions  that 
disturbed  Eiu-ope,  the  Christian  people  seemed  to  have 
forgotten  the  tomb  of  Christ :  a  single  man  was  touched 
with  the  misfortunes  of  the  faithful  of  the  East,  and  was  not 
Avithout  hope  of  alleviating  them. 

Innocent  III.,  at  the  age  of  thirty-three,  had  recently 
gained  the  suilrages  of  the  conclave.*  At  a  period  of  life 
in  which  the  passions  are  generally  masters,  devoted  to  the 
most  austere  retirement,  constantly  occupied  with  the  study 
of  holy  books,  and  ready  at  all  times  to  crnfound  new  here- 
sies by  the  force  of  reason,  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  shed 
tears  on  being  informed  of  his  elevation ;  but  when  seated 
on  the  pontifical  throne.  Innocent  all  at  once  exhibited  a 
new  character :  the  same  man,  who  had  appeared  to  dread 

*  We  have  a  life  of  Innocent  III.  which  extends  to  the  thirteenth  year 
of  his  pontificate.  This  Hfe,  Gesta  Innocentii ,  is  the  more  valuable  fr-t* 
Seing  written  by  a  ronteniporary. 


KISTOKT    OF    THE    CV.USADZS.  3& 

tlie  splendour  of  a  lofty  position,  became  most  eager,  by  any 
means^  to  increase  his  power,  and  displayed  all  the  ambition 
and  inflexible  obstinacy  of  Gregory  A-^II.  His  youth, -which 
promised  him  a  long  reign ;  his  ardour  in  the  defence  of  jus- 
tice and  truth ;  his  eloquence,  his  knowledge,  his  vii-tues, 
which  drew  upon  him  the  respect  of  the  faithfid,  all  united 
to  give  bii"th  to  tlie  hope  that  he  would  assure  the  triumph 
of  religion ;  and  tliat  he  would  one  day  accomplish  the  pro- 
jects of  his  predecessors. 

As  the  power  of  the  pope  was  founded  upon  the  progress 
of  the  faith  and  the  holy  enthusiasm  of  the  Christians, 
Jnuocent  gave  liis  first  attention  to  the  suppression  of  the 
dangerous  innovations  and  imprudent  doctrines  that  began 
to  corrupt  bis  age  and  menace  the  sanctuary;  he  parti- 
calarly  endeavoiu"ed  to  re-animate  the  ardour  for  the  cru- 
sades :  and,  to  master  the  minds  of  kings  and  nations,  to 
I'u'iiy  all  Christians,  and  make  them  concur  in  the  triumph 
of  the  Clmrch,  he  spoke  to  them  of  tlie  captivity  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  he  pointed  to  the  tomb  of  Christ,  and  the  holy 
places  profaned  by  the  presence  and  the  domination  of 
infidels. 

In  a  letter*  addressed  to  the  bishops,  the  clergy,  the 
nobles,  and  people  of  /ranee,  England,  Hungary,  and  Sicily, 
the  sovereign  pontiff"  made  known  tlic  will,  the  menaces,  and 
the  promises  of  G-od.  "  Since  the  lamentable  loss  of  Jeru- 
salem," said  lie,  "the  Holy  See  has  never  ceased  to  cry 
towards  Heaven,  and  to  exhort  the  faithful  to  avenge  the 
injury  done  to  Christ,  thus  banished  from  his  heritage. 
Pormerly  Uriah  would  not  enter  into  his  house,  or  see  his 
wife,  whilst  the  ark  of  the  Lord  was  in  the  camp ;  but  now 
our  princes,  in  this  public  calamity,  abandon  themselves  to 
illegitimate  amours  ;  immerse  tliemselves  in  voluptuousness  ; 
abuse  the  blessings  that  Clod  has  given  tliem ;  and  pursue 
each  other  with  implacable  hatred ;  only  thinking  of  re- 
venging their  own  personal  injuries,  they  never  consider 
that  oui'  enemies  insidt  us,  saying :  '  Where  is  your  God, 
who  cannot  deliver  himself  out  of  our  hands  j'  We  have  pro- 
faned your  sanctuary,  and  the  places  in  which  you  pretend 

*  We  maj'  consult,  for  the  preachings  of  this  crusade,  the  let'ers  of 
Innocent  III.  Some  details  will  be  found  in  Roger  de  Iloved&ii; 
Matthew  Paris,  &c.  &c. 


40  HISTORY    OF    THE    CHUSADKS. 

your  superstition  Jiad  its  hirth ;  we  have  crushed  the  arms  of 
the  i\cnch,  the  H^iglish,  the  Germans,  and  subdued  a  second 
time  the  proxid  Siianiards  :  ichat  remains  then  for  xis  to  do  1 
to  drive  out  those  you  have  left  in  Si/ria,  and  to  penetrate  into 
the  JVest  to  efface  for  ever  hoth  your  name  and  your  memory.' " 
Assuming  tlien  a  more  paternal  tone  :  "  Prove,"  cried  Inno* 
cent,  "  tliat  you  have  not  lost  yoiu-  courage ;  be  prodigal,  in 
the  cause  of  God,  of  aU  you  have  received  from  him  ;  if,  on 
an  occasion  so  pressing,  you  refuse  to  serve  Christ,  what 
excuse  will  you  be  able  to  ofter  at  his  terrible  tribunal  ?  If 
Grod  died  for  man,  sliall  man  fear  to  die  for  his  God  ?  WiU 
lie  refuse  to  give  up  his  transitory  life  and  the  perishable 
goods  of  this  world  for  him  who  lays  before  us  the  treasures 
of  eternity  ?'' 

Prelates  were  at  the  same  time  sent  through  all  tlie  coun- 
tries of  Euro])e,  to  preach  peace  among  princes,  and  exhort 
them  to  unite  against  the  conunon  enemies  of  God.  These 
prelates,  clothed  in  the  full  confideace  of  tlie  Holy  See,  were 
to  engage  cities  an.l  liobles  to  equip,  at  their  own  expense, 
for  the  Holy  Land,  a  certain  number  of  warriors,  to  serve 
there  during  two  years  at  least.  They  promised  remission 
of  sins,*  and  the  special  protection  of  the  Church f  to  all 
that  woidd  take  up  the  cross  and  arms,  or  would  contribute 
to  the  equipment  and  support  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  To 
receive  the  pious  tribute  of  the  faithful,  boxes  were  placed 
in  ail  tlie  churches.  At  tlie  tribunal  of  penitence,  the 
■•u'iests  were  ordered  to  command  aU  sinners  to  concur  in 
f  1,0  holy  enterprise  ;  no  error  could  fina  grace  before  God, 
without  the  sincere  will  of  participating  in  the  crusade; 
zeal  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places  appeared  to  be  at 
I  hat  time  the  only  virtue  the  pope  required  of  Christians, 
and  even  charity  itself  lost  some  of  its  value,  if  not  exercised 
in  promoting  the  crusades.  As  the  Church  of  Rome  was 
reproaclied  with  imposing  upon  the  people  burdens  to  which 

*  Villehardouin  expiesses  himself  thus  when  spraking-  of  the  indul- 
fre.uces  of  the  pope : — For  ce  oil  pardon  fut  issi  grand,  si  s'en  emeurent 
mult  li  cuers  des  genz,  at  mult  s'lii  croij.icreiit,  porce  que  li  pardon  iie  si 
jrr.ind.  (The  pnr(loii  was  so  great  that  the  hearts  of  people  were  moved, 
and  many  took  the  cross  because  the  p  irdon  was  so  great,  or  complete.) 

f  Gretser  has  spoken  at  great  length  of  the  indulgences  granted  to  the 
Crusaders. — l)e  truce,  to},  iji.  b.  ii.  c.  3. 


niSTOJlY    OF    THE    CUL'SADKS.  H 

%ke  only  applied  the  tip  of  her  otvnfn^c/er,  the  pope  exhorted 
the  heads  of  the  ck'rgy,  and  the  clergy  themselves,  to  set  au 
example  of  devoteduess  and  sacrihces.  Innocent  ordered 
his  gold  and  silver  plate  to  be  melted  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  holy  war,  and  would  allow  none  but  vessels  of  wood 
and  clay  to  be  seen  on  his  table  whilst  the  crusade  lasted. 

The  sovereign  pontiff  was  so  satisfied  of  the  zeal  and 
piety  of  the  Christians,  that  he  wrote  to  the  patrinrch  and 
kinof  of  Jerusalem,  to  announce  to  them  the  comiii"  suc- 
cours  from  the  AVest.  He  neglected  nothing  that  coidd 
augment  the  numbers  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ ;  he  addressed 
himself  to  the  emperor  of  Constantinople,  and  reproached 
him  with  indifference  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places. 
The  emperor  Alexius  endeavoui-ed,  in  his  answer,  to  show 
his  zeal  for  the  cause  of  religion  ;  but  he  added  that  the 
time  of  deliverance  was  not  yet  arrived,  and  that  he  feared  to 
oppose  himself  to  the  will  of  God,  irritated  by  the  sins  of 
the  Christians.  The  Greek  prince  adroitly  reminded  hira  of 
the  ravages  committed  in  the  territories  of  the  empire  by 
the  soldiers  of  Frederick,  and  conjured  the  pope  to  direct 
his  reproofs  against  those  who,  feigning  to  labour  for  Jesus 
Christ,  acted  against  the  will  of  Heaven.  In  his  corre- 
spondence with  Alexius,  Innocent  III.  did  not  at  all  conceal 
his  pretensions  to  universal  empire,  and  spoke  in  the  cha- 
racter of  sovereign  arbiter  of  the  kings  of  the  East  and 
AVest.  He  applied  to  himself  these  words  addressed  to 
Jeremiah  :  "  I  have  placed  thee  over  the  nations  and  over 
the  kingdoms,  to  pull  up  and  scatter,  to  edity  and  to  plant." 
A\  hen  speaking  of  the  power  of  the  popes  and  that  of 
princes,  he  compared  the  one  to  the  sun,  which  lights  the 
universe  during  the  day,  and  th.e  other  to  the  moon,  which 
lights  the  earth  during  the  night. 

The  pretensions  that  Innocent  put  forth,  and  the  haugh- 
tiness with  which  he  sought  to  establish  them,  were,  no 
doubt,  injurious  to  the  etl'ect  of  his  exhortations,  and  must 
have  weakened  the  zeal  of  the  Christian  ])rinces  whom  he 
wished  to  persuade  to  undei'take  the  crusade.  The  princes 
and  bishops  of  Germany  were  divided  between  Otho  of 
Saxony  and  Philip  of  fSwabia  ;  the  sovereign  pontiif  ])ro- 
nounced  strongly  for  Otiio,  and  threatened  with  the  thun- 
ders of  the  Church  all  who  assisted  the  opposite^pai'ty.     In 

Vol.  II— 3 


42  niSTORV    OF   THE    CRtSABES. 

tlie  dissensions  occasioned  hy  this  momentous  affair,  some 
availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  gain  the  favour  of 
the  pope,  and  others  to  secure  themselves  from  the  effects  of 
his  anger ;  but  all  Germany  being  engaged  in  the  quarrel, 
nobody  took  the  cross. 

One  of  the  pope's  legatpg,  Peter  of  Capua,  succeeded  in 
re-establishing  peace  between  Kichard  Coeur  de  Lion  and 
Philip  Augustus.  Richard,  who  was  desirous  of  conciliating 
the  good-will  of  tlie  Holy  See,  constantly  promised  to  equip 
a  fleet  and  collect  an  army  to  go  and  make  war  against  the 
infidels.  He  proclaimed  a  tournament  in  his  capital,  in  the 
/:nidst  of  which  he  called  upon  the  barons  and  knights  to 
/oUow  him  into  the  East ;  but  all  these  demonstrations,  the 
sincerity  of  which  was  very  suspicious,  remained  unproduc- 
tive. It  was  not  long  before  war  again  broke  out  between 
Prance  and  England  ;  and  Richard,  who  on  all  occasions 
repeated  his  vow  of  combating  the  infidels,  was  killed  in  a 
petty  quarrel  with  Christians. 

Philip  Augustus  repudiated  Ingeburge,  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Denmark,  to  marry  Agnes  de  Meranie.  The  sove- 
reign pontiff,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  faithful,  strongly 
censured  princes  who  gave  themselves  up  to  illegitimate 
amours  ;  he  ordered  Philip  Augustus  to  take  back  Inge- 
burge, and  as  Philip  refused  to  obey,  the  kingdom  of  Prance 
was  placed  under  an  interdict.  During  several  months  all 
religious  ceremonies  were  suspended ;  the  pulpits  of  the 
Gospel  ceased  to  give  forth  the  holy  word  ;  church  bells  and 
the  voice  of  prayer  were  silenced ;  Christian  burial  was 
refused  to  the  dead ;  the  sanctuary  was  closed  against  the 
faithful ;  a  long  mourning  veil  seemed  to  hang  over  cities 
and  plains,  from  whicb  the  Christian  religion  was  banished, 
and  which  might  almost  be  fancied  to  be  invaded  by  tlie 
Saracens.  Altliough  such  as  took  the  cross  were  exempt 
from  the  interdict,  the  spectacle  whicli  Prance  presented 
discouraged  and  saddened  its  inhabitants.  Philip  Augusti  s, 
irritated  against  the  pope,  showed  very  little  disposition  tc* 
revdve  their  zeal ;  and  the  clergy,  whose  influeiice  might  have 
had  a  powerful  effect,  had  less  reason  to  deplore  the  captivity 
of  Jerusalem  than  the  unhappy  state  of  the  kingdom. 

At  length  a  cure  of  JN'uuilly-sur-Maine  began  to  fill  Prance 
with  the  fame  of  his  eloquence  and  his  miracles.     Poulqueg 


HISTORY    OF   TUE    CEUSi^DES.  4!S 

had  at  first  led  <a  ^  erj'  dissipated  life,  but,  touched  with  sin- 
cere repentance,  lie  was  not  satisfied  with  expiating  his 
irregularities  by  peuitence,  but  became  desirous  of  bringing 
bacit  all  sinners  to  the  paths  of  salvation,  and  travelled 
through  the  provinces  endeavouring  to  awaken  in  the  people 
a  contempt  for  tlie  things  of  this  life.  Grod,  to  try  him, 
permitted  that,  in  his  early  sermons,  l^oidques  should  be 
exposed  to  the  ridicule  of  his  auditors ;  but  the  truths  he 
uttered  soon  obtained  a  marvellous  ascendancy  over  all  tiiat 
came  to  hear  him.  Bishops  invited  him  to  preach  in  their 
dioceses  ;  he  received  everywhere  extraordinary  honours,  and 
both  people  and  clergy  flocked  out  to  meet  him,  as  if  he  had 
been  an  envoy  of  God.  Eoulques,  says  the  chronicle  o^ 
St.  Victor,  had  nothing  remarkable  in  his  vestments  or  man- 
ner of  living  ;  he  f ravelled  on  horseback,  and  ate  that  ivhich 
teas  cjiven  to  him.  He  preached  sometimes  in  churches,  at 
others  in  public  places,  and  not  unfrequently  amidst  the 
excitement  of  tournaments.  His  eloqueuce  was  simple  and 
natural ;  safe,  by  his  ignorance,  from  the  bad  taste  of  his 
age,  he  neither  astonished  his  auditors  by  the  vaiu  subtleties 
of  the  schools,  nor  by  an  absurd  mixture  of  passages  from 
the  Scriptures  and  profane  quotations  from  antiquity.  His 
words,  from  being  unadorned  by  the  erudition  then  so  much 
admired,  were  the  more  persuasive,  and  found  their  way  more 
directly  to  the  heart.*  The  most  learned  preachers  ranked 
themselves  among  his  disciples,  and  declared  that  the  Holy 
Ghost  spoke  by  his  mouth.  Animated  by  that  fiiith  which 
performs  prodigies,  he  enchained  at  his  pleasure  the  passions 
of  the  multitude,  and  caused  to  resound,  even  in  the  palaces 
of  princes,  the  thunders  of  evangelical  dennnciations.f  At  his 
voice,  all  that  had  eiiriched  themselves  by  fraud,  brigandage, 
or  usury,  hastened  to  restore  that  which  they  liad  unjustly 

*  The  Chronicle  of  St.  Victor  speaks  thus  of  Foulques  de  Neuilly  : — 
Et  verba  ejus  quasi  sas^ittue  potentis  acutse,  homiiium  prava  corda 
consuetudme  obdurata  penetrarent  et  ad  lacryinas  et  poeniteatiam  amo- 
lirent. 

■f-  If  we  may  believe  contemporary  chronicles,  Foulques  addressed 
Richard  Coeur  de  Lion,  and  said  to  him, — "  You  have  three  daughters  to 
dispose  of  in  marriage,  Avarice,  Pride,  and  Luxury."  "  Well,"  repaed 
Richard,  "  I  give  my  pride  to  the  Templars,  my  avarice  to  the  monks  of 
Citeaux,  and  my  luxury  to  the  bishops."  This  auecd&ie  is  quoted  by 
Rigord. 


4A  HiaXOEY    OF    THE    CEUSABES. 

acquired  ;  libertines  confessed  their  sins,  and  devoted  tlieotl 
selves  to  the  austerities  of  penitence  ;*  prostitutes,  following 
the  example  of  Madeline,  deplored  the  scandal  of  their  lives, 
cut  oti'  their  hair,  exchanged  their  gaudy  apparel  for  hair- 
clotli  and  mean  garments,  and  made  vows  to  sleep  upon 
ashes  and  die  in  retirement.  In  short,  the  eloquence  of 
Foulques  of  Neuilly  effected  such  miracles,  that  contempo- 
raries speak  of  him  as  of  another  St.  Paul,  sent  for  the  con- 
version of  his  age.  One  of  them  even  goes  so  far  as  to  say 
that  he  dares  not  relate  all  he  knows  of  him,  fearing  the  in- 
credulity of  men.f 

Innocent  III.  cast  his  eyes  upon  Foulques  of  Neuilly,  and 
confided  to  him  the  mission  that,  fifty  years  before,  had  been 
given  to  St.  Bernard.  The  new  preacher  of  the  crusade 
himself  assumed  the  cross  at  a  general  chapter  of  the  order 
of  Citeaux.  At  the  sound  of  his  voice,  the  zeal  for  the 
holy  war,  which  had  appeared  extinct,  blazed  out  again  in  all 
parts.  In  every  city  he  passed  through,  the  people  crowded 
to  listen  to  him ;  and  all  who  were  in  a  condition  to  bear 
arms,  took  the  oath  to  combat  the  infidels. 

Several  holy  orators  were  associated  with  Foulques  of 
Neuilly ;  Martin  Litz,  of  tlie  order  of  Giteaux,  in  the 
diocese  of  Bale,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Ehine  ;  Herloin,  a 
monk  of  St.  Denis,  took  his  cause  through  the  still  wild 
countries  of  Bretagne  and  the  lower  Poitou ;  and  Eustace, 
abbot  of  Flay,  crossed  the  sea  twice,  to  awakeu  the  enthu- 
siasm and  holy  ardoiu'  of  the  provinces  of  Enr;land. 

These  pious  orators  were  not  aU  endowed  w  ith  the  samo 
eloquence  ;  but  all  were  animated  by  the  most  ardent  zeal. 
The  profanation  of  the  holy  places,  the  evils  suffered  by  ihki 
Eastern  Christians,  and  the  remembrance  of  Jerusalem, 
imparted  the  most  lively  interest  to  their  discourses,  anu 

*  The  Latin  history  of  the  diocese  of  Paris  thus  designates  the  prott- 
titutes — jNlultce  uiulierculse  qufe  corpore  qua;? turn  faciebant. 

f  Albeiic,  Rigord,  Otho  of  St.  Bkiise,  James  of  Vitri,  the  manuscript 
chronicle  Aiitore  Radulfo  Coygehalensi,  the  Chronicle  of  Brompton,  jnA 
Miirin  Samd,  have  Irft  particuhirs  of  the  life  of  Foulques.  The  Ec:le- 
sia^lical  History  o(  Fleury,  vol.  xvi.,  has  collected  all  the  materials  vat- 
ttred  about  in  the  old  chronicles.  The  Abbe  Lebeuf,  in  his  History  oj 
Paris,  qucitfs  a  Life  of  Foulques,  1  vol.  in  12mo.  Palis,  1620,  whitti  we 
have  in  vain  endeavoured  to  procure. 


HISTOliY    OF    THE    CTiUSAJDEa.  43 

touched  all  hearts.*  Such  was  the  spirit  spread  through 
Europe,  that  simply  to  nieution  the  name  of  Christ,  or  to 
speak  of  the  city  of  God,  held  in  captivity  by  the  infidels, 
melted  auditors  to  tears,  and  gave  birth  to  transports  of 
entiuisiasm.  The  people  everywhere  evinced  the  same  pietv 
and  the  same  feelings ;  but  the  cause  of  Christ  still  wanted 
the  example  and  courage  of  princes  and  nobles.  As  a  cele- 
brated tournament  had  been  proclaimed  in  Champagne,  at 
which  the  boldest  warriors  of  France,  G-ermany,  and  Flan- 
ders were  expected  to  be  present,  Foulques  repaired  to  the 
castle  of  Eery-sur-Aisne,t  which  was  the  rendezvous  of  the 
knights.  His  eloquence  procured  attention  to  the  complaints 
of  yion,  even  amidst  the  profane  and  violent  amusements  of 
chivalry ;  when  Foulques  spoke  of  Jerusalem,  knights  and 
barons  neglected  their  jousts,  the  shivering  of  lances,  or 
high  feats  of  arms ;  they  became  insensible  of  the  presence 
of  dames  and  demoiselles,  who  accorded  tlie  prizes  to  valour ; 
and  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  gay  minstrels  who  celebrated 
la  prouesse  achetee  et  vendue  ait,  fer  tt  a  Vacier.  All  took 
the  oath  to  fight  against  the  infidels ;  and  it  must  have  been 
siu'prising  to  see  numerous  defenders  of  the  cross  come 
forth  from  these  warlike  festivals  that  were  so  severely  re- 
prehended by  the  Church. 

Among  the  princes  and  lords  who  enrolled  themselves  in 
the  crusade,  the  most  conspicuous  were  Thibault  IV.,  count  of 
Champagne,  and  Louis,  count  of  Chartres  and  Blois,  both 
relations  of  the  kings  of  France  and  England.  The  father 
of  Thibault  had  followed  Louis  A"II.  to  the  second  crusade, 
and  his  elder  brother  had  been  king  of  Jt'rusalem.  Two 
thousand  five  hundred  knights  owed  him  homage  and  military 
service,  and  the  nobility  of  Champagne  excelled  in  all  the 

*  The  monk  Gunther  gives  some  account  of  this  sermon  in  the  history 
he  has  left  us  of  the  conquest  of  Constantinople.  The  monk  Gunther 
bestows  the  warmest  prai<e  upon  Martin  Litz,  who  was  his  abbot,  and 
gives  curious  details  of  the  sermons  of  the  latter.  He  puts  into  the  mouth 
of  the  ]ireacher  of  the  crusade  a  discourse  in  which  we  find  the  same 
reasons,  and  almost  the  same  words,  as  in  all  the  discourses  of  those  who 
had  previously  preached  holy  wars  ;  it  is  probable  that  the  people  were 
more  aflccted  by  the  spirit  that  reigned  in  Europe  than  by  the  eloquence 
of  the  orators. — See  Gunther,  in  the  Collection  of  Canisius 

t  The  castle  of  Eery  was  situated  on  the  river  Aisne.  not  far  from 
Chateau  Porcien. 


4G  IlISTOKY    OF    THi;    C.tUSADES. 

noble  exercises  of  arms.*  The  marriage  of  Tliibault  with 
the  heiress  of  Navarre  brought  to  his  standard  a  great 
number  of  ■narriors  from  the  coimtries  bordering  on  the 
Pyrenees.  Louis,  count  of  Chartres  and  Blois,  reckoufid 
among  his  ancestors  one  of  tlie  most  illustrious  chiefs  of  the 
first  crusade,  and  was  master  of  a  province  abounding  in 
warriors  of  name.  After  the  example  of  these  two  princes, 
the  following  distinguished  leaders  took  the  cross  : — The 
count  of  St.  Paul,  tlie  counts  Gkiuthier  and  Jean  de  Brienne, 
Manasses  de  I'lsle,  Kenard  do  Dampierre,  Mathieu  de 
Montmorency,  Hugh  and  Robert  de  Eoves,  d'Amiens, 
Eenaud  de  Boulogne,  Geoffrey  de  Perche,  Eenaud  de  Mont- 
mirail,  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  had  just  signed  a  treaty 
with  the  Saracens,  but  was  no  less  ready  on  that  account  to 
take  an  oath  to  fight  against  them  ;  and  Geolfrey  de  Vllle- 
hardouin,t  marshal  of  Champagne,  who  has  left  us  an  account 
of  tills  crusade  in  the  unadorned  language  of  his  time. 

Among  the  ecclesiastics,  history  names  Nivelon  de  Che- 
risi,  bishop  of  Soissons ;  Gamier,  bishop  of  Langres  ;  the 
abbot  of  Looz,  and  the  abbot  of  Veaux-de-Cernai.  The 
bishop  of  Langres,  who  had  been  the  object  of  the  censures 
of  the  pope,  expected  to  find  in  tlie  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
Land,  an  opportvmity  of  reconciling  himself  with  the  Holy 
See.  The  abbot  of  Looz  and  the  abbot  of  Veaux-de-Cernai 
were  both  remarkable  for  their  piety  and  learning  ;  the  former 
full  of  wisdom  and  moderation,  tlie  latter  animated  by  a  holy 
enthusiasm  and  an  ardent  zeal,  which  afterwards  he  but  too 
strongly  displayed  against  the  Albigeois  and  the  partisans  of 
the  count  of  Tlioidouse. 

When  the  knights  and  barons  returned  to  their  homes, 
bearing  a  red  cross  upon  their  baldrics  and  theii'  coats  of 

*  The  author  of  a  History  of  Jernsnlem,  who  wrote  in  the  twelfth 
century,  says,  when  speaking  of  the  Champenois : — Et  cjuie'iam  pars 
Francise,  quae  Campan-a  dicitur,  et  cum  regio  tota  studiis  armorum 
floreat,  hsec  quodam  miliciee  privilegio  singularius  excellit  et  prsecellit  ; 
hinc  niartia  pubes  poteiiter  egressa,  vires  quje  in  tyrociniis  exercitaverat, 
in  hostem  ardentiiis  exerit,  et  irriiiginaiia  beilorum  prolusione  proposita, 
pugnans  aninios  ac)  veruiii  niartem  intendit. 

f  Tiie  name  of  Villehardouin  took  its  origin  from  a  village  or  castle  of 
the  diocese  of  Troye,  between  Bar  and  Arcy  ;  the  elder  branch,  to  which 
tiie  histcrian  belonged,  only  subsisted  to  1400;  the  younger,  which  ac- 
quired the  principality  of  Achaia,  merged  in  the  family  of  Savoy.  Ducange 
btts  left  a    ery  long  historical  notice  of  the  genealogy  of  this  family. 


inSTOKV    or   the    CltCSADES.  4,1 

mail,*  they  aroused  by  their  presence  the  enthusiasm  of 
tlieir  vassals  and  brothers  in  arms.  Tlie  nobility  ot"  Flanders, 
rit'tcr  Hie  example  of  those  of  Champagne,  were  anxious  to 
j)rove  tlieir  zeal  for  the  recovery  of  the  holy  places.  Baldwin, 
■who  h.:id  taken  the  part  of  Richard  against  Philip  Augustut!, 
f-ougiil  beneath  the  standard  of  the  cross  an  asylum  against 
the  anger  of  the  king  of  France,  and  swore,  in  the  church  c^f 
St.  ])ouatien  of  Bruges,  to  go  into  Asia  to  combat  the 
Saracens.  Mary,  countess  of  Flanders,  sister  of  Thibault, 
count  of  Champagne,  would  not  live  separated  from  her 
luisband  ;  and  although  she  was  still  in  the  floAver  of  her 
yeuth,  and  was  several  months  advanced  in  her  px^egnancy, 
took  an  oath  to  follow  the  Crusaders  beyond  the  seas,  and  to 
c^uit  a  home  she  was  doomed  never  to  see  again.  The 
example  of  Baldwin  was  followed  by  his  tvTO  brothers,t 
I'Aistace  and  Henry,  coimt  of  Sarbuck  ;  by  Canon  de  Bethune, 
whose  piety  and  eloquence  were  held  in  high  estimation,  and 
by  Jacques  d'Avesnes,  son  of  him  who,  under  the  same  name, 
h.ad  made  himself  so  famous  in  the  thu'd  crusade.  Most  of 
the  knights  and  barons  of  Flanders  and  Hainault  also  took 
the  oath  to  share  the  labours  and  perils  of  the  holy  war. 

The  principal  leaders  first  met  at  Soissons,  and  afterwards 
at  Compiegne.  In  their  assembly,  they  gave  the  command 
of  the  expedition  to  Thibault,  count  of  Champagne.  It  was 
decided  also  that  the  Crusaders  shoidd  repair  to  the  East  by 
sea ;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  determination,  six  deputies 
were  sent  to  Yenice,t  in  order  to  obtain  from  the  republic 
the  vessels  required  to  transport  the  m(?n  and  horses. 

The  Venetians  were  at  that  period  in  the  highest  state  of 
their  greatness  and  prosperity.     Amidst  the  convulsions  that 

*  Complures  tanta  pontificii  indulgertissimi  gratia  iiiecti,  et  Fulconis 
persuasionibus  escitati,  rubram  cruoem  amiculo,  quo  de.xter  humerus 
tegitur,  certatim  consuere. — R/iafnmisins  de  Bell.  Constant,  lib.  i. 

t  Rhamtiusius  gives  a  very  minute  list  of  the  knights  and  barons  that 
took  the  cross.  Le  Pere  d'Outreman  likewise  gives  a  very  extensive  list. 
In  the  notes  that  accompany  the  history  of  Villehardouin,  Ducange  has 
left  us  many  curious  p^riiculars  upon  the  knights  and  barons  of  Flanders 
and  Champagne  who  took  j  art  in  this  crusade. 

X  Vills-hardouin  has  preserved  the  names  of  the  six  deputies.  The 
('ount  Thibault  named  two  :  Geoffrey  of  Villehardouin,  Miles  of  Brabant. 
Baldwin  of  Flanders,  two  others :  Canon  de  Bethune,  and  Alard  de 
Maqueriaux  ;  and  the  count  of  Blois,  two  :  Jean  de  Friaise  and  Gauthier 
de  Goudonville. 


43  IIISTOUY    Of    THE    CRUSADES. 

had  preceded  and  followed  the  fall  of  the  Komau  power,  ;hese 
iiulustrious  people  had  taken  refuge  in  the  islands  that 
border  the  extremity  of  the  Adriatic  Gulf:  and,  placed  upon 
the  waves,  had  directed  all  their  views  to  the  empire  of  the 
sea,*  of  which  the  barbarians  toolv  no  iieed.  Venice  was  at 
first  Tuider  the  dominion  of  the  emperors  of  Constantinople  ; 
but,  in  proportion  with  the  decline  of  the  Greek  empire,  the 
republic  acquired  territorj',  strength,  and  splendour,  which 
necessarily  produced  iudei)endeuce.  From  the  tenth  century, 
])alaces  of  marble  had  replaced  the  humble  huts  oftishermen, 
scattered  over  the  island  of  the  Eialtc.  The  cities  of  Is.tria 
and  Dalmatia  obeyed  the  sovereigns  of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 
The  republic,  become  formidable  to  the  most  powerful 
monarch,  was  able,  at  the  least  signal,  to  arm  a  fleet  of  a 
hundred  galleys,  which  it  employed  successively  against  the 
Greeks,  the  Saracens,  and  the  Normans.  The  power  of 
Venice  was  respected  by  all  the  nations  of  the  West ;  and 
the  republics  of  Genoa  and  Pisa  in  vain  contended  with  her 
for  the  domination  of  the  seas.  The  Venetians  remembered 
Avith  pride  these  words  of  Pope  Alexander  III.,  when  the 
republic  had  protested  against  the  emperor  of  Germany, 
who  presented  a  ring  to  the  doge,  saying,  "  J£spouse  the  sea 
with  this  riru/,  that  j^osterif//  may  Tinow  that  the  Venetians 
have  acquired  the  empire  of  the  leaves,  and  that  the  sea  has 
heen  subjected  to  them  as  a  woman  is  to  her  husband.''^ 

The  fleets  of  the  Venetians  constantly  visited  the  ports  of 
Greece  and  Asia ;  they  transported  pilgrims,  to  Palestine, 
and  returned  laden  with  the  rich  merchandise  of  the  East. 
The  Venetians  entered  into  the  crusades  wdthless  eagerness 
and  enthusiasm  than  other  Christian  nations,  but  knew  well 
how  to  profit  by  them  for  their  own  interests  ;  whilst  the 
■wari'iors  of  Christendom  were  fighting  for  glory,  for  king- 
doms, or  for  the  tomb  of  Christ,  the  merchants  of  Venice 
fought  for  counting-houses,  stores,  and  commercial  privi- 
leges ;  and  avarice  often  made  them  undertake  that  which 
otiier  nations  could  not  have  been  able  to  eflect  but  by  an 
excess  of  religious  zeal.  The  republic,  which  owed  all  its 
prosperity  to  its  commercial  relations,  sought  without  scruple 

*  Innocent  III.  said  of  the  republic  of  Venice  :  Quse  non  agiiculturis 
inservit,  sed  navigiis  ))olius  et  mercinioniis  estiutenta. — See  the  first  book 
of  the  Collection  of  I  lie  Letters  of  Innocent. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CiJUSADES.  49 

the  friendsliip  and  protection  of  tlie  Mussulman  powers  of 
Syria  and  Egypt ;  and  often,  even  when  all  Europe  was 
arming  against  the  infideld,  the  Venetians  were  accused  of 
supplying  the  eneuiiod  of  the  Christian  nations  with  both 
arms  and  provisions. 

When  the  deputies  of  the  Crusaders  arrived  at  Venice,  the 
republic  had  for  doge  Dandolo,  so  celebrated  in  its  annals. 
Dandolo  had  for  a  length  ot'  time  served  his  country  in 
important  missions,  and  in  the  command  of  its  fleets  and 
armies  ;  now,  placed  at  the  head  of  its  government,  he  watched 
over  its  liberties  and  the  operations  of  its  laws.  His 
labours  in  war  and  peace,  his  nsefid  regulations  of  the  money 
currency,  Avith  his  administration  of  justice  and  public 
security,  deservedly  procured  him  the  esteem  and  gratitude 
of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  had  acquired  the  power  of  mas- 
tering, by  words,  the  passions  of  the  multitude,  even  in  the 
stormy  disputes  of  a  republic. 

Nobody  was  more  skilful  in  seizing  a  favoiu'able  opportu- 
nity, or  in  taking  advantage  of  the  least  circumstance  for  tlie 
furtherance  of  his  designs.  At  the  age  of  ninety,  the  doge 
,  of  Venice  exhibited  no  symptoms  of  senility  but  virtue  and 
experience.*  Everything  that>  could  save  his  country  aroused 
his  activity  and  inflamed  his  courage ;  with  the  spirit  of 
calculation  and  economy  which  distinguished  his  compatriots, 
Dandolo  mingled  passions  the  most  generous,  and  threw  an 
air  of  grandeur  over  all  the  enterprises  of  a  trading  people. 
His  patriotism,  always  sustained  by  the  love  of  glory,  ap- 
peared to  possess  soniethingof  that  sentiment  of  honour,  and 
that  chivah'ic  greatness  of  soul  which  formed  the  predominant 
characteristic  of  his  age. 

Dandolof  praised  with  warmth  an  enterprise  that  appeared 

*  Nicetas  says  in  hishistor}',  that  Dandolo  was  styled  "  The  Prudent  of 
the  Prudent." 

f  Several  historians  say  that  Dandolo  was  blind,  and  that  the  emperor 
Manuel  Comnenus  had  deprived  him  of  sight  during  an  abode  he  made  at 
Constantinople.  One  of  his  descendants,  Andre  Dandolo,  says  merely 
in  his  history  that  his  ancestor  was  shortsighted  (viau  debilis).  The  part 
of  the  story  connected  with  Manuel  Comnenus  a])pears  to  be  a  fable. 
Historians  difft^r  as  to  the  age  of  Dandolo  :  Ducauije,  at  the  period  of  the 
crusade,  gives  him  ninety -four  years.  Gibbon  does  not  doubt  of  his 
blindness,  though  he  has  no  faith  in  its  having  bi  en  caused  by  Manuel ; 
but  he  certainly  assigns  to  hiin  actions  that  could  scarcely  be  performed 

3* 


50  llltJlOltr    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

glorious  to  him,  and  in  which  the  interests  of  his  countrj 
were  not  opposed  to  those  of  rougion.  The  deputies  re- 
quired vessels  to  transport  four  thousand  five  himdred 
knights  and  twenty  tliousand  foot,  with  provisions  for  the 
Christian  army  for  nine  juonths.  Dandolo  promised,  in  the 
name  of  the  republic,  to  furnish  the  necessary  pro\isions  and 
vessels,  on  condition  that  the  Crnsaders  sliould  engage  to 
pay  the  Venetians  the  sum  of  eighty-five  thousand  silver 
marks.*  As  he  was  not  willing  that  the  people  of  Venice 
should  be  luiconnected  with  the  expedition  of  the  French 
Crusaders,  Dandolo  proposed  to  the  deputies  to  arm,  at  the 
expense  of  the  republic,  fifty  galleys,  and  demanded  for  his 
country  half  of  the  conquests  that  might  be  made  in  the 
East. 

The  deputies  accepted  without  hesitation  the  more  in- 
terested than  generous  proposals  of  the  doge.  The  condi- 
tions of  the  treaty  were  first  examined  in  the  doge's  coun- 
cil,t  composed  of  six  patricians  ;  it  was  afterwards  ratified  in 
two  other  councils,;};  and  at  last  presented  for  the  sanction 
of  the  people,  who  then  exercised  supreme  power.§ 

A  general  assembly  was  convoked  in  the  church  of  St. 
IMark,  and  when  the  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost  had  been  cele- 
brated, the  marshal  of  Champagne,  accompanied  by  the  other 
deputies,  arose,  and  addressing  the  people  of  Venice,  pro- 
nounced a  discourse,  the  simple  and  unatiected  expressions 
of  which  paint,  better  than  we  possibly  can,  the  spirit  and 
feelings  of  the  heroic  periods  of  our  history. ||     "  The  lords 

by  a  blind  man.  He  does  not  believe  the  accounts  of  his  very  advanced 
agH,  saying, — "  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  the  powers  of  mind  and  body 
i-hould  support  themselves  at  such  an  Hge."— Trans. 

*  Weight  of  Cologne  or  Geneva^     See  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 

•f-  The  Venetians  undertook,  in  the  treaty^  to  distribute  to  each  indi- 
viduHJ  of  the  army  of  the  Crusaders,  six  setters  of  bread,  corn,  wheat,  or 
ve.'Ctables,  and  half  a  \:\tcher  {demi-ouc/ie)  of  wine;  for  each  horse  three 
bushels,  Venetian  measure,  aud  water  in  sufficient  qu  atities.  We  are 
not  able  to  value  the  six  sellers  of  corn,  or  the  half-pitclier  of  wir.e,  having 
no  means  of  ascertaining  the  Venetian  measures. 

X  The  original  treaty  may  be  seen  in  the  ChTonicle  of  Andrew  Dandolo, 
pages  325,  328  of  vol.  xii.  of  Muratori. 

§  From  the  thirteenth  century  the  aristocracy  began  at  Venice  to  get 
the  l)etter  of  the  democracy. — See  Hintory  of  Veiiire,  by  Laugier. 

II  Sevcrnl  authors  have  thought  that  Villehardouin  could  not  write  ;  and 
they  found  their  opiiuon  upon  what  he  hiuisclf  says, — "  /,  who  diddled 


HISTORY    or    THE    CRUSADES.  5x 

and  barons  of  France,  the  most  high  and  the  most  powerful^ 
have  sent  us  to  you  to  pray  you,  in  tlie  name  of  God,  to 
take  pity  on  Jerusalem,  wliich  the  Turks  liold  in  bondage ; 
tliey  cry  to  you  lor  mercy,  and  supphcate  you  to  accompany 
them  to  avenge  the  disgrace  of  Jesus  Christ.  They  have 
made  choice  of  you,  because  they  know  that  no  people  that 
be  upon  the  sea  liave  so  great  power  as  your  nation.  They 
have  commanded  us  to  throw  oiu'selvea  at  your  feet,  and  not 
to  rise  until  you  shall  have  granted  our  request,  initil  you 
shall  have  had  pity  on  the  Holy  Land  beyond  the  seas."  At 
these  words  the  deputies  were  moved  to  tears,*  and  feeling 
it  no  degradation  to  humble  themselves  in  the  cause  of 
Christ,t  they  fell  upon  their  knees  and  held  up  their  hands 
in  a  supplicating  manner  towards  the  assembly  of  the  people. 
The  strong  emotion  of  the  barons  and  knights  communicated 
itself  to  the  A^enetians,  and  ten  thousand  voices  replied  as 
one,  "  We  grant  your  request.''''  The  doge,  ascending  the 
tribunal,  praised  highly  the  earnestness  and  loyalty  of  the 
French  barons,  and  spoke  with- enthusiasm  of  the  honour 
God  conferred  upon  the  people  of  Venice  in  choosing  them 
from  amongst  all  other  nations,;]:  to  partake  in  the  glory  of 
the  most  noble  of  enterprises,  and  associate  them  with  the 
most  valiant  of  warriors.  He  then  read  the  treaty  entered 
into  with  the  Crusaders,  and  conjured  his  assembled  fellow- 
citizens  to  give  their  consent  to  it  in  the  forms  ordained  by 

this  work.''  However  that  may  be,  the  history  of  Villehardouin  has  been, 
jironounced  by  learned  men  to  be  a  model  of  ihe  language  that  has 
ceased  to  be  French.  In  the  sixteenth  century  the  language  of  the 
marshal  of  Chainpasne  was  already  not  understood  ;  his  history  was 
turned  into  modern  French  by  Blaise  de  Vigenere  towards  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  ;  this  rrinslation  has  itself  become  so  old  as  to  ^;e  now 
scarcely  intelligible.  Tlie  new  version  that  Ducange  made  of  it  in  the 
efiventeenth  century  rtill  bears  an  impres.-ion  of  antiquity,  which  preserves 
something  of  the  vaivete  oi  the  original.  We  shall  often  have  occasioa 
to  quote  Villehardouin  ;  but  we  shall  only  quote  the  ancient  versions,  and 
sometimes  from  a  translation  we  have  ourselves  made,  alwajs  endeavouring 
to  preserve  as  far  as  possible  the  simplicity  of  the  old  language. 

*  Gibbon  says,  "  A  reader  of  Villehardouin  must  observe  the  frequent 
tears  of  the  marshal  and  his  brother  knights  ;  they  weep  on  every  occasion 
of  grief,  jov,  or  devotion.'" — Trans. 

t  Maintenant  li  six  messagers  s'ageneuillent  a  la  pies  mull  plorant.— 
Vlllehardoxiin,  lib.  i. 

X  Persua  sum  omnes  liabent, solos  Venetos  mari,  Gallos  terr^  prsepo- 
♦entes  csae. — Rhamn.  lib.  i. 


52  niSTORY    OF    THE    CETJSADES. 

the  laws  of  the  republic.  Then  the  people  arose,  and  cried 
with  an  unanimous  shout,  "  JVe  consent  to  it.'"  All  t]i6  in- 
habitants of  Venice  Avere  present  at  this  meeting ;  an  im- 
mense multitude  covered  the  place  of  St.  Mark  and  filled  the 
neighbouring  streets.  Eeligiovis  enthusiasm,  love  of  coun- 
try, surprise  and  joy  were  manifested  by  acclamations  so 
loud  and  general,  that  it  might  be  said,  according  to  the  ex- 
pression of  the  marshal  of  Champagne,  "  that  the  world  tvas 
about  to  engage  in  one  common  conflict." 

On  the  morrow  of  this  memorable  day,  tlie  deputies  of  the 
barons  repaired  to  the  palace  of  St.  INfark,  and  swore  qn 
their  swords  and  the  Gospel,  to  fulfil  all  the  engagements 
they  had  made.  The  preamble  of  the  treaty  recalled  the 
faults  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  princes  who  had  to  tliat 
time  undertaken  the  deliverance  of  tlie  Holy  Land,  and 
praised  the  wisdom  and  prudeiice  of  the  French  lords  and 
knights,  who  neglected  nothing  to  assure  the  success  of  an 
enterprise  full  of  difficulties  aiid  perils.  The  deputies  were 
charged  to  endeavour  to  cause  the  conditions  they  had 
sworn  to  to  be  adopted  by  their  brothers  in  arms  the  barons 
and  knightSjby  the  ivhole  of  their  nation,  and  if  possible,  by 
their  sovereign  lord  the  Icing  of  France.  The  treaty  was 
written  on  parchment  and  sent  immediately  to  Eome,  to 
receive  the  approbation  of  the  pope  ;  and,  full  of  confidence 
in  the  future,  as  well  as  in  the  alliance  they  had  contracted, 
the  French  knights  and  the  patricians  of  Venice  exchanged 
the  most  touching  protestations  of  friendship.*  The  doge 
lent  the  barons  the  sum  of  ten  thousaiid  silver  mai-ks,  and 
the  latter  swore  never  to  forget  the  services  the  republic 
had  rendered  to  Jesus  Christ.  "  There  were  then  shed," 
says  Villeliardouin,  "many  tears  of  tenderness  and  joy." 

The  government  of  Venice  was  a  new  spectacle  for  the 
French  nobles;  deliberations  of  the  people  were  perfectly 
unknown  to  them,  and  must  have  struck  them  with  asto- 
nishment. On  the  other  side,  the  embassy  of  the  knighta 
and  barons  could  not  fail  to  flatter  the  pride  of  the  Vene- 
tians ;  the  latter  felicitated  themselves  upon  being  thus  ac- 
knowledged as  the   greatest   maritime   nation,   and,  never 

*  Vigenere,  the  translator  of  Villeliardouin,  informs  us  that  in  his 
time  the  treaty  between  the  Venetians  and  the  French,  concluded  in  tha 
munth  of  April,  1201,  was  still  preserved  in  the  Chancery  of  Venice. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  53 

Bepariiting  their  glory  from  their  commercial  int^reata,  rC' 
joiced  at  having  made  so  advantageous  a  bargain.  The 
knights,  ou  the  contrary,  only  thought  of  honour  and  the 
cause  of  Christ ;  and  althougli  the  treaty  was  rumous  to  the 
Crusaders,  they  bore  back  the  news  to  their  companions  in 
arms  with  the  greatest  joy  and  satisfaction.* 

The  preference  given  to  the  Venetians  by  the  Crusaders 
naturally  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  other  maritime  powers 
of  Italy ;  thus  the  French  deputies,  upon  going  to  Pisa  and 
Genoa  to  solicit  the  aid  of  the  two  republics  in  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ,  met  with  a  cold  reception  and  a  perfect  indif- 
ference for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places. 

The  account  of  what  had  taken  place  at  Venice,  and  the 
presence  of  the  barons,  did  not  fell,  however,  to  arouse  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  inhabitants  of  Lombardy  and  Piedmont ; 
a  great  number  of  them  took  the  cross  and  arms,  and  pro- 
mised to  follow  Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  to  the  Holy 
Land. 

The  marshal  of  Champagne,  whilst  crossing  Mount  Cenis, 
met  Gauthier  de  Brienne,  who  had  taken  the  cross  at  the 
castle  of  Eery,  and  was  on  his  way  to  Apulia.  He  had  mar- 
ried one  of  the  daughters  of  Tancred,  last  king  of  Sicily. 
Followed  by  sixty  knights  of  Champagne,  he  was  going  to 
endeavour  to  make  good  the  claim.s  of  his  wife,  and  conquer 
the  kingdom  founded  by  the  Xorman  knights.  The  marshal 
Villehardouin  and  Gauthier  de  Brienne  congratulated  each 
other  upon  the  brilliant  prospects  of  their  expeditions,  and 
promised  to  meet  again  in  the  plains  of  Egypt  and  Syria. 
Thus  the  future  presented  nothing  to  the  knights  of  the 

*  The  author  of  the  History  of  the  Republics  of  Italy  recapitulates  thu3 
the  sum  that  was  due  to  the  Venetians  by  the  Crusaders  : — 

For  four  thousand  five  hundred  liorses,   at  four  ~l  -.o  nr.r^ 

marks  per  horse    j  ' 

For  the  knights,  at  two  marks  per  knight     9,000 

For  twenty  thousand  foot- soldiers,  at  two  marks  "1  ,„  ^^.^ 

per  soldier  /  ' 

For  two  squires  per  horse,  nine  thousand  squires. .  18,000 

Total  marks 85,000 


fiigl  ty-five  thousand  marks  of  silver  are  equal  to  four  millions  twf 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  francs. 


54  HISTORY    Cr    THE    CEUSADES. 

cross  but  victories  and  trophies  ;  and  the  hope  of  conqiiering 
distant  kingdoms  redoubled  their  ardour. 

When  the  deputies  arrived  in  Champagne,  they  found 
Thibault  dangerously  ill.  The  prince  was  so  delighted  at 
learning  the  success  of  their  embassy,  that,  heedless  of  the 
disease  that  had  confined  him  to  bis  bed,  he  insisted  upon 
putting  on  his  armour  and  mounting  on  horseback  ;  but  "tliis 
was  great  pity  and  misfortune,"  says  Villeliardouin  ;  "  for  the 
malady  increased,  and  gathered  such  strength,  that  he  declared 
his  will,  took  leave  of  his  friends,  and  got  no  more  on  horse- 
back." Thibault,  the  model  and  hope  of  the  Christian  knight,s, 
died  in  the  flower  of  his  age,  deeply  regretted  by  his  vassals 
and  companions  in  arms.  He  deplored  before  the  barons 
the  rigorous  destiny  that  condemned  him  thus  to  die  without 
glory,  at  the  moment  that  he  was  about  to  gather  the  palms 
of  victory  or  of  martyrdom  in  the  plains  of  the  East ;  he 
exhorted  them  to  perform  the  vow  he  had  made  to  God  to 
deliver  Jerusalem,  and  left  them  all  his  tx*easures  to  be  em- 
ployed in  this  holy  enterprise.  An  epitaph  in  Latin  verse, 
which  still  exists,  celebrates  the  virtues  and  pious  zeal  of 
Count  Thibault,  recalls  the  preparations  for  his  pilgrimage,* 
and  terminates  by  saying,  that  this  young  prince  found  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem,  tvhen  about  to  seek  the  earth!//  Jerusalem. 

After  the  death  of  tlie  count  of  Champagne,  the  barons 
and  knights  who  had  taken  the  cross,  assembled  to  choose 
another  leader,  and  their  election  fell  upon  the  count  deBar 
and  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  The  count  de  Bar  refused  to 
take  the  connnand  of  the  Christian  army.  Eudes  III.,  duke 
of  Burgundy,  still  mourned  the  death  of  his  father,  who  had 
died  in  Palestiue  after  the  third  crusade,  and  could  not  be 
induced  to  quit  his  duchy  to  undertake  the  pilgrimage  to  the 
East.  The  refusal  of  these  two  princes  was  a  subject  of 
scandal  for  the  soldiers  of  the  cross ;  and  contemporary  his- 
tory informs  us  tliat  they  afterwards  repented  of  tlie  indif- 
ference they  had  evinced  for  the  cause  of  Christ.f    The  duke 

*  Thibault  was  bmied  in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  of  Troyes  ;  his 
epitaph  finishes  with  these  verses  : — 

Tt-rreiiam  qua?rens,  coelestem  rejiperit  urbem  ; 
Dum  procul  hsec  potilur,  obviat  ille  dorni. 

•f  The  History  o/  liurnundy  hy  Courtepee  and  Beguillet  has  here  com  • 


IIISTOEr    OF    THE    CIIVSADES.  55 

of  Burgundy,  wlio  died  within  a  few  years,  was  desiroiis  of 
taking  the  cross  on  his  bed  of  death,  and,  to  expiate  his 
fault,  sent  several  of  his  warriors  into  Palestine. 

The  knights  and  barons  then  otiered  the  command  to 
Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat.*  Boniface  belonged  to  a 
family  of  Christian  heroes ;  his  brother  Conrad  had  rendered 
himself  famous  by  the  defence  of  Tyre,  and  he  himself  had 
already  fought  many  times  against  the  infidels :  he  did  not 
liesitate  in  complying  with  the  wishes  of  the  Crusaders.  He 
came  to  Soissous,  where  he  received  the  cross  from  the 
hands  of  the  cure  of  jSTeuilly,  and  was  proclaimed  leader  of 
the  crusade  in  the  church  of  Xotre  Dame,  in  the  presence 
of  the  clergy  and  the  people. 

Two  years  had  passed  away  since  the  sovereign  pontift' 
had  ordered  the  bishops  to  preach  the  crusade  in  their 
dioceses.  The  situation  of  the  Christians  of  the  East  be- 
came every  day  more  deplorable  ;  the  kings  of  Jerusalem 
and  Armenia,  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  tlie  holy  city, 
and  the  grand  masters  of  the  military  orders,  addres.sed  day 
after  day  their  complaints  and  lamentations  to  the  Holy  See. 
Touched  by  their  prayers.  Innocent  again  exhorted  the  faith- 
ful, and  conjured  the  Crusaders  to  hasten  their  departure ; 
warmly  censuring  the  indifl'erence  ol  those  who,  after  having 
taken  the  cross,  appeared  to  be  forgetful  of  their  vow.  The 
Christian  father,  above  all,  reproached  the  ecclesiastics  with 
their  tardiness  in  paying  the  fortieth  part  of  their  revenues, 
destined  to  the  expenses  of  the  holy  war  :  ''  and  you  and  we," 
said  he,  "  and  all  persons  supported  by  the  goods  of  the 
Church,  ought  we  not  all  to  fear  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Nineveh  should  appear  against  us  at  the  day  of  judgment, 
and  pronounce  our  condemnation  ?  for  they  were  made  peni 
tent  by  the  preacliing  of  Jonas  ;  and  you,  not  only  you  have 
not  rent  your  hearts,  you  have  not  even  opened  your  hands 
to  succour  Christ  in  his  poverty,  and  repidse  the  opprobrium 
with  which  the  infidels  load  him."     The  epoch  of  a  holy  war 

mitted  a  great  error  in  mHking  Eudes  III.  set  out  on  the  crusade,  and 
take  a  part  in  thf  capture  of  Constantinople. 

*  Villehardouin  makes  thus  the  eulogy  of  Boniface,  marquis  of  Mont- 
ferrat :  — "  The  marquis  Boniface  is,  as  every  one  knows,  a  very  valorous 
prince,  and  most  esteemed  for  knowledge  of  war  and  feats  of  arms  of  any 
one  at  the  present  day  living.'* 


56  HISTORY    or    THE    CKUSADES. 

being  for  Christians  a  season  of  penitence,  the  sovereign 
pontiff  proscribed,  in  his  letters,  sumptuousness  in  living, 
splendour  in  dress,  and  public  amusements  ;  and  although 
the  new  crusade  had  been  first  preached  at  the  tournament 
of  Eery,  tournaments  were  in  the  number  of  diversions  and 
spectacles  forbidden  to  all  Christians  by  the  holy  father 
during  the  space  of  five  years, 

To  reanimate  the  courage  and  confidence  of  those  who 
had  taken  the  cross,  Innocent  told  them  of  the  new  divisions 
that  had  sprung  up  among  the  Mussulman  princes,  and  of 
the  scourges  with  wliich  God  had  recently  afflicted  Egypt. 
"  God,"  cried  the  pontiff",  "has  struck  the  country  of  Babylon 
with  the  rod  of  his  power  ;  the  Nile,*  that  river  of  Paradise, 
Avhich  fertilizes  the  land  of  the  Egyptians,  has  not  had  its 
accustomed  course.  This  chastisement  has  given  them  up 
to  death,  and  prepared  the  triumph  of  their  enemies."  The 
letters  of  the  pope  had  the  desired  effect.  The  marquis  of 
Montferrat  went  into  France,  towards  the  autumn  of  the 
year  1201,  and  the  Avhole  winter  was  devoted  to  preparations 
for  the  holy  war.  These  preparations  were  unaccompanied 
by  disorder,  and  the  princes  and  barons  refused  to  receive 
xuider  their  banners  any  but  disciplined  soldiers  and  men 
accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  lance  and  the  sword.  Some 
voices  were  raised  against  the  Jews,  whom  they  desired  to 
force  to  contribute  to  the  expenses  of  the  holy  war  ;t  but  the 
pope  took  them  under  his  protection,  and  threatened  all  who 
made  attempts  upon  their  lives  or  liberty  with  excommuni- 
cation. 

*  At  the  same  time  that  Egypt  pxi)erienced  all  the  horrors  of  famine, 
Richard  of  St.  Germain  an  t  the  Chronicle  of  Fossa-Nova  (see  Muratori) 
say  that  a  great  dearth  was  ftlt  in  Italy  and  Spain  ;  one  of  them  adds  that 
this  year,  1202  was  known  under  the  name  of  "  annus  fainis  "  Mezerai 
speaks  of  tliis  famine,  wliich  was  felt  in  France,  and  attributes  it  to  the  war 
then  carried  on  between  Philip  and  Richard.  "  The  two  kings,"  says  he, 
"  pillaged  the  lauds,  pulled  up  tht-ir  vines,  cut  down  the  trees,  cut  the 
harvest  whilst  unripe,  and  destroyed  more  cities  and  towns  in  one  duy 
than  had  been  built  in  ages.  Famine  followed  these  hoirible  ravages, 
says  an  autlior ;  so  that  many  of  the  richest  were  reduced  to  beg  their 
bread,  and  finding  none  to  give  it  to  them,  ate  grass  and  burrowed  in  the 
eajth  for  roots." 

t  The  pD^e  was  satisfied  with  liberating  the  Crusaders  from  the 
usurious  deliss  which  they  owed  to  the  Jews.  At  tha  period  all  interest 
upon  money  lent  was  considered  usury 


UISTORT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  57 

Before  tliey  left  their  homes,  the  Crusaders  had  to  deplore 
the  loss  of  the  holy  orator  who  had  awakened  their  zeal  and 
animated  their  courage.  Foulques  fell  sick,  and  died  in  his 
parish  of  Neuilly.  Some  time  hefore,  loud  murmurs  had 
been  heard  respecting  his  conduct,  and  his  words  had  ceased 
to  exercise  tlieir  accustomed  power  over  the  minds  of  his 
auditors.  Foulques  had  received  considerable  sums  of  money- 
destined  for  the  expenses  of  the  holy  Avar,  and  as  he  was 
accused  of  appropriating  those  to  his  own  use,  the  more 
money  he  amassed,  says  James  of  Yitri,*  the  more  con- 
sideration and  credit  he  lost.  The  suspicions  attached  to 
his  conduct  were  not,  however,  generally  credited.  The 
marshal  of  Champagne  informs  us,  m  his  history,  that  the 
knights  and  barons  were  deeply  affected  by  the  death  of  the 
cui'e  of  JS^euilly.  Foulques  was  buried  in  the  church  of  his 
parish  with  great  pomp  ;  his  tomb,  a  monument  of  the  piety 
of  his  contemporaries,  attracted,  even  in  the  last  century, 
the  respect  and  veneration  of  the  faithful. t 

With  the  earliest  days  of  spring  the  Crusaders  prepared 
to  quit  their  homes,  "  and  knew,"  says  Villehardouin,  "  that 
many  tears  were  shed  at  their  parting,  and  at  taking  leave 

*  Jacques  of  Vitri,  when  speaking  of  the  snsp'cions  and  murmurs  that 
arose  against  Foulques  of  Neuiliy,  expresses  himself  thus  : — Et  crescente 
pecunia,  timor  et  reverentia  decresi;ebant. 

t  The  Ablje  Lebeuf,  in  his  History  of  ihe  Diocese  of  Paris,  vol.  vi. 
p.  20,  gives  us  a  description  of  the  tomb  of  Foulques  of  Neuiliy,  which 
was  still  standinef  in  the  last  century.  "  The  tomb  of  Foulques,  the 
famous  cure  of  this  place  about  the  year  1200,  is  in  the  nave,  before  the 
entrance  to  the  choir,  built  of  stone  a  foot  and  a  half  high.  It  is  the 
work  of  the  uge  in  which  this  pious  personage  died.  Foulques  is  repre- 
sented in  relief  upon  the  monument,  clothed  as  a  priest,  his  head  bare, 
having  the  tonsure  on  the  top,  and  the  hair  so  short  that  the  whole  of  his 
ears  is  vi-ible.  A  book  is  laid  upon  his  breast,  which  he  does  not  hold, 
as  Ids  hands  are  crossed  above,  the  right  placed  upon  the  left.  His 
chasublr-  and  his  manipule  rejiresent  the  vestments  of  his  times.  He  has 
under  him  a  kind  of  footstool,  cut  in  the  stone,  and  two  angels  in  relief 
inct-nse  his  head,  which  is  placed  towards  the  west  ;  for,  after  the  ancient 
manner,  his  feet  are  pointed  to  the  east,  or  the  altar.  It  is  not  true,  as 
has  been  said,  that  this  tomb  is  incensed,  nor  has  it  any  arms.  He  is 
called  in  ihs  country  Sir  Foulques,  and  sometimes  Saitit  Sire  Foulques. 
There  is  a  tradition  that  the  canons  of  St.  ^Nlaur  formerly  endeavoured  to 
carry  it  away  ;  but  the  immobdity  of  the  car  with  which  this  story  is 
adorned,  tells  us  what  degree  of  faith  may  be  attached  to  it."  M.  I'Ahb-j 
Chastelain  names  his  d:;ath,  in  his  Universal  Martyrology,  as  having 
taken  --lace  on  the  2nd  of  March,  1201,  and  qualifies  him  as  venerable. 


58  HISTOET    OF    THE    CIIUSA.DES. 

of  their  relatious  and  friends."  The  count  of  Flanders,  the 
counts  of  Blois  and  St.  Paul,  followed  by  a  great  number  of 
Flemish  warriors  and  their  vassals ;  the  marshal  of  Cham- 
pagne,  accompanied  by  several  Champenois  knights,  ad- 
vanced across  Burgundy,  and  passed  the  Alps  to  repair  to 
A^enice.  The  Marquis  Boniface  soon  joined  them,  bringing 
■with  him  the  Crusaders  of  Lombardy,  Piedmont,  8avoy,  anu 
the  countries  situated  between  the  Alps  and  the  lihone. 
Yenice  also  received  within  its  walls  the  warriors  from  the 
banks  of  the  Ehine,  some  under  the  command  of  the  bishop 
of  Halberstadt,  and  others  under  that  of  Martin-Litz,  who 
had  persuaded  them  to  take  arms,  and  still  continued 'to 
animate  them  by  the  example  of  his  wtues  and  piety. 

Wlien  the  Crusaders  reached  Venice,*  the  fleet  that  was 
to  transport  them  into  Asia,  was  ready  to  set  sail :  they  were 
at  first  received  with  every  demonstration  of  joy  ;  but  amidst 
the  festivities  that  followed  their  arrival,t  the  Venetians 
called  upon  the  barons  to  redeem  their  word,  and  pay  the 
sum  agreed  upon  for  transporting  the  Christian  army ;  and 
then  it  was  that,  with  deep  grief,  the  barons  became  aware 
of  the  absence  of  a  great  number  of  theii'  companions  in 
arms.  Jean  de  JNTesle,  chatelain  of  Bruges,  and  Thierri,  son 
of  Philip,  count  of  Flanders,  had  promised  Baldwin  to  bring 
to  him,  at  Yenice,  Marguerite,  his  wife,  and  a  chosen  band 
of  Flemish  warrioi's :  tliey  did  not  keep  their  appointment, 
for  having  embarked  upon  the  ocean,  they  had  directed  their 
course  to  Palestine,  lieuaud  de  Dampierre,  to  whom  Thi- 
bault,  count  of  Cliampagne,  had  left  all  his  trea.sures  to  be 
employed  in  the  vovage  to  tlie  Ploly  Land,  had  embarked  with 
a  great  number  of  Champenois  knights  at  the  port  of  Bari.. 
The  bishop  of  Autun,  Gilles,  count  of  Ferez,  and  severa. 
other  leaders,  after  having  sworn  upon  the  Gospel  to  join 
the  other  Crusaders,  had  set  out  from  Marseilles,  and  othei's 
from   Genoa.     Thus  half   the   Crusaders   did  not  come  to 

*  Yilleliardouin  says,  when  speaking  of  the  arrival  of  the  Crusaders  at 
Venice,  "  No  nobler  pe^iple  were  ever  seen,  nor  better  appointed,  nor 
more  disposed  to  do  something  good  for  tiie  honour  of  God  and  the 
service  of  Christendom." 

f  Upon  the  sojourn  of  the  Crusaders  at  Venice,  Gesta  Innticentii^ 
Villeliardnuin  and  Ducinge,  Sanuti,  Herold,  D'Outnnian,  Fleury,  His- 
ioire  F.ccleniastique,  vol.  xviii.,  rAbbu  Langier,  t<.c  ficc,  iruy  be  con- 
sulted 


HISTORY    OF    TUE    CKUSADES.  59 

Venice,  wliicli  had  been  agreed  upon  as  tlie  general  rendez- 
vou'5  of  the  Ci J-istian  army  :  "  by  v.hich,"  says  Villehardouin, 
"  they  recei  zed  great  shame,  and  many  misadventin-es  after- 
wards  befell  them  in  consequence  of  it." 

This  breach  of  faith  might  prove  very  injurious  to  the 
enterprise ;  but  what  most  grieved  the  princes  and  barons 
ai<sembled  at  Venice,  was  the  impossibility  of  fulfilling  theii' 
engagements  with  the  republic  without  the  concurrence  of 
tl)eir  unfaitlifal  companions.  Tliey  sent  messengers  into  all 
parts  to  warn  the  Crusaders  that  had  set  out,  and  to  implore 
theui  to  join  the  main  army ;  but  whether  most  of  the  pil- 
grims were  dissatisfied  with  the  agreement  entered  into  with 
the  Venetians,  or  whether  it  appeared  to  them  more  con- 
venient and  safe  to  embark  at  ports  in  their  own  vicinity,  a 
very  small  number  of  them  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  repair 
to  Venice.  Those  who  were  already  in  that  city,  were  neither 
sufiiciently  numerous  nor  sufficiently  rich  to  pay  the  pro- 
mised amount,  or  fulfil  the  engagements  made  in  their  names. 
Although  the  Venetians  were  more  interested  in  the  crusade 
than  tlie  French  knights,  as  they  possessed  a  part  of  the  cities 
of  Tyre  and  Ptolema'is,  which  they  were  going  to  defend,  they 
were  unwilling  to  make  any  saci'ifice,  and  the  barons,  on 
their  side,  were  too  proud  to  ask  any  favour,  or  to  solicit  the 
Venetians  to  change  or  moderate  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty.  Each  of  the  Crusaders  was  required  to  pay  the 
price  of  his  passage.  The  rich  paid  for  the  poor ;  soldiers 
as  well  as  knights  being  eager  to  give  all  the  money  they 
possessed,  persuaded,  they  said,  that  God  was  powerful 
enough  to  return  it  to  them  a  lumdred-fold,  when  it  should 
please  him.  The  count  of  Planders,  the  counts  of  Blois 
and  St.  Paul,  the  marquis  of  JMontferrat,  and  several  other 
leaders  despoiled  themselves  of  their  plate,  their  jewels,  and 
cvervtliing  they  had  that  was  most  valuable,*  and  only  re- 
tained their  horses  and  arms.  Notwithstanding  this  noble 
sacrifice,  the  Crusaders  still  wei'e  indebted  to  the  republic  a 
sum  of  fifty  thousand  silver  marks.  The  doge  tlien  assembled 
the  people,  and  represented  to  thci  that  it  was  not  honour- 
able to  employ  too  much  rigour ,  and  proposed  to  demand 

*  Then  might  be  seen  so  many  beautiful  and  rich  vessels  of  gold  and 
silver  hexpeil  up  here  and  there,  and  carried  to  the  hotel  of  the  duke  as 
part  of  tiicir  payment. —  I'li  /larduuin. 


60  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

of  the  Crusaders  the  assistance  of  their  army  for  the  repubhc, 
until  they  could  discharge  their  debt. 

The  city  of  Zara  had  been  for  a  length  of  time  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Venetians ;  but  thinking  the  government  of 
a  king  less  insupportable  than  that  of  a  republic,  it  had 
given  itself  up  to  the  king  of  Hungary,  and,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  a  new  master,  braved  the  authority  and  menaces 
of  Venice.  After  having  obtained  the  approbation  of  the 
people,  Dandolo  proposed  to  the  Crusaders  to  assist  the  re- 
public in  subduing  a  revolted  city,  and  promised  to  put  off 
the  entire  execution  of  the  treaty  untU  Grod,  by  their 
common  conquests,  should  have  given  them  the  means  of 
fulfilling  their  promises.  This  ])roposition  was  received  with 
nuich  joy  by  the  greater  part  of  the  Crusaders,  who  could 
not  support  the  idea  of  being  unable  to  keep  their  word  ;  the 
barons  and  knights  deemed  it  prudent  to  conciliate  the  Vene- 
tians, who  were  so  serviceable  to  them  in  carrying  out  their 
enterprise,  and  thought  they  did  but  little  to  pay  their  debts 
by  an  affair  in  which  they  should  expend  nothing  but  their 
blood. 

Some  murmiu's,  however,  arose  in  the  Christian  army ; 
many  of  the  Crusaders  recollected  the  oath  they  had  taken 
to  fight  the  infidels,  and  could  not  make  up  their  minds  to 
turn  their  arms  against  a  Christian  peopl*^.  The  pope  had 
sent  the  Cardinal  Peter  of  Capua  to  Venice,  to  deter  the 
pilgrims  from  an  enterprise  which  he  termed  sacrilegious. 
"  The  king  of  Hungary  had  taken  the  cross,  and  by  doing  so 
liad  placed  himself  under  the  especial  protection  of  the 
Church  ;  and  to  attack  a  city  belonging  to  him  was  to  dec.are 
themselves  enemies  of  the  Church  itself."  Henry  Dandolo 
braved  menaces  and  reproaches  that  he  deemed  to  be  unjust. 
"  The  privileges  of  the  Crusaders,"  said  he,  "  could  not 
screen  the  guilty  from  the  severity  of  laws  divine  and  human. 
Crusades  were  not  undertaken  to  promote  the  ambition  of 
kings  or  protect  rebellious  nations.*  The  pope  had  not  the 
power  to  enchain  the  authority  of  sovereigns,  or  turn  the 

*  Tlie  Venetians  miglit  have  saiil,  ami  no  doubt  did  say  on  this  occa- 
sion, that  the  kirig  of  Hungary  had  taken  the  cross  many  years  hefore, 
and  had  doiie  notliing  yet  towards  the  fulfilment  of  hi?  vow.  Andrew  did 
not  set  out  for  Palestine  till  many  years  after  the  I'akifj^  of  Constan- 
tinople. 


HISTORY    Of    THE    CRUS^ADES.  6j 

Crusaders  aside  from  a  leojitimate  enterprise ;  from  a  war 
made  against  revolted  subjects,  against  pirates  whose  bri- 
gandage perilled  the  freedom  of  the  seas,  and  jeopardized  the 
safety  of  pilgrims  on  their  way  to  the  Holy  Land." 

To  complete  his  conquest  over  all  scruples,  and  dissipate 
all  fears,  the  doge  resolved  to  associate  himself  with  tlie 
perils  and  labours  of  the  crusade,  and  to  engage  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  declare  themselves  the  companions  in  arms  of  the 
Crusaders.  The  people  being  solemnly  convoked,  Dandolo 
ascended  the  pulpit  of  St.  Mark,  and  demanded  of  the  assem- 
bled Venetians  ])ermission  to  take  the  cross.  "  Seigneurs," 
said  he  to  them,  "  you  have  made  an  engagement  to  concur 
in  the  most  glorious  of  enterprises  ;  the  warriors  with  whom 
you  have  contracted  a  holy  alliance,  siu-pass  all  other  men  in 
piety  and  valour.  For  myself,  you  see  that  1  am  laden  with 
years,  and  have  need  of  repose  ;  but  the  glory  that  is  pro- 
mised to  us  restores  me  courage  and  strength  to  brave  all  the 
perils,  to  support  all  the  labours  of  war.  I  feel  by  the 
ardour  that  leads  me  on,  by  the  zeal  which  animates  me,  that 
nobody  will  merit  your  confidence,  nobody  will  conduct  you 
so  well  as  the  man  you  have  chosen  as  head  of  your  republic. 
If  you  will  permit  me  to  fight  for  Jesus  Christ,  and  allow  my 
son  to  perform  the  duties  you  have  confided  to  me,  I  will  go 
and  live  or  die  with  }'ou  and  the  pilgrims." 

At  this  discourse,  his  whole  auditory  was  much  affected, 
and  the  people  loudly  applauded  the  resolution  of  the  doge, 
Dandolo  descended  from  the  tribunal,  and  was  led  in  triumph 
to  the  foot  of  the  altar,  where  the  cross  was  attached  to  his 
ducal  cap.  A  great  numl^er  of  Venetians  followed  his 
example,  and  swore  to  die  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy 
places.  By  this  skilful  policy,  the  doge  completely  won  the 
Crusaders,  and  placed  himself,  in  a  manner,  at  the  head  of 
tlie  crusade.  He  soon  fomid  himself  suificiently  powerful  to 
deny  the  authority  of  the  cardinal  of  Capua,  who  spoke  in 
the  name  of  the  pope,  and  pretended  to  have  a  right  to  direct 
the  holy  war,  in  his  character  of  legate  of  the  Holy  See. 
Dandolo  told  the  envoy  of  Innocent,  that  the  Christian  army 
stood  in  no  need  of  leaders  to  conduct  it,  and  that  the  legates 
of  the  sovereign  pontifi*  ought  to  content  themselves  with 
edifving  the  Crusaders  by  their  examples  and  discourses. 

This  bold,  free  language  very  much  astonished  the  French 


62  HISTOllT    OE    THE    CRUSADES. 

barons,  accustomed  to  respect  the  ■will  of  the  Holy  See  ;  but 
the  doge,  by  taking  the  cross,  had  inspired  theii  with  a  con- 
fidence nothing  could  shake.  The  cross  of  the  pilgrims  was, 
for  the  Venetians  and  French,  a  pledge  of  alliance,  a  sacred 
tie,  which  united  all  their  interests,  and  made  of  them,  in  a 
manner,  but  one  same  nation.  From  that  time  no  one 
listened  to  those  who  spoke  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  See,* 
or  persisted  in  raising  scruples  in  the  minds  of  the  Cru- 
saders. The  barons  and  knights  showed  the  same  zeal  and 
ardour  for  the  expedition  against  Zara  as  the  Venetians 
themselves.  The  army  of  the  Crusaders  was  ready  to 
embark,  when  there  happened,  says  Villehardouin,  "  a  great 
wonder,  an  unhoped-for  circumstance,  the  strangest  that  ever 
was  heard  of."t 

Isaac,  emperor  of  Constantinople,  had  been  dethroned  by 
his  brother  Alexius.  Abandoned  by  all  his  friends,  deprived 
of  sight,  and  loaded  with  irons,  this  unhappy  prince  lan- 
guished in  a  dungeon.  The  son  of  Isaac,  named  also  Alexius, 
who  shared  the  capti-\aty  of  his  father,  having  deceived  the 
vigilance  of  his  guards  and  broken  his  chains,  had  fled  into 
the  West,  in  the  hope  that  the  princes  and  kings  would  one 
day  undertake  his  defence,  and  declare  war  against  the 
usiu-per  of  the  imperial  throne.  Philip  of  Swabia,  mIio  had 
married  Irene,  the  daughter  of  Isaac, j  received  the  young 
prince  kindly  ;  but  he  was  not  then  in  a  position  to  under- 
tike  anything  in  his  favour,  being  fully  engaged  in  defending 
himself  against  the  arms  of  Otho  and  the  menaces  of  the 
Holy  See.  Young  Alexius  next  in  vain  threw  himself  at  the 
feet  of  the  pope,  to  implore  his  assistance.  AA-'hether  tlie 
pontift'  saw  in  the  son  of  Isaac  only  the  brother-in-law  of 

*  The  monk  Gunther  does  not  at  all  spare  the  Venetians,  and  re- 
jiroaches  them  bitterly  with  having  diverted  the  Crusaders  from  tlieir  holy 
enterprise.  The  ()ious  re-olution  ot  the  leaders  of  the  crusade,  says  he, 
was  subverted  by  the  perfidy  and  wicked  artifices  of  these  masters  of  the 
Adriatic, — fraude  et  nequitia  A'^enetorum. 

t  With  tlie  true  s^pirit  of  an  antiquary,  M.  Michaud  delights  in  throwing 
a  character  of  the  "olden  time"  into  the  language  of  Villehardouin, 
which  is  in  a  degree  effective  in  the  French,  but  is  with  mucb  di^culty 
conveyed  into  English. — Trans. 

;|;  Irene,  the  daughter  of  Isaac,  had  been  affianced  to  William,  son  of 
Tancred,  king  of  Sicily  ;  heing  taken  into  Germany,  with  the  rest  of  the 
family  of  Tancred,  she  had  mairied  Philip  of  Swabia. 


HISTOKY    Of    THE    CllUSADES.  G3 

Philip  of  Swabia,  then  cotisidjered  an  enemy  to  the  coLU-t  of 
Kome,  or  whether  all  his  attention  was  directed  towards  tho 
East,  he  gave  no  ear  to  the  complaints  of  Alexius,  and  seemed 
to  dread  couutenancing  a  war  against  Greece.  The  fugitive 
prince  had  in  vain  solicited  most  of  the  Christian  monarchs, 
when  he  was  advised  to  address  himself  to  the  Crusaders,  the 
noblest  warriors  of  the  West.  The  arrival  of  his  ambassadors 
created  a  lively  sensation  at  Venice ;  the  knights  and  barona 
were  impressed  with  generous  pity  by  the  account  of  his 
'misfortunes  ;  they  had  never  defended  a  more  glorious  cause. 
To  avenge  injured  innocence,  to  remedy  a  great  calamity, 
stirred  the  spirit  of  Daudolo ;  and  the  proud  republicans, 
whose  head  he  was,  feelingly  deplored  the  fate  of  a  fugitive 
emperor.  They  had  not  forgotten  tliat  the  usurper  preferred 
to  an  alliance  with  them  one  with  the  Grenoese  and  Pisans  ; 
it  appeared  to  them  that  the  cause  of  Alexius  was  their  own, 
and  that  their  vessels  ought  to  bear  him  back  to  the  ports  of 
Greece  and  Byzantium. 

Nevertheless,  as  everything  was  prepared  for  the  conquest 
of  Zara,  the  decision  of  this  business  was  deferred  to 'a  more 
favourable  opportunity  ;  and  the  fleet,  with  the  Crusaders  ou 
board,  set  sail  amidst  the  sounds  of  martial  music  and  the 
acclamation  of  the  whole  population  of  Venice.  jN^ever  had 
a  fleet  so  numerous  or  so  magnificently  equipped  been  seen 
in  the  Adriatic  Gulf.  The  sea  was  covered  with  four 
hundred  and  eighty  ships ;  the  number  of  the  combatants, 
horse  and  foot,  amounted  to  forty  thousand  men.  After 
having  subdued  Trieste  and  some  other  maritime  cities  of 
Istria  that  had  shaken  oft'  the  yoke  of  Venice,  the  Crusaders 
arrived  before  Zara  on  the  10th  day  of  November,  1202,  the 
eve  of  St.  Martin.  Zara,*  situated  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Adriatic  Gulf,  sixty  leagues  from  Venice,  and  five  leagues 
north  of  Jadera,  an  ancient  lioman  colony,  was  a  rich  and 
populous  city,  fortified  by  high  walls,  and  surrounded  by  a 

*  Villehardouin  and  Gunther  give  very  circumstantial  details  of  the 
siege  of  Zara,  and  of  the  debates  that  followed  it.  (See  also,  on  the 
subject  of  these  debates,  the  letters  of  Innocent.)  Tlie  Abbe  Fleury,  in 
the  sixteenth  volume  of  his  Eccleniastical  History,  displays  sufficiently  the 
spirit  that  then  actuated  the  Crusaders.  M.  Lebeau,  in  the  twentieth 
volume  of  the  History  of  the  Lower  Empire,  and  the  Abb6  Laugier,  ia 
the  second  volume  of  his  History  of  Venice,  say  a  great  deal  concerning 
tlie  siege  of  Zara. 


64  HISTORY    OF   THE    CRUSaDcS. 

sea  studded  with  rocks.  The  kin^  of  Hungary  had  sent 
troops  to  defend  it,  and  the  inhabitants  had  sworn  to  bury 
themselves  beneath  the  ruins  of  the  phice  rather  than 
siu-render  to  the  Venetians.  At  the  sight  of  the  ramparts  of 
the  city,  the  Crusaders  perceived  all  the  difficulty  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  party  opposed  to  this  war  agam  ventured 
to  murmur.  The  leaders,  however,  gave  the  signal  for  the 
assault.  As  soon  as  the  chains  of  the  port  were  broken,  and 
the  machines  began  to  make  the  walls  shake,  tlie  inhabitants 
forgot  the  resolution  they  had  formed  of  dying  in  defence  of 
their  ramparts,  and,  filled  with  dread,  sent  deputies  to  the 
doge,  who  promised  to  pardon  them  on  account  of  their 
repentance.  But  the  deputies  charged  Avith  the  petition  for 
peace,  met  with  several  Crusaders  among  the  besiegers,  who 
said  to  them,  "  Why  did  you  surrender  ?  you  have  nothing 
to  fear  from  the  French  ?"  These  imprudent  w'ords  rekindled 
the  w"ar ;  the  deputies,  on  their  return,  announced  to  the 
inhabitants  that  all  the  Crusaders  were  not  their  enemies, 
and  that  Zara  would  preserve  its  liberty  if  the  people  and 
soldiers  were  willing  to  defend  it.  The  party  of  the  mal- 
contents, whose  object  was  to  divide  the  army,  seized  this 
opportunity  for  reviving  their  complaints ;  the  most  ardent 
amongst  them,  insinuating  themselves  into  the  tents  of  the 
soldiers,  and  endeavouring  to  disgust  them  with  a  war  which 
they  termed  impious. 

Gruy,  abbot  of  Vaux  di.  Cernai,  of  the  order  of  Citeaux, 
made  himself  conspicuous  by  his  endeavours  to  secure  the 
failure  of  the  enterprise  against  Zara  ;  everything  that  could 
divert  the  march  of  the  Crusaders  from  the  route  to  the  holy 
places,*  was,  in  his  eyes,  an  attack  upon  religion.  The  most 
brilliant  exploits,  if  not  performed  in  the  cause  of  Christ, 
cP'dd  command  neither  his  esteem  nor  his  approbation.  The 
abuot  of  Cernai  was  deficient  in  neither  subtlety  nor  elo- 
quence, and  knew  how  tc  employ  both  prayers  and  menaces 
effectively  ;  he  liad  that  mfluence  over  the  pilgrims  that  au 

*  Katona,  in  his  Histoire  Critique  desRois  de  Hongrie,  expresses  him- 
self with  bitterness  against  the  Crusaders,  and  relates  facts  very  little 
favourable  to  the  Venetians  and  French  who  hiid  siege  to  Zara.  Arch- 
deacon Thomas,  one  of  the  historiiins  of  Hungary,  does  not  spare  the 
Venetians,  whom  he  accuses  of  tyranny,  and  who  made,  he  says,  their 
xnaritiiue  power  detested  by  all  the  cxc^'sses  of  violence  and  injastice. 


HISTOBT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  65 

inflexible  mind  and  an  ardent,  obstinate  character  alwavs 
obtains  over  the  midtitude.  In  a  council,  he  arose,  and 
forbade  the  Crusaders  to  draw  their  swords  against  Chris- 
tians, and  was  about  to  read  a  letter  from  the  pope,  when  he 
was  interrupted  by  threats  and  cries. 

Amidst  the  tumult  which  followed  in  the  council  and  the 
army,  the  abbot  of  Ceruai  would  have  been  in  danger  of  his 
life,  if  the  count  de  Montfort,  who  partook  his  sentiments, 
had  not  drawn  his  sword  in  his  defence.  The  barons  and 
knights  could  not,  however,  forget  the  promise  they  had 
made  to  fight  for  the  republic  of  Venice  ;  nor  could  thev 
think  of  laying  down  their  arms  in  presence  of  an  enemy 
that  had  promised  to  siu-render,  and  who  now  defied  their 
attacks.  The  greater  the  eflbrts  of  the  count  de  Montfort 
and  the  abbot  of  Cernai  to  interrupt  the  war,  the  more  they 
conceived  their  honoui*  and  glory  to  be  engaged  to  continue 
the  siege  they  had  begun.  Whilst  the  malcontents  were 
giving  vent  to  their  scruples  and  complaints,  the  bravest  of 
the  army  proceeded  to  the  assault.  The  besieged,  whose 
hopes  were  built  upon  the  divisions  among  their  enemies, 
placed  crosses  upon  the  walls,  persuaded  that  this  revered 
sign  would  protect  them  more  effectually  than  their  machines 
of  war ;  but  they  were  not  long  in  finding  that  there  was  no 
safet}^  for  them  except  in  submission.  On  the  5th  day  of  the 
siege,  without  ha\ang  offered  their  enemies  anv  serious 
resistance,  they  opened  their  gates,  and  only  obtained  from 
the  conqueror  liberty  and  life.  The  city  was  given  up  to 
pillage,  and  the  booty  divided  between  the  Venetians  and 
the  I'rench. 

One  of  the  results  of  this  conquest  was  a  fresh  quarrel  in 
the  victorious  army,  in  Avhich  more  blood  flowed  than  had 
been  shed  during  the  siege.  The  season  being  too  far 
advanced  to  allow  the  fleet  to  put  to  sea,  the  doge  proposed 
to  the  Crusaders  to  winter  at  Zara.  The  two  nations  occu- 
pied difi^erent  quarters  of  the  city  ;  but  as  the  Venetians 
had  chosen  the  handsomest  and  most  commodious  houses, 
the  French  loudly  proclaimed  their  dissatisfaction.  After  a 
few  complaints  and  many  threats,  they  had  recoui-se  to 
arms,  and  every  street  became  the  theritre  of  a  conflict ;  the 
inhabitants  of  Zara  beheld  with  delight  the  sanguinary  dis- 
putes of  their  conqtierors.  The  partisans  o:^  the  abbot  of 
Vol.  II. — 4 


6G  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

Ceruai  applauded  in  secret  the  deplorable  consequences  of 
a  war  they  had  condemned ;  whilst  the  doge  of  Venice  and 
the  barons  employed  every  effort  to  separate  the  com- 
batants. Their  prayers  and  threats  at  first  had  no  effect  in 
appeasing  this  horrible  tumult,  which  was  prolonged  to  the 
middle  of  the  night.  On  the  morrow,  all  the  passions  that 
divided  the  army  were  near  breaking  out  with  increased 
fury.  Whilst  interring  their  dead,  the  French  and  Vene- 
tians renewed  their  disputes  and  menaces.  The  leaders 
were,  for  more  than  a  week,  in  despair  of  being  able  to 
calm  the  irritated  spirits  of  their  followers,  and  reiuiite  the 
soldiers  of  the  two  nations.  Scarcely  was  order  re-esfa- 
blished  when  a  letter  was  received  from  the  pope,  who 
disapproved  of  the  capture  of  Zara,  ordered  the  Crusaders 
to  renounce  the  booty  they  had  made  in  a  Christian  city, 
and  to  engage  themselves,  by  a  solemn  vow,  to  repair  tlie 
injuries  they  had  inflicted.  Innocent  reproached  the  Vene- 
tians bitterly  with  having  seduced  the  sokliers  of  Christ 
into  this  impious  and  sacrilegious  war.  This  letter  from 
the  pope  was  received  with  respect  by  tlie  French,  with 
disdain  by  the  Crusaders  of  Venice.  The  latter  openly 
refused  to  bow  to  the  decisions  of  the  Holy  See ;  and  to 
secure  the  fruits  of  their  victory,  began  to  demolish  the 
ramparts  of  Zai'a.  The  French  barons  could  not  endure  the 
idea  of  having  incurred  the  anger  of  the  pope,  and  sent 
deputies  to  Rome  to  endeavour  to  mitigate  the  displeasure 
of  his  holiness,  and  solicit  their  pardon,  alleging  that  thej 
had  only  obeyed  the  law  of  necessity.  The  greater  part  of 
them,  though  fuUy  determined  to  retain  all  they  liad  ob- 
tained, promised  the  pope  to  restore  their  spoils :  they 
undertook,  bj^  a  solemn  act,  addressed  to  all  Christians,  to 
repair  the  wrongs  they  had  done,  and  to  merit  by  their 
conduct  pardon  for  past  errors.*  Their  submission,  far 
more  than  their  promises,  disarmed  the  anger  of  the  pope, 

*  We  feel  bound  to  present  the  text  of  this  oath  : — B.  Fland.  et  Hain., 
L.  Blesen  et  Clar.  et  H.  S.  P.  coniites,  Oddo  de  Chanliet,  et  W.  frater 
ejus,  omnibus  ad  quos  litterae  istje  perveneriut,  salutem  in  Domino. 
Notum  fieri  volumus,  quod  super  eo  quod  apud  JaJeram  incurrimus  ex- 
communicationem  apostolicam,  vel  incurrisse  nos  timemus,  tarn  nos  quam 
successores  nostros  sedi  apostolicse  obligamus,  quod  Jid  mandatum  ejus 
Batisfactionem  curubimus  exhibere.  Dat.  upud  JaJcrani,  anno  Domini 
1203,  mense  Aprilis. 


HISTOEY    or    THE    CRUSADES.  67 

\iho  replied  to  them  with  milduess,  and  commanded  the 
.eaders  to  salute  the  knights  and  pilgrims,  giving  them 
absolution  and  his  benediction,  as  to  his  children,  lie 
exhorted  them,  in  his  letter,  to  set  out  for  Syria,  witlwut 
turning  to  the  right  or  the  left;  and  permitting  them  to 
cross  the  sea  with  the  Venetians,  whom  he  had  jutst  excom- 
municated,* hut  only  from  necessity,  and  with  bitterness  of 
heart.  If  the  Venetians  persisted  in  their  disobedience,  the 
sovereign  pontilf  advised  the  barons,  when  they  arrived  in 
Palestine,  to  sepai'ate  themselves  from  a  people  reproved  of 
God,  for  fear  of  bringing  a  malediction  upon  the  Christian 
army,  as  formerly  Achan  had  brought  down  the  divine 
wrath  upon  the  Israelites.  Innocent  promised  the  Cru- 
saders to  protect  them  in  their  expedition,  and  to  w"atch 
over  their  wants  during  the  perils  of  the  holy  war.  "  In 
order  tliat  you  may  not  want  provisions,"  said  he  to  them, 
"  we  will  write  to  the  emperor  of  Constantinople  to  furnish 
you  with  them,  as  he  has  promised ;  if  that  be  refused  to 
you  which  is  refused  to  none,  it  will  not  be  unjust,  if, 
after  the  example  of  many  holy  persons,  you  take  provisions 
wherever  you  may  find  them  ;  for  it  will  be  known  that  you 
are  devoted  to  the  cause  of  Christ,  to  whom  all  the  world 
belongs." t  These  counsels  and  these  promises,  which  so 
completely  reveal  to  us  the  spirit  of  the  thirteenth  CL'utury 
and  the  policy  of  the  Holy  See,  were  received  by  the  knights 
and  barons  as  evidence  of  the  paternal  goodness  of  the 
sovereign  pontiff:  but  the  face  of  things  was  about  again  to 
change ;  and  fortune,  which  sported  with  the  decisions  of 
the  pope  as  well  as  those  of  the  pilgrims,  was  not  long  in 

*  The  pope  adds,  whilst  speaking  of  the  Venetwns  :  "  Excorumuiiicated 
as  they  are,  they  still  remained  tied  by  their  proinis-es  ;  aud  you  are  not 
the  less  authorized  to  reiiuire  the  performance  of  them;  it  is  fun  her  a 
maxim  of  right,  that  iu  passing  over  the  land  of  a  heretic  or  an  excom- 
municated person,  you  may  buy  or  receive  necessary  things  from  liini. 
Moreover,  excommunicaiidn  denounced  against  the  father  of  a  family, 
does  not  prevent  his  household  from  communicating  with  hini." 

•f  This  permission  to  live  l)y  pillage,  even  in  a  friendly  conn'ry,  is 
remarkable,  particularly  as  the  pope  pretends  to  authorize  it  by  I'Kiunplee 
from  Scripture. — Flevry.  Hist.  Eccl.  book  ixxv. 

Innocent,  in  giving  the  Crusaiiers  permission  to  take  provisions  wherevfr 
they  may  find  them,  adds,  '•  I  rnvided  it  be  with  the  fear  of  God.  wirii.out 
doing  injury  to  any  person,  and  with  a  resolution  tt,  make  restitutioti." 


GS  HISTOliy    OF    THB    CRi  SADES. 

giving  an  entirely  new  lirection  to  the  events  of  1  ne 
crusade. 

Ambassadors  from  Philip  of  Swabia,  brother-in-law  of 
young  Alexius,  arrived  at  Zara,  and  addressed  the  council 
of  the  lords  and  barons,  assembled  in  the  palace  of  tlie  doge 
of  Venice.  "Seigneurs,"  said  they,  "the  puissant  king  of 
the  Eomans  sends  us  to  recommend  to  you  tlie  young 
prince  Alexius,  and  to  place  him  in  your  hands,  under  the 
safeguard  of  God.  We  do  not  come  for  the  purpose  ot 
turning  you  aside  from  your  holy  enterprise,  but  to  offer 
you  an  easy  and  a  certain  means  of  accomplishing  your 
m^ble  designs.  We  know  that  you  have  only  taken  up 
arms  for  the  love  of  Christ  and  of  justice ;  we  come,  there- 
fore, to  propose  to  you  to  assist  those  who  are  oppressed  by 
unjust  tyranny,  and  to  secure  at  once  the  triumph  of  the 
laws  of  religion  and  humanity  :  we  propose  to  you  to  turn 
your  victorious  arms  towards  the  capital  of  Greece,  Avhich 
groans  under  the  rod  of  an  usurper,  and  to  assure  yonrseivea 
for  ever  of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  that  of  Constanti- 
nople. You  know,  as  well  as  we  do,  how  many  evils,  our 
fathers,  the  companions  of  Godfrey,  Conrad,  and  Louis  the 
Young,  suffered  from  having  left  behind  them  a  powerful 
empire,  the  conquest  and  submission  of  wliich  Avould  have 
become  a  source  of  victories  to  their  arms.  ^\^hat  liave  you 
not  now  to  dread  from  this  Alexius,  more  cruel  and  more 
perfidious  than  his  predecessors,  who  has  gained  a  tin-one  by 
parricide,  who  has,  at  once,  betrayed  the  laws  of  religion  ami 
nature,  and  whose  only  means  of  escaping  from  the  punisli- 
ment  due  to  his  crime  is  by  allying  himself  with  the  Sara- 
cens ?  We  will  r  ot  tell  you  how  easy  a  matter  it  would  be 
to  wrest  tlie  empire  irom  the  hands  of  a  tyrant  hated  by  his 
subjects,  for  your  valour  loves  obstacles  and  delights  in 
dangers  ;  nor  will  wc  spread  before  yom*  eyes  the  riches  of 
Byzantium  and  Greece,  for  your  generous  souls  aim  at 
nothing  in  this  conquest,  but  the  gloiy  of  your  arms  and 
the  cause  of  Jesus  Christ. 

"  If  you  overturn  the  power  of  the  usurper  in  order  tliat 
the  legitimate  sovereign  may  reign,  the  son  of  Isaac  pro- 
mises, under  the  faith  of  oaths  the  most  inviolable,  to  main- 
tain, daring  a  year,  both  your  fleet  and  your  army,  and  to 
pay  yc'u  two  hundred  thou.sand   t,iiver  marks  towui'ds  the 


HiSTOUV    OF    TUE    CKLTSA1>ES.  fj? 

sxpensea  of  the  war.  He  will  accompany  you  in  p2rson  ir 
the  conquest  of  Syria  or  ?-gypt ;  aud  if  you  think  proper, 
will  furnish  ten  thousauil  meii,  as  his  pcrtion  of  tlie  arma- 
ment ;  aud,  moreover,  will  maintabi,  during  tho  whole  of  his 
life,  five  hundred  knights  in  the  Holy  Laud.  But  tluic 
which  must  weigh  above  all  other  considerations,  ^vith 
warriors  and  Chnstian  heroes,  is  that  Alexius  is  wdling  to 
swear,  on  the  holy  Gospel,  to  put  an  end  to  the  heresy 
which  now  defiles  the  empire  of  the  East,  and  to  subj(N':t  the 
Greek  Church  to  tlie  Cliurch  of  li<;)nie.  So  many  advantages 
bemg  attached  to  the  enterprise  proposed  to  yon,  v,e  feel 
confident  you  will  listen  to  our  prayers.  We  see  in  Holy 
Writ  that  God  sometimes  employed  men  the  most  simple 
and  the  most  obscure  to  miike  known  his  will  to  his  chosen 
people ;  on  this  occasion,  it  is  a  young  prince  he  has  ap- 
pointed the  instrument  of  his  designs ;  it  is  Alexius  that 
Providence  has  commissioned  to  lead  you  in  the  way  of  the 
Lord,  and  to  point  out  to  you  the  road  you  must  follow 
to  render  certain  the  triumph  of  the  armies  of  Jesus 
Christ." 

This  discourse  made  a  strong  impression  upon  a  great 
luimber  of  the  knights  and  barons,  but  it  did  not  command 
the  suftVages  of  the  whole  assembly.  The  doge  and  the 
lords  dismissed  the  ambassadors,  telling  them  they  woidd 
deliberate  upon  the  proposals  of  Alexius.  Warm  debates 
then  ensued  in  the  council  ;  those  that  had  been  averse  to 
the  siege  of  Zara,  aniong  whom  the  abbot  of  Vaux  de  Cernai 
was  still  conspicuous,  opposed  the  expedition  to  Constanti- 
nople with  great  vehemence ;  they  were  indignant  that  the 
interests  of  God  should  be  placed  in  the  balance  against 
those  of  Alexius  ;  they  added  that  this  Isaac,  whose  cause 
they  were  called  upon  to  defend,  was  himself  an  usurper, 
elevated  by  a  revolution  to  the  throne  of  the  Comnenas  ; 
that  he  had  been,  during  the  third  crusade,  the  most  cruel 
enemy  of  the  Christians,  the  most  taitliful  ally  of  the  Turks  ; 
as  for  the  rest,  the  nations  of  Greece,  accustomed  to  the 
change  of  masters,  supported  the  usurpation  of  Alexius 
without  murmuring,  and  the  Latins  had  not  quitted  their 
homes  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  a  people  that  nsally  did  not 
call  upon  them  for  aid. 

The  same  orators  further   said,  that   Philip  of  Swabia 


70  lllSTOKV    OF    THE    CEUSADES. 

exhorted  the  Crusader.-j  to  assist  Alexius,  but  was  coute-nt 
himself  with  making  spee(.*hes  and  sending  ambassadors ; 
they  warned  the  Christiaiis  not  to  trust  to  the  promises  of  a 
young  prince,  who  engaged  to  fiuniish  armies,  and  had  not  a 
single  soldier  ;  who  ottered  treasures,  and  possessed  nothing  ; 
who,  besides,  had  been  brought  up  amongst  the  Greeks,  and 
would,  most  likely,  some  day  turn  his  arms  against  his 
benefactors.  "If  you  are  so  sensible  to  misfoi-tune,"  added 
they,  "  and  impatient  to  defend  the  cause  of  justice  and 
humanity,  listen  to  the  groans  of  our  brethren  in  Palestine, 
who  are  menaced  by  the  Saracens,  and  who  have  no  earthly 
hope  but  in  your  courage."  They  moreover  told  the  Cru- 
saders, that  if  they  wished  for  easy  victories  and  brilliant 
conquests,  they  had  but  to  turn  their  eyes  towards  Egypt, 
the  population  of  which  was  at  that  moment  devoured  by  a 
horrible  famine,  and  which  the  seven  plagues  of  Scripture 
yielded  up  to  the  arms  of  the  Christians  almost  without 
defence. 

The  Venetians,  who  had  cause  of  complaint  against  the 
emperor  of  Constantinople,  were  not  at  all  affected  by  these 
arguments,  and  appeared  much  more  inclined  to  make  war 
upon  the  Greeks  than  the  infidels ;  they  were  anxious  to 
destroy  the  warehouses  of  their  rivals  the  Pisans,  now  estab- 
lished in  Greece,  and  to  see  their  ships  crossing  the  straits 
of  the  Bosphorus  in  triumph.  Their  doge  nourished  a  keen 
resentment  on  account  of  some  personal  offence ;  and  to 
inflame  the  minds  of  his  compatriots,  he  magnified  all  the 
wrongs  inflicted  by  the  Greeks  on  his  own  country  and  the 
Christians  of  the  West. 

If  ancient  chronicles  may  be  believed,  Dandolo  was  im- 
pelled by  another  motive,  which  he  did  not  avow  before 
the  Crusaders.  Tiie  sultan  of  Damascus,  made  aware  of  a 
Christian  army  being  assembled  at  Venice,  and  terrified  at 
ihe  crusade  that  was  preparing,  had  sent  a  con.^iderable 
treasure  to  the  republic,  to  engage  it  to  divert  the  Crusaders 
from  an  expedition  into  the  East.  Whether  we  yield  faith 
to  this  account,  or  whether  we  consider  it  as  a  fable  invented 
by  hatred  and  party  spirit,  such  assertions,  colh^cted  by 
contemporaries,  at  least  prove  that  violent  suspicions  were 
then  entertained  against  the  Venetians  by  the  dissatisfied 
Crusaders,  and  particularly  by  the  Christians  of  Syria,  justly 


HISXOIIT    OF    THE    CEUSADE3.  71 

■rritatod  at  not  being  assisted  by  tlie  soldiers  of  tie  cross.* 
Nevertlieless,  we  feel  bound  to  add  that  the  majority  of  the 
French  Crusaders  stood  in  no  need  of  being  stimulated  by 
the  example  or  speeches  of  the  doge,  to  undertake  a  war 
against  the  Greek  empire.  Even  those  who  opposed  the 
new  expedition  the  most  strongly,  as  well  as  all  the  otlier 
Crusaders,  entertained  an  inveterate  hatred  and  a  sovereign 
contempt  for  t!ie  Greeks ;  and  the  discussions  had  only  the 
more  inilamed  the  general  mind  against  a  nation  considered 
inimical  to  the  Cujistians. 

Several  ecclesiastics,  having  at  their  head  the  abbot  of 
Looz,  a  personage  remarkable  for  his  piety  and  the  purity 
of  his  manners,  did  not  accord  in  opinion  with  the  abbot  of 
Vaux  de  Cernai,  and  maintained  that  thei'e  was  much  dan- 
ger in  leading  an  army  into  a  country  devastated  by  famine; 
that  Greece  presented  much  greater  adv^mtages  to  the  Cru- 
saders than  Egypt,  and  that  there  could  be  no  doubt  that 
the  conquest  of  Constantinople  was  the  most  certain  means 
of  secimng  to  the  Chinstians  the  possession  of  Jerusalem. 

*  We  find  in  the  contimiator  of  William  of  Tyre  the  following  circum- 
stance : — Malek-Adel  being  informed  that  the  Crusaders  were  assembling 
at  Venice,  conceived  great  uneasiness  regarding  their  ulterior  designs. 
He  called  toiiether  the  heads  of  the  Christian  clergy  at  Cairo,  and  an- 
nounced to  them  that  a  new  expedition  was  preparing  in  Europe,  and  that 
they  must  provide  themselves  with  horses,  arms,  and  provisions.  The 
bishops,  to  whom  he  addressed  himself  to  obtain  the  succour  of  which  he 
stood  in  need,  replied  that  their  s;icrfd  ministry  d'd  not  allow  them  to 
fight.  "  Well,"  answered  Malek-Adel,  "  s-ince  you  cannot  fight  your- 
selves, you  must  provide  me  with  men  to  fight  in  your  place."  He  then 
demanded  of  them  an  account  of  the  lands  they  possessed,  and  ordered 
that  these  lands  should  be  sold  ;  and  the  money  produced  by  this  confis- 
cation was  sent  to  Venice,  tn  corrupt  the  leaders  of  that  republic,  and  to 
engage  them  to  divert  the  Crusaders  from  an  expedition  into  Egypt  or 
Syria.  Malek-Adel  at  the  same  lime  promised  the  Venetians  all  sorts  of 
privileges  for  their  trade  in  I  he  port  of  Alexandria.  This  singular  cir- 
cumstance, related  at  first,  as  we  have  said,  by  the  continuator  of  William 
of  Tyre,  is  to  be  found  also  i'U  Bernard  Thesaurarius,  and  in  the  Chronicle 
of  St.  Victor.  Marin.  Sanut,  it  is  true,  pa.-ses  it  by  in  silence,  and  con- 
tents himself  with  saying  that  M>ilek-Adel  went  into  Egypt  and  there 
collected  a  treasure.  But  it  may  be  observed  that  Marin.  Sanut  was  a 
Venetian,  and  had  a  good  reason  not  to  report  all  the  details  of  a  fact 
which  was  not  to  the  glory  of  bis  country.  Bernard  when  relating  it,  adds  : 
— Qualiter  autem  hujus  rei  eft'ectus  fuerit  in  opinione  patent!  multorum 
est,  si  legantur  quae  Veneti  cum  baronibus  ips  s  peregerunt,  detrahendo 
eos  ad  obsidionem  Jadrte,  et  demde  Constantmopolim. 


72  HISTOBY    or   THE    CRUSADES. 

These  ecclesiastics  were  particiiJ^rly  fascinated  by  the  hope 
of  one  day  seeing  the  Greek  Cliu;^h  united  to  Ihat  of  Eome, 
and  they  constantly  aunouuuul  „i  ilieir  discourses  the  ap- 
proachmg  period  of  concord  and  peace  among  all  Christian 
people. 

Many  knights  contemplated  with  satisfaction  the  prospect 
of  the  luiion  of  the  two  churclies,  likely  to  be  broiight  about 
by  their  arms  ;  but  they  yielded  further  to  motives  not  less 
powerful  over  their  minds  ;  they  had:  swoiii  to  defend  iimo- 
cence  and  the  rights  of  the  oppressed,  and  they  believed 
they  performed  their  duty  in  embracing  the  cause  of  Alexius. 
Some  of  them,  without  doubt,  who  had  heard  of  the  \bst 
wealth  of  Byzantium,  might  believe  that  they  should  not 
return  from  such  a  brilliant  undertaking  empty  handed  ;  but 
such  was  the  spirit  of  the  lords  and  knights,  that  by  far  the 
greater  number  were  attracted  by  the  mere  prospect  of  the 
perils,  and  still  more  by  the  wonders  of  the  enterprise. 
After  a  long  deliberation,  it  was  decided  in  the  coimcil 
of  the  Crusaders  that  the  proposals  of  Alexius  should  be 
accepted,  and  that  the  Clu'istian  army  should  embark  for 
Constantinople  at  the  commencement  of  spring. 

Before  the  siege  of  Zara,  the  report  of  tlie  armament  of 
the  Crusaders,  and  of  an  expedition  against  Greece  had 
reached  the  court  of  Byzantium.  The  usurper  of  the 
throne  of  Isaac  immediately  sought  for  means  to  avert  the 
storm  about  to  fall  upon  his  states,  and  hastened  to  send 
ambassadors  to  the  pope,  whom  he  considered  the  arbiter  of 
peace  and  war  in  the  West.  These  amb;  ssadors  were 
ordered  to  declare  to  the  sovereign  pontiff  that  the  prince 
who  reigned  at  Constantinople  was  the  only  legitimate 
emperor ;  that  the  son  of  Isaac  had  no  right  to  the  empire ; 
that  an  expedition  against  Greece  woidd  be  an  unjust  enter- 
pri:se,  dangerous,  and  adverse  to  the  great  designs  of  the 
crusade.  The  pope,  in  his  reply,  did  not  at  all  seek  to  calm 
tlie  fears  of  the  usmper,  but  told  his  envoys  that  young 
Alexius  had  numerous  partisans  among  the  Crusaders, 
because  he  had  made  a  promise  to  succoiu'  the  Holy  Land 
ill  person,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion  of  the  Greek 
Church.  The  pope  did  not  approve  of  the  expedition 
against  Constantinople ;  but,  by  speaking  in  the  way  he  did, 
he  thought  that  tiie  sovereign  who  then  reigned  over  Greece 


IIISTOKY    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  7c 

.xiight  be  induced  to  make  the  same  promises  as  ilio  fugitive 
prince,  and  would  be  more  able  to  fiUfil  them ;  he  conceived 
a  hope  that  they  might  treat  advantageously,  without  having 
recoiu'se  to  the  sword,  and  that  the  debates  concerning  the 
empire  ol'  the  East  would  be  refeiTed  to  his  supreme  tribu- 
nal. But  the  elder  Alexius,  whetiier  he  was  persuaded  that 
he  had  sufficiently  interested  the  pope  in  his  cause,  or  whe- 
ther he  deemed  it  most  prudent  not  to  appear  alarmed,  or^ 
in  short,  whether  the  prospect  of  a  distant  danger  could  not 
remove  his  liabitiuil  indolence,  sent  no  more  ambassadors, 
and  made  not  the  least  exertion  to  pr?|  are  against  the  inva- 
sion of  the  warriors  of  the  West. 

In  another  direction,  the  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
Christians  of  Palestine  never  ceased  to  give  vent  to  their 
i-omphiints,  and  to  implore  the  assistance  that  the  head  of 
tlie  Church  had  promised  them.  The  pope,  much  affected 
by  their  prayers,  and  always  zealous  for  the  crusade  he  had 
preached,  renewed  his  efforts  to  direct  tlie  arms  of  the  Cru- 
saders against  the  Saracens.  He  sent  the  cardinals,  Peter 
of  Capua,  and  Siftred,  into  Palestine,  as  legates  of  the  Holy 
See,  to  revive  the  courage  of  the  Christians,  and  announce 
to  them  the  approaching  departure  of  the  army  of  Crusa- 
ders ;  but  when  he  learnt  that  the  leaders  had  determined 
upon  attacking  the  empire  of  Constantinople,  he  poured 
upon  them  the  most  bitter  reprimands,  and  reproached  them 
with  looking  hehind  thein,  as  JjoV a  wife  had  done.  "Let 
none  among  you,"  said  he,  "  flatter  himself  that  he  may  be 
allo-wed  to  invade  or  plunder  tlie  lauds  of  the  Greeks,  under 
the  pretence  that  the  empire  is  not  sufficiently  submissive, 
or  that  the  emperor  has  usurped  the  throne  of  his  brother ; 
whatever  crime  he  may  liave  committed,  it  is  not  for  you  to 
constitute  yourself  the  judge  of  it;  you  did  not  assume  tiie 
cross  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  princes,  but  tiiat  of  Clod." 

Innocent  finislied  his  letter  v^ithout  bestowuig  his  bene- 
diction upon  the  Crusaders  ;  and,  to  frighten  them  from 
their  new  enterprise,  threatened  them  with  the  maledictions 
of  Heaven.  The  barons  and  knights  received  the  remon- 
strances of  the  sovereign  pontiff  with  respect ;  but  did  not 
at  all  waver  in  the  resolution  they  had  formed. 

Then  the  opponents  of  the  expedition  to  Constantino])le 
renewed  their  complaints,  and  employed  no  sort  of  modera^ 


74  HISTO.IY    OF    Tilt    CEUSADBS. 

tion  in  their  discourses.  The  abbot  of  Yaux  de  Cernai,  the 
abbot  Martin  Litz,  one  of  tlie  preachers  of  the  crusade,  the 
count  de  Montfort,  and  a  great  number  of  knight?  employed 
every  effort  to  shake  the  determination  of  the  army ;  and 
when  they  found  they  coukl  not  succeed,  resolved  to  leave 
them,  some  to  retui-n  to  their  homes,  nnd  otiiers  to  take  the 
route  to  Palestine.  Those  who  abandoned  their  colours,  and 
those  who  remained  in  tlie  camp,  mutuiUly  accused  each 
other  with  betraying  the  cause  of  Christ.*  Pive  hundred 
soldiers  having  thrown  themselves  on  board  a  vessel,  were 
shipwrecked  and  all  swallowed  up  by  the  waves ;  many 
others,  in  crossing  lllyria,  were  massacrred  by  the  savage  in- 
habitants of  that  country.  These  perished  ciu'sing  the  am- 
bition and  errors  which  had  turned  the  Christian  army  aside 
from  the  true  object  of  the  crusade  ;  whilst  those  who 
remained  faithful  to  their  standards,  deplored  the  tragical 
death  of  their  companions,  saying  among  themselves  :  "  The 
mercy  of  the  Lord  has  remained  with  us  ;  evil  he  to  them  who 
straij  from  the  icaij  of  the  Lord^ 

The  Ivnights  and  barons  regretted  in  secret  that  they  had 
not  been  able  to  obtain  the  approbation  of  the  pope,  but 
were  persuaded  that,  by  means  of  victories,  they  should  jus- 
tify their  conduct  in  the  eyes  of  the  Holy  See  ;  and  that  the 
father  of  the  faithful  would  recognise  in  their  conquests 
the  expression  of  the  will  of  Heaven. 

The  Crusaders  were  vipon  the  point  of  embarking,  when 
voung  Alexius  himself  arrived  at  Zara.  His  presence 
created  a  fresh  enthusiasm  for  his  cause  ;  he  was  received 
amidst  the  soimds  of  trumpets  and  clarions,  and  presented 
to  the  army  by  the  marquis  of  Montferrat.f  whose  elder 
brothers  had  been  connected  by  marriage  and  the  dignity  of 
Cfesar,  with  the  imperial  fiunily  of  Constantino])le.  The 
barons  hailed  young  Alexius  as  emperor,  with  the  greater 
joy,  that  they  hoped  his  future  grandeur  would  be  the  work 

*  The  mar.shal  of  Champagne  lets  no  opportunity  escape  for  blaming 
with  bitterness  those  who  abamioned  the  army  of  the  Crusaders. 

t  A  double  alliance  and  the  dignity  of  Caesar  had  connected  the  two 
ehler  brothers  of  Boniface  with  the  imperial  faiiiily.  Reinier  of  Mont- 
ferrat  had  married  Mary,  daughter  of  the  emperor  Mar.uel  Comneinis; 
C')nra(),  who  had  defended  Tyre  before  the  thir  I  cms  de,  was  married  to 
Theodora  A'.igeia,  sister  of  the  emperors  Isaac  and  Alexius. 


IflsrOIlT    OF   lili   CBUSADES.  75 

of  their  hands.  Alexius  took  arms  to  bre.ik  the  chains  of 
his  father,  and  they  admired  in  him  a  most  touching  model 
of  Christian  piety  :  he  was  about  to  combat  usurpation,  to 
puuisli  injustice,  and  stifle  heresy,  and  tliey  looked  upon  him 
as  an  en\oy  of  Providence.  The  misfortmies  of  princes 
destined  to  reign  atfect  us  more  sensibly  than  those  of  other 
men ;  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders,  the  soldiers  talked  over 
the  story  of  Alexius  among  themselves,  and  they  pitied  his 
youth,  and  deplored  his  exile  and  the  captivity  of  Isaac. 
Alexius,  accompanied  by  the  princes  and  barons,  went  con- 
stantly among  the  soldiery,  and  replied  by  demonstrations 
of  the  warmest  gratitude  to  the  generous  interest  the  Cru- 
saders evinced  in  his  favour. 

Animated  by  sentiments  which  misfortune  inspires,  and 
which  not  mifrequently  terminate  with  it,  the  young  prince 
was  lavish  of  vows  and  protestations,  and  promised  even 
more  than  he  had  done  by  his  envoys,  without  thinking  that 
he  placed  himself  under  the  necessity  of  failing  in  his  word, 
ancl  di'awing  upon  himself,  one  day,  the  reproaches  of  his 
liberators. 

The  Crusaders,  however,  renewed  every  day  their  vow  to 
place  young  Alexius  on  the  throne  of  Constantinople ;  and 
Italy  and  the  whole  West  rung  with  the  fame  of  their  pre- 
parations. The  empei'or  of  Byzantium  appeared  to  be  the 
only  person  ignorant  of  the  war  declared  against  his  usurped 
power,  and  slept  upon  a  throne  ready  to  crumble  from  under 
him. 

The  emperor  Alexius,  like  the  greater  part  of  his  prede- 
cessors, was  a  prince  without  virtues  or  character  ;  when  he 
deposed  his  brother,  he  allowed  the  crime  to  be  committed 
by  his  courtiers,  and  when  he  was  upon  the  throne  he  aban- 
doned to  them  the  charge  of  his  autiiority.  He  Avas  lavish 
of  the  treasures  of  the  state,  to  secu]*e  pardon  and  oblivion 
for  his  usurpation;  and,  to  repaii"  his  finances,  he  sold  jus- 
tice, ruined  his  subjects,  and  plundered  the  merchant  ships 
that  traded  between  Eamisa  and  Constantinople.  The 
usui'per  scattered  dignities  and  honours  with  such  profusion, 
that  no  one  thought  himself  honoured  by  them,  and  tliere  re- 
mained ill  his  hands  no  true  reward  for  merit.  Alexius  had 
associated  his  wife  Euphrosyne  with  himself  iu  the  sovereign 
authority,  and  she  filled  the  empire  with  her  intrigues,  and 


76  HISTOKY    OF    THE    C  UUSADES. 

ecandalized  the  court  by  the  laxity  of  her  morals.  Under 
his  reigu  the  empire  had  been  several  times  menaced  by  tlie 
Bulgarians  and  the  Turks  ;  Alexius  occasionally  visited  the 
army,  but  he  never  laced  the  enemy.  Whilst  the  Bulga- 
rians were  ravaging  his  frontiers,  he  employed  himself  in 
levelling  hills,  and  tracing  gardens  on  the  shores  of  the 
Proponl  is.  Abandoned  to  a  shameful  effeminacy,  he  dis- 
banded a  part  of  his  army ;  and  fearing  to  be  disturbed  in 
his  pleasures  by  the  din  of  arms,  he  sold  the  sacred  vases, 
and  plundered  the  tombs  of  the  Greek  emperors,  to  purchase 
peace  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  who  had  become  master 
of  S  oily.  The  empire  had  no  navy  left ;  the  ministers  had 
sold  the  rigging  and  equipments  of  the  vessels,  and  the 
woods  that  might  have  furnished  timber  for  new  ships,  were 
reserved  for  tlie  pleasures  of  the  prince,  and  guai'ded  as 
strictly,  says  Nicetas,  as  those  formerly  cousecrated  to  the 
gods.* 

Such  numbers  of  conspiracies  never  were  heard  of;  under 
a  prince  who  was  rarely  visible,  the  goverinnent  appeared  to 
be  in  a  state  of  interregnum  ;  the  impei-ial  tlirone  was  as  an 
empt\'  seat,  which  every  ambitious  man  aspired  to  occupy. 
Devotedness,  probity,  bravery,  were  no  longer  held  in  esteem 
by  courtiers  or  citizens.  Nothing  was  deemed  worthy  of 
public  approbation  or  reward  but  the  invention  of  a  new 
pleasure  or  the  fabrication  of  a  fresh  impost.  Amidst  this 
general  depravity,  the  provinces  knew  nothing  of  the  em- 
peror but  by  the  exaction  of  taxes  ;t  and  the  army,  without 


*  The  army  vsr.s  no  longer  to  be  dreaded  by  the  empf  rors  as  it  had 
been  in  the  t-urly  days  of  tlie  empire  ;  but  it  was  no  more  an  object  of  fear 
to  its  enemies  than  to  its  master.  A  modern  historian,  M.  JSismondi, 
finds  in  tlie  movernment  of  tl:e  Greek  empire  a  complete  and  iuoon- 
testable  evidence  of  the  natural  and  necessary  effents  of  the  wors.!  of 
governments.  The  aniMents  were  acquainted  with  scarcely  any  medium 
between  liberty  and  despotism.  The  goveiimuin*  of  Coiistantinoplf  had 
retained,  up  to  the  middle  of  the  middle  ages,  all  which  characterized  the 
de-potism  of  the  ancients,  although  we  must  allow  chat  this  despotism  was 
sometimes  temjjered  by  religion  and  the  influence  of  the  patriarchs  of 
Byzantium. 

t  Lebeau,  in  bis  Hintortj,  describes  at  length  the  decline  of  the  Greek 
emp'reand  tlie  vices  of  the  emperors.  Gibbon,  a  much  more  enlighteied 
cbseiver,  sometimes  neglects  important  details  connected  with  tlii?.  peri'd, 
and  in  his  latter  volumes,  too  often  forgets  tne  Greeks  to  speak  of  the 


HISTORT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  77 

discipline  and  without  pay,  had  no  leaders  ca/)able  of  com- 
manding  it.  Everything  announced  an  approacliing  revolu- 
tion in  the  ein])ire  ;  and  the  peril  was  the  greater  from  no 
one  having  the  courage  to  foresee  it.  The  subjects  of  Alexius 
r  ever  dreamt  of  obtrtiding  truth  upon  the  imperial  ear ; 
birds,  taught  to  repeat  satires,  alone  interrupted  the  silence 
of  the  people,  and  published  from  the  roofs  of  houses,  and 
in  the  high  streets,  the  scandals  of  tlie  court  and  tlie  dis- 
grace of  the  empire. 

The  Greeks,  at  the  same  time  superstitious  and  con-upt, 
still  preserved  some  remembrances  of  ancient  Greece  and 
old  Rome  ;  but  these  remembrances,  instead  of  creating  a 
noble,  emulative  pride,  only  nourished  in  their  hearts  a  puerile 
vanity,  and  their  history,  of  which  tliey  were  so  vain,  only 
served  to  render  more  striking  their  own  degradation  and 
their  empire's  too  evident  decay.  The  voice  of  patriotism 
was  never  heard,  and  no  influence  was  obeyed  but  that  of 
the  monks  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs  of  all  kinds,  who 
attracted  and  preserved  the  confidence  of  both  people  and 
prince  bj-  frivolous  predictions  and  senseless  visions.  The 
Greeks  wasted  their  time  in  vain  disputes,  which  enervated 
their  character,  increased  their  ignorance,  and  stifled  their 
patriotism.  At  the  moment  the  fleet  of  the  Crusaders  was 
about  to  set  sail,  Constantinople  was  in  a  state  of  fei-ment 
with  discussing  the  question  whether  the  body  of  Jesus 
Christ,  in  the  Eucharist,  is  corruptible  or  incorruptible ; 
each  opinion  had  its  ])artisans,  whose  defeats  or  triumphs 
were,  by  turns,  loudly  proclaimed — and  the  threatened  em- 
pire remained  without  defenders. 

The  Venetians  and  French  left  Zara,  and  the  isle  of  Corfu 
was  appointed  as  the  place  of  meeting  for  the  whole  fl.eet.* 
When  they  landed  on  the  shores  of  Macedon,  the  iidiabitants 
of  Duras  brought  young  Alexius  the  keys  of  the  city,  and 
acknowledged  him  as  their  master.     The  people  of   Corfu 

barbarous  nations  of  the  East  and  West  that  had  shared  the  wrecks  of  the 
Romnn  pm]iire. 

*  We  may  consult,  for  an  account  of  this  expedition,  the  marshal  of 
Cham|iague,  Gunther,  and  some  passages  of  Nicetas.  llhamnusius  has 
only  made  a  pompous  paraphrase  of  Villehardouin.  Lebeau  and  the 
Abbe  Laugier  say  a  great  deal  of  the  events  we  are  relating.  This  expe- 
dition of  the  Crusaders  has  been  splendidly  dei-cribed  by  the  historian 
Gibbon. 


78  HISTORl    or    THE    CEIT6ADE3. 

were  not  tardy  in  following  this  example,  and  received  the 
Crusaders  as  liberators :  tlie  acclamations  of  the  Greek 
people,  in  the  pass  ige  of  tlie  Latins,  was  a  happy  augury 
for  the  success  of  their  expedition. 

The  island  of  Corfu,  the  countiy  of  the  Phoenicians,  so 
celebrated  by  the  shipwreck  of  Ulysses  and  by  the  gardens 
of  Alcinoiis,  afforded  the  Crusaders  pasturage  and  abundance 
of  provisions.  The  fertility  of  the  island  induced  the  leaders 
to  remain  there  several  weeks ;  but  so  long  a  repose  did  not 
fail  to  produce  evil  consequences  in  an  army  supported  by 
enthusiasm,  to  which  no  time  for  reflection  should  have  been 
allowed,  and,  amidst  indulgence  and  idleness,  the  complaints 
and  murmurs  of  the  siege  of  Zara  broke  out  again. 

They  learnt  that  Gauthier  de  Brienne  had  conquered 
Apulia  and  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  This  conquest, 
eftected  in  a  few  months,  by  sixty  knights,  inflamed  tlie 
imagination  of  the  Crusaders,  and  furnished  the  malcon- 
tents with  a  fresh  opportunity  for  blaming  the  expedition  to 
Constantinople,  the  preparations  for  Avhich  were  immense, 
the  perils  evident,  and  the  success  uncertain.  "  "Whilst  we 
are  going,"  said  they,  "to  exhaust  the  resources  of  the  West 
in  a  useless  enterprise,  in  a  distant  war,  Gauthier  de  Brienne 
has  made  himself  master  of  a  rich  kingdom,  and  is  preparing 
to  fulfil  the  promises  he  has  entered  into  with  us  to  deliver 
the  Holy  Land  ;  why  should  we  not  demand  vessels  of  him  ? 
why  should  we  not  set  out  for  Palestine  with  him  ?"  These 
speeches  prevailed  over  a  great  number  of  the  knights,  who 
■were  ready  to  separate  themselves  from  the  army. 

The  chief  malcontents  had  already  assembled  in  a  secluded 
valley  to  deliberate  upon  the  means  of  executing  tlieir  pro- 
ject, when  the  leaders  of  the  army  were  warned  of  their 
plot,  and  immediately  united  all  their  efforts  to  prevent  the 
fatal  consequences  of  it.  The  doge  of  Venice,  the  count  of 
Flanders,  the  counts  of  Blois  and  St.  Paid,  the  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  and  several  bishops  clothed  in  mourning  habits, 
with  crosses  borne  before  them,  repaired  to  the  valley  in 
which  the  malcontents  were  met.  As  soon  as  they,  from  a 
distance,  percei\ed  their  unfaithful  companions,  who  were 
deliberating  on  horseback,  they  alighted,  and  advanced  to- 
wards the  place  of  assembly  in  a  suppliant  manner.  The 
instigators  of  the  deserlion,  seeing  tlie  leaders  and  prelates 


HISTOHT    OF    THE    OKUSADES.  79 

of  the  army  coming  thus  towards  them,  suspended  their 
deliberations,  and  themselves  dismounted  from  their  horses. 
The  parties  approached  each  other  ;  the  prbices,  counts,  aud 
bishops  threw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  malcontents, 
and.  bursting  into  tears,  swore  to  remain  thus  prostrated  till 
tlie  warriors  who  wished  to  abandon  them,  had  renewed  the 
oath  to  ibllow  the  army  of  the  Christians,  and  to  remain 
faithful  to  the  standard  of  the  holy  war.  "  AVlien  the  others 
saw,"  says  Villehardouin,  an  ocular  witness,  "  when  they  saw 
their  liege  lords,  their  dearest  relations  aud  friends  tlius 
cast  themselves  at  their  feet,  and,  so  to  say,  cry  to  tliem  for 
mercy,  they  were  moved  with  great  pity,  and  their  hearts 
were  so  softened,  they  coidd  not  refrain  from  weeping,  and 
they  told  them  tliat  they  would  consider  of  it  together 
(Quils  s'eii  aviseraient  2>(ti'  ensemble).''  After  having  retired 
for  a  moment  to  deliberate,  they  came  back  to  their  leaders, 
and  promised  to  x'emain  with  the  army  until  the  beginning 
of  autunui,  on  condition  that  the  barons  and  lords  would 
swear  upon  the  Gospel  to  furnish  them  at  that  period  with 
vessels  to  convey  them  to  Syria.  The  two  parties  engaged 
themselves  by  oath  to  perform  the  conditions  of  the  treaty, 
and  returned  together  to  the  camp,  where  nothing  now  was 
spoken  of  but  the  expedition  to  Constantinople. 

The  fleet  of  the  Crusaders  quitted  the  island  of  Corfu 
under  the  most  happy  auspices ;  the  histonans  who  have 
described  its  progress  through  that  archipelago,  so  full  of 
remembrances  of  antiquity,  have  not  been  able  to  refrain 
from  employing  the  language  of  poetry.  The  ^\-ind  was 
favourable,  and  the  sky  pure  and  serene  ;  a  profound  calm 
reigned  over  the  waves ;  three  hundred  vessels  of  all  sizes, 
with  their  colours  floating  from  their  sterns,  covered  an  im- 
mense space ;  the  helmets  and  cuirasses  of  tliirty  tliousand 
warriors  reflected  the  rays  of  the  sim ;  now  were  heard 
sounding  over  the  waters  the  h>  mns  of  the  priests,  invoking 
the  blessings  of  Heaven  ;  and  then  the  voices  of  the  soldiers, 
soothing  the  leisure  of  the  voyage  with  warlike  scngs;  and 
the  braying  of  trumpets  and  neighing  of  liorses,  mingled 
with  the  dashing  of  oars,  resounded  from  the  coasts  of  the 
Peloponnesus,  which  presented  themselves  to  the  eyes  of  the 
pilgrims.  The  Crusaders  doubled  Cape  Matapau,  known 
formerly  us  Tenura,  aud  passed  before  the  heights  of  Malea, 


80  ITISTOET    OF    THE    CnUSABES. 

without  dread  of  the  rocks  so  much  feared  b^'  ancient  navi- 
gators. jSTear  Cape  INFalea  they  met  two  vessels  returning 
from  Palestine,  in  vs'hich  were  many  Flemish  pilgrims.  At 
sight  of  the  Venetian  fleet,  a  soldier  on  board  one  of  the 
two  ships,  slipped  down  a  rope,  and  bade  adieu  to  his  com- 
paiuons,  saying:  "  I  leave  you  all  I  Jiave  on  hoard,  for  I  am 
qoincj  witJi  people  wJio  intend  to  conquer  kinffdoins.^'* 

The  Crusaders  landed  at  several  islands  they  fell  in  with 
on  their  passage  ;  the  inhabitants  of  Andros  and  Negro- 
pont  came  out  to  meet  Alexius,  and  acknowledged  him  as 
their  emperor.  It  was  the  period  of  harvest,  and  the  land 
presented,  everywhere,  a  spectacle  of  the  richest  abundance. 
The  enjoyment  of  a  beautiful  climate,  the  satisfaction  at  the 
submission  of  the  Greeks,  so  many  i-iches,  so  many  wonders, 
so  many  unknown  regions,  all  daily  increased  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  Crusaders.  At  length  the  fleet  arrived  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Bosphorus,  and  cast  anchor  in  the  port  of  St.  Stephen, 
three  leagues  from  the  capital  of  the  Greek  empire. 

Then  the  city  of  Constantinople,  of  which  they  were 
about  to  eftect  the  conquest,  broke  full  upon  the  view  of 
the  Crusaders  ;t  bathed  on  the  south  by  the  waves  of  the 
Propoiitis,  on  the  east  by  the  Bosphorus,  and  on  the  north 
oy  the  gulf  that  serves  as  its  port,  it  presented  a  spectacle 
at  once  magnificent  and  formidable.  A  double  enclosure  of 
walls  surrounded  it  in  a  circumference  of  more  than  seven 
leagues  ;  a  vast  number  of  splendid  buildings,  whose  roofs 
towered  above  the  ramparts,  appeared  to  proclaim  the  queen 
of  cities.     The  shores  of  the  Bosphorus  to  the  Euxine  and 

*  Villelmrdouin. 

f  It  would  be  diffirult  to  give  a  vr>ry  exact  ic?ea  of  the  city  of  Constan- 
tinople as  it  was  at  the  jieriod  of  this  crusade.  Among  the  travellers  who 
have  descrihfd  tliis  capital  at  a  time  nearer  than  our  own  to  the  middle 
ages,  we  ought  to  remark  Pfter  Gilles  and  Gielot,  who  saw  Constanti- 
nople, the  one  in  the  reign  of  Francis  I.,  and  the  other  in  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIV.  Their  description  has  furnished  those  who  came  after  them 
with  many  documents.  Revolutions,  wars,  the  Turks,  and  fires  change 
every  day  the  aspect  of  this  city,  which  was  already  much  altered  in  the 
times  of  the  travellers  we  have  named.  Du(!ange,  in  his  Christiana  Con- 
stantinopolis,  and  Banduri,  in  his  Tmperium  Orientate,  have  collected  all 
the  information  of  the  old  travellers  and  the  Greek  historians.  Among 
modern  travellers  Constantinopte,  Ancient  and  Modern,  by  the  English- 
man Dallaway,  and  Le  Voyage  de  la  Propontide,  by  M.  Lechavalier,  may 
be  consulted  with  advantage. 


HISTOKT    OF    THE    CUUSADES.  Si 

to  the  Hellespont,  resembled  an  immense  faubourg,  or  on« 
continued  line  of  gardens.  The  cities  of  Chalcedon  and 
Scutari,  built  on  the  Asiatic  shore,  and  Galata,  placed  at 
the  extremity  of  the  gulf,  appeared  in  the  distance,  and 
cro^vned  the  immense  and  magnificent  picture  whicli  lay 
before  the  -n-arlike  hosts  of  the  (.'rusaders. 

Constantinople,  situated  between  Europe  and  Asia,  be- 
t^veen  the  Archipelago  and  the  Black  8ea,  joins  together  the 
two  seas  and  the  two  continents.  In  tlie  times  of  its  splendour, 
it  held  at  its  pleasure  the  gates  of  connnerce  open  or  shut  ; 
its  port,  whicli  received  the  vessels  of  all  the  nations  of  tiie 
world,  deserved  to  be  termed  by  the  Greeks,  the  g.olden  Jioni, 
or  f/ir  horn  ofalmndance.  Like  ancient  Kouit .  Constantinople 
extended  over  seven  ascents,  and,  like  the  city  of  Eoniulus, 
it  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  the  city  of  the  seven  hills  ; 
in  the  times  of  the  crusades,  its  walls  and  its  towers  were 
compared  to  those  of  Babylon  ;  its  deej)  ditches  were  con- 
verted at  will  into  a  large  and  rapid  lake,  and  the  city  could, 
at  the  least  signal,  be  surrounded  by  waters,  and  separated 
from  t'ie  continent. 

The  monarch  who  founded  it  reigned  over  all  the  known 
nations  of  the  world,  and  in- the  execution  of  his  designs  he 
had  the  advantage  of  making  the  arts  and  sciences  of  Greece 
concur  with  the  genius  and  power  of  the  Eomans.  Not 
content  with  employing  the  beautiful  marbles  of  the  isles  of 
the  Archipelago,  he  caused  materials  to  be  transported  from 
the  extremities  of  Europe  and  Asia  ;  all  the  cities  of  the 
Eomaii  empne,  Athens,  and  Rome  itself,  were  spoiled  of 
their  ornaments  to  embellish  the  new  city  of  the  Caesars. 
Several  of  the  successors  of  Constantine  had  repaired  tiie 
edifices  that  were  crumbling  into  ruins,  and  had  erected 
fresh  monuiTients  in  Constantinople,  which  in  its  temples, 
upon  its  public  places,  and  around  tlie  walls,  everywhere  re- 
called the  memory  of  twenty  glorious  reigns.  The  city  was 
divided  into  fourteen  quarters;  it  had  thii'ty-two  gates;  it 
contained  within  its  bosom  circuses  of  immense  extent,  five 
hundred  churches,  among  Avhich  St.  Sophia  claimed  atten- 
tion as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world  ;  and  five  palaces, 
which  themsodves  looked  like  cities  in  the  midft  of  the  great 
city.  INEore  fortunate  than  its  rival  Ri)me,  the  city  of  Con- 
etantiui;  had  never  beheld  the  barbariaus  wittiin  its  v.alls ;  it 


82  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

preserved  with  its  language  the  depositorv  of  tlie  master- 
pieces of  antiquity,  and  the  aOciiuuilated  rit-lies  of  the  East 
and  the  West. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  paint  the  enthusiasm,  the  fear,  the 
surprise  that  took  possession  of  the  minds  of  the  Crusaders 
at  tlie  aspect  of  Constantinople.*  The  leaders  landed,  and 
passed  one  night  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Stephen.  This  night 
was  employed  in  anxious  deliberation  upon  what  they  had  lo 
do ;  at  one  time  they  resolved  to  land  upon  the  isles ;  then 
they  determined  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  continent.  In 
the  very  same  instant  they  drew  back  in  terror  and  gaAC 
themselves  up  to  a  as  ild  joy ;  they  could  not  come  to  any 
fixed  determination,  but  changed  their  plans  and  their  pro- 
jects a  thousand  times.  At  daybreak  Uandolo,  Boniface, 
Baldwin,  and  the  count  de  Blois  ordered  all  the  standards 
of  the  army  to  be  inifurled ;  the  escutcheons  and  coats  of 
arms  of  the  counts  and  knights  were  ranged  along  the  ves- 
sels,t  to  display  the  military  pomp  of  the  West  and  recall  tw 
the  warriors  the  valoiu"  of  their  ancestors.  The  signal  was 
given  to  the  fleet,  which  entered  into  the  canal,  and,  driven 
on  by  a  favourable  wind,  passed  close  to  the  walls  of  Con- 
stantinople. An  innnense  population, ■};  who  only  the  day 
before  were  ignorant  of  the  arrival  of  the  Latins,  crowded 
the  ramparts  and  covered  the  shore.  The  warriors  of  the 
West,  clad  in  complete  armoiu'.§  stood  erect  upon  the  decks 

*  Having  cast  anchor,  such  as  had  never  bt-en  theie  before  betran  to 
contemplate  this  beautiful  and  magnificent  city,  the  equal  to  wliicli  th^-y 
thought  could  not  be  tbund  in  the  whole  world.  Wiien  tiiey  p-iceived 
those  liigh  walls  and  large  towers  ^o  ne.ir  to  e;icti  other,  with  whicli  it  was 
furnished  all  round,  and  those  rich  ai'd  superb  palaces  and  churches  rising 
above  all,  and  in  such  gre^it  number,  thai  tliey  could  not  easily  believe 
they  saw  them  with  their  eyes  ;  together  with  the  fine  siiuailon  ot  the 
city,  in  its  leng'h  and  breadth,  which  of  all  other  cities  was  the  sove- 
reign, &c. —  Villehardouin. 

•f  Ducange,  in  his  ob>ervations  upon  Villeharv.<)\iin,  gives  a  very 
learned  note  upon  the  arms  and  escutchcdns  which  the  warriors  of  the 
middle  ages  caused  to  be  ranged  on  board  .their  vessels,  and  whicli  served 
them  as  battlements  to  >helter  them  from  all  the  arrows  of  the  enemy. 

X  The  Greek  hi^to^ian  Nicetas  says,  that  the  navigation  of  the  Cru- 
saders had  been  so  favourable  and  so  rapid,  ••that  iheyarrivid  in  the 
port  of  St.  .Si<i)iiea  without  being  perceived  liy  anybody." 

§  Nicetas,  speaking  of  the  I  rusaders,  .says  they  were  almost  all  as  tall 
as  I  heir  spcifs. 


HISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  83 

of  their  vessels  ;*  some  stones  and  arrows  were  .linnclied  from 
the  towers  and  fell  upon  the  ships :  "  there  was  no  heart," 
says  Villehai'doum,  "  so  bold  ats  not  to  be  moved ;  for  never 
v^'as  so  great  an  affair  undertaken."  Every  warrior  turned  his 
eye  towards  his  sword,  thinking  the  time  was  ecune  in  which 
to  make  use  of  it.  The  Crusaders  fancied  that  in  the  crowd  of 
spectators  tliey  behekl  the  defenders  of  Constantinople  ;  but 
the  capital  of  the  empire  was  only  defended  by  the  memory 
of  its  past  glory,  and  by  the  respect  of  the  nations  ignorant 
of  its  weakness.  Of  true  soldiers  the  imperial  army  only 
mustered  two  thousand  Pisans,  who  d(,>spis(!d  the  Greeks, 
and  the  troop  of  Varangians,  niercetiary  soldiers  from  the 
northern  parts  of  Europe,  with  whose  origin  and  country  the 
Greeks  themselves  were  scarcely  acquainted. f 

The  Crusaders  made  a  descent  upon  the  Asiatic  shore  of 
the  Bosphorus,  pillaged  the  city  of  Chalcedon,  and  esta- 
blished themselves  in  the  palace  and  gardens  in  which  the 
emperor  Ale.xius  had  so  long  forgotten  his  own  dangers  and 
those  of  his  empire.  At  the  approach  of  the  Venetian  fleet, 
this  prince  had  retreated  to  Constantinople,  where,  like  the 

*  Nicetas  says,  among  the  Venetian  vessels  there  was  one  so  large  that 
it  was  called  the  World. 

t  The  Varangians,  who  were  in  the  service  of  the  Greek  emperors, 
have  given  rise  to  many  discussions  among  the  learned.  Villeli-.rdouin 
says  that  the  Varangians  were  English  and  Danes.  The  count  de  St. 
Pol,  in  a  letter  written  from  C^onstantinoplc,  calls  them  English,  Livo- 
nians,  Dacians.  Other  historians  call  them  Celts,  Germans.  The  word 
Varangians  appears  to  be  taken  from  an  English  word  waring,'-  which 
means  warri'  r  ;  this  word  is  met  wiih  in  the  Danish,  and  several  other 
tongues  of  the  north  of  Europe.  Ducange  thinks  the  Varangians  came 
from  Danish  England,  a  small  province  of  Denmark,  between  Jutland 
and  Holstein.  M.  Malte  Brun,  in  the  notes  that  accompany  xhe  Histo i  y 
of  Russia,  by  Levesque,  thinks  the  Varangians  drew  thrir  recruits  from 
Scandinavia  ;  that  some  came  from  Sweden  by  Norvogorod  and  Kiow, 
others  from  Norway  and  Denmark  by  the  Atlantic  and  the  Mediterranean. 
We  still  po-sess  a  dissertation  upon  the  Varangians  by  M.  de  Villoison, 
in  which  we  find  more  learning  than  criticism.  The  mnsi  probable  opinion 
is  that  of  Ducange  and  M.  Malte  Brun.  We  have  but  one  observation 
to  make,  which  is,  that  it  is  piobable  the  Varangians  were  not  members  of 
the  Roman  church;  if  they  followed  the  Greek  religion,  may  we  not 
believe  that  they  belonged  to  the  nations  of  the  North,  among  whom  it 
had  been  introduced  ? 

*  An  Englishman  is  rather  at  a  lo?-s  to  tell  where  our  author  finds  tliis 
word.     Johnson  derives  war  hom  tcerre — old  Dutch. — Trans. 


84  HISTORY    OF    THE    CHrsfiDES. 

last  king  of  Babylon,  he  continued  to  live  annd^t  pleasuroa 
and  festi\ities,  witlioiit  reflecting  tliat  lie  liad  l)een  judged, 
and  that  iiis  hoiir  %vas  ijearly  come.  His  courtiers,  in  the 
intoxication  of  the  banquet,  celebrated  his  power  and  pro- 
claimed him  invincible ;  amidst  tlie  pomp  that  surrounded 
him,  and  which  appeared  to  him  a  rampart  against  tlie 
attacks  of  his  enemies,  he,  in  liis  speeches,  insulted  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  Latins,  and  believed  he  had  conquered  them 
because  he  had  called  them  barbarians. 

AVhen  he  saw  tlie  Crusaders  masters  of  his  palace  and  gar- 
dens, he  began  to  entertain  some  degree  of  fear,  and  sent  an 
Italian  named  liossi,  with  orders  to  salute  the  lords  and 
barons.  "  The  emperor  my  master,"  said  the  envoy  ot 
Alexias,  "  knows  that  you  are  the  most  puissant  and  most 
Boble  princes  among  those  who  do  not  wear  crowns ;  but  he 
is  astonished  that  you  should  have  come  to  bring  war  into  a 
Christian  empire.  Rumour  proclaims  that  youi*  design  is  to 
deliver  the  Holy  Land  from  the  yoke  of  the  Saracens ;  the 
emperor  applauds  your  zeal,  and  solicits  the  honour  of  being 
associated  with  yoiu'  enterprise ;  he  is  ready  to  assist  you 
with  all  his  power.  But  if  you  do  not  quit  his  states,  he 
shall  feel  obliged  to  direct  against  you  the  forces  he  woidd 
wiUingly  have  employed  in  your  cause  and  in  that  of  Christ. 
Accept,  then,  the  generous  ofters  that  he  makes  to  you  by 
me ;  but  do  not  believe  that  this  paciflc  language  is  dictated 
by  fear.  The  emperor  Alexius  reigns  over  Greece  by  the 
love  of  his  people  as  well  as  by  the  will  of  God ;  with  one 
single  word  he  could  gather  around  him  innumerable  armies, 
disperse  your  fleet  and  your  battalions,  and  close  against 
vou  for  ever  the  routes  to  the  East." 

The  envoy  of  the  emperor  thus  terminated  his  speech 
w  'thout  naming  either  Isaac  or  young  Alexius.  Conon  de 
Bifthune,*  Avho  answered  for  the  leaders  of  the  army,  was 
astonished  that  the  brother  of  Isaac  should  dare  to  speak  as 
master  of  the  empii-e,  and  that  he  had  not  tliought  fit  to 
attempt  to  justify  a  parricide  which  had  roused  the  in- 
dignation  of  all  Christian   nations.      "  Go    and  tell  your 

*  Le  I'ere  d'Outreman  speaks  thus  of  Conon  tie  Betliune :  Vir  domi 
niilitiieque  nobilis  et  foecundus  in  paiicis. — Constantin.  B?/i/.  lib.  iii.  Ville- 
h.irdouin  says  that  Conon  de  Bethune  "  was  a  wise  knight  and  well- 
spoken." 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADKS.  S5 

master,"  said  the  orator  of  the  Crusaders,  aaci''o,'?rfi'^LC  tht 
tmperor's  envoy,  "  go  and  tell  hlrn,  tliat  th*^  "a.-'-^h  we  tread 
upon  does  not  belong  to  him,  but  that  it  is  tlie  heritage  of 
the  prince  you  see  seated  amongst  us,  If  ]ie  be  desirous  of 
knowing  the  m-jtive  that  brings  us  hither,  let  him  ask  liis 
own  conscience,  and  remember  the  crimes  he  lias  committed. 
A  usurper  is  the  enemy  of  all  princes  ;  a  tyi'ant  is  the  enemy 
of  the  whole  human  race.  He  who  sent  you  has  but  one 
means  of  escaping  the  justice  of  Heaven  and  of  men ;  that 
is,  to  restore  to  his  brother  and  his  nephew  the  tliroue  ho 
has  wrested  from  them,  and  implore  the  pity  of  those  same 
princes  towards  whom  he  has  been  so  mei'ciless.  In  that 
case  we  promise  to  add  our  prayers  to  his  supplications,  and 
to  procure  for  him,  with  his  pardon,  the  means  of  passing 
his  life  in  a  repose  far  preferable  to  the  splendour  of  an 
usurped  sovereignty  ;  but  if  he  is  not  willing  to  act  justly,  if 
he  is  inaccessible  to  repentance,  tell  him  we  disdain  his 
threats  as  we  do  his  promises,  and  that  we  have  no  time  to 
waste  in  listening  to  ambassadors."  This  vehement  reply 
vvas  an  actual  declaration  of  war,  and  left  the  emperor  no 
hope  of  either  seducing  or  intimidating  the  Crusaders.  The 
lords  and  barons  were,  however,  astonished  that  the  Greeks 
took  no  notice  of  young  Alexius,  and  that  the  cause  thej 
came  to  promote  found  no  partisans  in  the  city  of  Coustiiu- 
tinople.  They  resolved  to  ascertain  the  inclinations  of  the 
people.  A  gaUey,  on  board  of  which  was  the  son  of  Isaac, 
was  brought  close  to  the  walls  of  the  capital;*  Boniface  and 
Daudolo  held  up  tlie  young  prince,  whilst  a  litrald-at-urms 
repeated  in  a  loud  voi(*e  tliese  words  ; — "  Beliold  the  heir  of 
the  throne  :  aekiioa-ledfje  your  sovereign  :  have piti/  onhiui  and 
on  yourselves^  The  Greeks  assembled  n  the  rampart's 
remained  motionless  ;  some  answered  \}\  insulting  langiiage, 
others  maintained  a  f;ullen  silence,  WhiLt  the  Crusaders 
«vere  thus  making  a  last  atte'iipt  to  preserve  peace,  the 
most  horrible  tvniudt  reigned  in  ttie  interior  of  the  city. 
The  presence  of  the  Jj;uins  irritated  the  multitiide ;  they 
assembled  in  the  public  places ;  they  excited  each  other  to 

*  Thi!i5  went  they  su'ing  along  by  the  side  of  the  walls,  where  liey 
showed  Alexius  to  the  Gieeks,  who  from  all  parts  flocked  to  the  tiiolf : 
Sieiirs  (Jr.eks,  behold  your  natural  lord,  of  thiit  there  is  no  doubt,  <Vc.  &c. 
—  Ville/iardouin,  book  iii 


86  HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

vengeance ;  the  people  ran  to  the  quarter  of  the  Franka, 
demolished  several  houses,  and  gave  the  rest  up  to  pillage. 
A.  great  number  of  Latins,  threatened  with  loss  of  life, 
immediately  sought  an  asylum  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders. 
Their  presence,  their  accounts,  their  complaints,  fired  the 
(iasily  kindled  indignation  of  the  knights  and  barons. .  From 
that  mcment  the  leaders  saw  no  hopes  but  in  the  chance  of 
war  and  in  the  protection  of  the  Heaven  that  had  confided 
to  their  hands  the  cause  of  mnocence  and  misfortune. 

Eighty  knights  succeeded  iia  putting  to  fliglit  a  numerous 
body  of  troops  that  the  emperor  had  sent  across  the  Bos- 
phorus.  "  The  Greek  commanders,"  says  Nieetas,  "  were 
more  timid  than  deer,  and  did  not  dare  to  resist  men  wliom 
they  called  extermmating  angels,  statues  of  bronze,  which 
spread  around  terror  and  death."  The  Crusaders,  however, 
had  great  cause  to  fear  that  the  Grreeks,  recovered  from  their 
first  panic,  might  become  aware  of  the  small  number  of 
their  enemies,  and  succeed  in  overwhelming  them  by  their 
multitudes ;  they  resolved,  thenifore,  to  take  advantage  of 
the  fear  they  had  inspired,  and  gave  their  whole  attention  to 
forward  the  preparations  for  attacking  enemies  that  had 
provided  nothing  for  their  defence. 

The  Christian  army  assembled  at  Chrisopolis  (Scutari  *K 
and  beheld  full  in  front  of  them  the  capital  of  the  GrceK 
empire.  After  having  put  to  flight  some  troops  sent  out  to 
fodow  their  march  or  skirmish  with  them,  the  leaders 
mounted  on  horseback  and  deliberated  in  full  assembly,  on 
the  plan  of  action  best  to  be  pursued.  They  decided  that  the 
iirmy  should  cross  the  canal  of  the  Bospliorus,  and  encamp 
under  the  vralls  of  Constantinople.  "  Then,"  says  Villehar- 
douiri,  "  the  bishops  and  the  clergy  addressed  their  remon- 
strances to  all  those  of  the  camp,  exhorthig  them  to  confess 
themselves,  imd  make  their  testatnruts,  for  they  did  not 
know  the  hour  at  which  it  might  please  God  to  call  them, 
and  do  his  will  by  them  ;  which  ihey  did  very  willingly,  and 
with  great  zeal  and  devotion."  When  all  was  ready,  and  the 
Crusaders  had  invoked  the  protection  of  Heaven  by  their 
prayers,  the  signal  for  departure  was  given;  the  war-horses, 
saddled  and  covered  with  their  long  caparisons,  -were  em- 

*  It  was  nearly  at  this  period  that  the  city  of  Chrisopolis  began  to  be 
called  Scutari.     The  name  of  Scutari  is  employed  by  Vii)  hardouni. 


HTSTOUY    OF    THK    CHUSADF.S.  87 

barked  in  the  flat-bottomed  boats ;  the  knights  stood  erect 
near  their  liorses,  hehu  on  liead  and-  lauce  in  liaud ;  the 
remainder  of  the  ti'oops  went  on  board  the  large  ships,  each 
of  which  was  towed  by  a  galley.  The  army  of  the  Greeks, 
commanded  by  the  emperor  in  person,  was  drawn  up  in 
battle  array  on  the  opposite  shore,  and  appeared  disposed  to 
dispute  th  epassage  of  the  Crusaders.  All  at  once  the  vessels 
.leaved  theii-  anchors  to  the  sounds  of  trumpets  and  clarions, 
E. erj'  soldier,  with  his  eyes  fixed  on  Cons'tantinople,  swore 
to  conquer  or  die.  On  approaching  tlie  shore,  the  barons 
pnd  knights  cast  themselves  into  the  sea,  fully  armed,  <ind 
contended  for  the  honour  of  first  gaining  the  strand  occupied 
by  the  Greeks.  The  archers  and  foot-soldiers  followed  the 
cAan.ple  of  the  knights  ;  in  less  than  an  hour  the  wliole  army- 
was  on  the  otlier  side  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  looked  about 
ni  vain  for  an  enemy  over  a  plain  they  had  so  recently  seen 
covered  with  arms  and  warriors.  The  army  of  Alexius  took 
to  flight ;  and,  if  we  may  believe  a  letter  of  the  count  de 
St.  Pol,  the  swiftest  arrows  of  the  Latins  could  scarcelv 
overtake  a  few  of  the  fugitives.  The  Crusaders,  following  up 
their  advantage,  found  the  camp  of  the  Greeks  aband  eel, 
aud  plundered  the  tents  of  the  emperor,  without  meetiiif 
:,^'ith  one  of  his  soldiers. 

Night  surpi-ised  them  in  the  midst  of  their  bloodless 
victory  ;  and  on  the  morrow  the}-  resolved  to  attack  the 
fortress  of  Galata,  which,  erected  upon  a  hill,  connni'nded 
the  port  of  Constantinople.  From  break  of  day  the  Greek.? 
rushed  in  crowds  to  anticipate  and  surprise  the  Latins.  At 
the  first  shock,  Jacques  d'Avesnes  was  wounded  grievoiislv, 
and  placed  Iwrs  de  combat ;  the  sight  of  his  wound  highlv 
incensed  the  Flemish  warriors,  who  precipitated  themselves 
witli  fury  into  the  melee.  The  Greeks  were  not  able  to 
withstand  the  impetuous  attack  of  their  enemies,  and  took 
to  flight  in  great  disorder ;  some,  hoping  to  find  an  asylum 
in  the  sliips  in  tlie  port,  perished  in  the  waves,  whilst  otherj- 
fi^d  bewildered  to  the  citadel,  into  which  the  conquerors 
entered  with  the  conquered.  "Whilst  the  French  thus  got 
possession  of  Galata,  the  Venetian  fleet,  which  was  drawn  uj) 
in  line  of  battle  before'  Scutari,  turned  its  prows  towards  the 
port  of  Constantinople.  The  entrance  of  the  gulf  waa 
defended  by  an  enormous   c.h^\a  of  iron,  and   by  twenty 


88  lIISTOUr    OY    THE    CltUSAURj. 

gaiii^ys,  which  constituted  the  whole  mivj  of  the  emp're. 
The  resistance  of  the  Greeks  was  obstinate  ;  but  a  vessel  of 
exti'aordinary  size,  assisted  by  a  favourable  wind,  struclv  the 
extended  chain  violently  m  its  passage,  and  divided  it  witii 
enormous  shears  of  steel,  which  opened  and  shut  by  the 
operation  of  a  machine.*  The  galleys  of  the  Greeks  v,ere 
f'>on  taken,  or  dispersed  in  fi'agments  on  the  face  of  the 
waters,  and  the  whole  of  the  Venetian  fleet  rode  in  triumpli 
into  tlie  port :  it  was  then  the  Greelis  were  able  to  per- 
ceive what  tfiey  liad  to  dread  from  the  invincible  courage  of 
these  barbarians,  who  liad  tiU  that  period  been  the  object  of 
then-  contempt. 

The  Frencli,  masters  of  Galata,  divided  their  army  into 
six  great  battles  or  divisions.  Baldwin,  who  had  under  his 
orders  a  great  numbor  of  arcliers  and  crossbow-men,  led  the 
van.  The  rear  was  composed  of  Lombards,  Germans,  and 
Franks,  from  countries  near  the  Alps,  (.'onunanded  by  tlio 
marquis  of  Montferrat.  The  other  lour  divisions,  in  which 
were  ranged  the  crusaders  from  Champagne,  Bui'gimdy,  and 
tlie  banks  of  the  Seine  and  the  Loire,  had  at  their  head 
Henry,  brother  of  Baldwin,  the  counts  of  St.  Pol  and  Blois, 
and  Matthew  de  Montmorenci. 

This  army  advanc^edf  towards  the  west  of  the  city,  witliout 
meeting  with  a  single  foe  in  its  passage,  and  encamped 
between  the  gate  of  Blachernae  and  the  tower  of  Bolie- 
mond. 

The  Greeks,  in  a  single  battle,  had  lost  the  empire  of  tlie 
sea,  and  had  no  longer  the  power  to  defend  the  approach  to 
their  capital.  Tlie  Venetian  fleet  cast  anclior  near  the 
moutli  of  the  river  Barbysses.  J     Tlie  Venetians,  masters  of 

*  The  breaking  of  the  chain  of  the  port,  according  to  ^,86  account  of 
Nicetas,  spread  the  greatest  consternation  among  tlie  Greeks  ;  and  mis- 
fortune, says  the  historian  of  Byzantium,  assumed  so  many  ditiereiit 
forms,  and  pvoduced  so  surprising  a  number  of  afflicting  images,  tliat  no 
mind  is  able  to  conceive  them. 

f  For  the  first  siege  we  may  profitably  consul-t  the  Letter  of  the  Cru~ 
gadcis  to  th(  Pope ;  t\\i'  History  of  Villehaniouiit  ;  Nicetas.  Reign  oj 
Alexias;  the  Vlnonicle  of  |)«i;.1.'ilo;  the  War  of  Onmtantinopte,  bv 
D'Outrenian  ,  Rhamiiusins  de  liill.  Omdatitiiiop.  N..,.  Ovc. 

%  The  name  ot  B,-.rf>ysse.- is  :.t  present  unknown  to  the  Turks,  vvi»  ■ 
taU  this  liver  Kiathana  ;  the  'Greeks  call  it  Kariuricos.  names  which,  o' 
both  lanjjuages,  remin<l  us  of  inc  pap.er- mills  that  are  at  its  na)U\h. 


lUSTOUY  OF  THE  CRUSADES.  89 

the  port,  were  secure  from  all  surprise,  aud  Imd  no  cause  to 
tear  being  overpoAvered  by  numbers.  If  the  whole  army  had 
been  united  on  board  the  fleet,  there  is  very  little  doubt  it 
would  have  more  easily  triumphed  over  the  eftbrts  and 
multitudes  of  the  Grreeks,  and  it  was  the  advice  of  the  doge 
that  such  should  be  tlie  plan ;  but  the  knights  and  barons 
could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  fight  on  an  element  with 
which  they  were  luiacquainted  ;  and  they  answered  (we  quote 
Villehardouin),  that  they  could  not  act  so  well  upon  the  sef. 
as  they  coidd  upon  the  land,  where  they  could  have  their 
horses  and  their  arms.  Their  army,  which  did  not  muster 
twent;.'  thousand  men  under  its  banners,  attacked  without 
fear  a  city,  which,  according  to  the  accovmt  of  some  his- 
torians, contained  a  million  of  inliabitants,  and  more  than 
two  hundred  thousand  men  able  to  bear  arms. 

Before  they  began  the  assault,  the  Crusaders  deemed  it 
proper  once  more  to  invite  the  Greeks  to  make  peace,  by 
receiving  the  son  of  Isaac  .as  emperor;  and  several  barons 
drew  near  to  the  walls,  crying  with  a  loud  voice  that  there 
was  still  time  to  listen  to  justice.  Young  Alexius  was 
surrounded  by  the  Latin  leaders,  and  his  presence  among 
them  explained  sufiiciently  clearly  the  meaning  of  the  words 
addressed  to  the  inhabitants  of  Constantinople.  Their  only 
replv  was  liurliMg  stones  and  javelins  at  the  Crusaders;  the 
people  of  Byzantium  had  been  persuaded  that  young  Alexius 
came  for  the  purpose  of  changing  the  manners,  religion,  aud 
ia\^s  of  Greece. 

History  ought  to  add  here,  that  since  the  intrigues  of 
ambilion  and  the  caprices  of  foi'tune  had  enjoyed  the  privi- 
lege of  bestov>iug  masters  upon  them,  the  Greeks  beheld 
with  indift'erence  the  successions  of  power  or  the  changes  of 
their  princes  ;  the  Greek  nations  had  not  forgotten  that  it 
was  a  revolution  that  lifted  the  family  of  Isaac  to  the  impe- 
rial tlu'one.  A\^ith  the  impressions  this  family  had  left  in 
their  minds,  the  misfortunes  and  prayers  of  Alexius  did  not 
move  tlieni  sutliciently  to  declare  in  his  favour,  or  take 
arms  to  support  his  cause ;  since  they  were  obliged  to 
choose  between  two  new  prinoes,  he  who  was  reigning 
amongst  them  appeared  preferable  to  him  who  implored  their 
aid. 

From  that  time  the  attention  aud  efforts  of  the  Crusaders 

Vol.   II.— .0 


IK)  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

wore  solely  directed  to  the  prosecution  of  tlieir  perilou* 
enterprise.  Their  camp,  placed  between  the  gate  of  Bla- 
cheruse,  and  the  castle  of  Bohemond,  occupied  but  a  very 
small  space  before  wails  many  leagues  in  extent.  Every  day 
the  Greeks  made  sorties ;  the  country  round  was  covered 
with  the  soldiers  of  the  enemy  ;  the  army  of  the  besiegers 
appeared  to  be  themselves  besieged  by  troops  that  were 
unceasingly  renewed.  Day  and  night  the  Crusaders  were 
luader  arms,  and  had  neither  time  to  take  their  food  nor 
refresh  themselves  by  sleep.  They  had  only  provisions  for 
three  weeks,  and  could  look  for  safety  to  nothing  but  a 
speedy  victory  ;  nevertheless,  they  continued  to  fill  up  the 
ditches,  and  make  their  approaches  to  the  ramparts.  Ea- 
listas,  catapultas,  rams',  everything  that  could  carry  destruc- 
tion and  death  into  the  city,  were  employed  to  second  the 
bravery  and  indefatigable  ardour  of  the  besiegers ;  without 
cessation,  enormous  masses  fell  Avith  fearful  crash  frori  the 
tops  of  the  walls  ;  and  such  was  tlie  surprising  power  of  the 
machines  of  war  then  in  use,  that  the  houses  and  palaces  of 
Constantinople  were  often  shaken  to  their  foundations  by 
stones  launched  from  the  camp  of  the  Latins.* 

After  ten  days  of  labour  and  fighting,  the  Crusaders  deter- 
mined to  storm  the  city.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  of 
July,  1203,  the  trumpets  and  clarions  sounded  the  signal ; 
the  count  of  Flanders,  who  commanded  the  attack,  passed 
through  the  raidis,  and  directed  the  attention  of  his  knights 
to  the  ramparts  of  Constantinople,  as  the  road  which  luould 
conduct  them  to  an  eternal  glori/.  The  army  was  immedi- 
ately in  motion,  and  every  machine  was  directed  against  the 
walls.  One  tower,  which  had  fallen  in  with  a  great  crash, 
appeared  to  oft'er  a  passage  to  the  troo])s  of  Baldwin. 
Ladders  were  planted,  and  the  most  intrepid  contended  for 
the  honour  of  entering  first  into  the  city  ;  but,  this  time, 
numbers  prevailed  over  valour.  A  host  of  Greeks,  encou- 
raged b\  the  presence  of  the  Varangians  and  Pisans,  hastened 
to  the  rampart,  and  overturned  the  ladders.     Fifteen  Frank 

*  Nevertheless  the  superb  palaces  were  ruined  by  the  stones  of  an 
extraordinary  size  that  the  besiegers  iaundied  with  their  niachin'-s,  and 
they  were  themselves  terrified  by  the  heavy  mnsses  that  the  Romans 
rolled  upon  them  from  the  walls. — Nicetas,  Mist,  of  A'9xiys  Comneniu, 
book  iii. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    TKUSADES.  HI 

warriors,  braving  stones,  beams,  and  torrents  of  Greek  fire, 
alone  were  able  to  maintain  themselves  on  the  walls,  and 
yielded  only  after  fighting  with  desperate  valour.  Two  of 
these  intrepid  warriors  were  led  to  the  emperor,  who 
watched  t'^e  fight  from  the  windows  of  the  palace  of  Bla- 
chernse.  Alexius  had  ceased  to  despise  t  le  Latins  ;  and,  in  his 
fright,  he  had  such  an  idea  of  their  courage,  that  the  sight  of 
the  two  prisoners  appeared  to  him  a  victory. 

At  the  same  time  the  Venetians  attacked  the  city  by  si-u. 
Dandolo  ranged  his  fleet  in  two  lines  ;  the  galleys  were  in 
the  first  rank,  manned  by  archers,  and  laden  wilh  machines 
of  war  ;  behind  the  galleys  advanced  the  large  vessels,  u})oa 
which  were  constructed  towers  exceeding  the  loftiest  of  the 
walls  of  Constantinople  in  height.  At  daybreak  the  con- 
test began  between  the  city  and  the  fleet ;  the  Greeks, 
armed  with  the  Greek  fire,  the  Venetians,  covered  with  their 
armour,  the  ramparts  and  the  vessels  charged  with  a  thou- 
sand destructive  instruments,  cast  from  one  to  the  other,  by 
turns,  terror,  fire,  and  death.  The  incessant  dashing  of  the 
oars,  the  shocks  of  the  vessels  against  each  other,  the  cries 
of  the  sailors  and  combatants,  the  hissing  of  the  stones, 
javelins,  and  arrows,  the  Greek  fire  darting  along  the  sea, 
seizing  on  the  ships  and  boiling  upon  the  waves,  presented 
altogether  a  spectacle  a  thousand  times  more  fearful  than 
that  of  a  tempest.  Amidst  this  horrible  tumult,  Henry 
Dandolo  was  heard :  standing  erect  in  his  galley,  he  excited 
his  troops,  and,  with  a  terrible  voice,  threatened  to  hang 
every  man  that  did  not  land.  The  orders  of  the  intrepid 
doge  were  soon  executed.  The  men  of  his  galley  took  him 
in  their  arms  and  bore  him  swiftly  to  the  shore,  the  standai-d 
of  St.  Mark  floating  over  him.  At  sight  of  this,  the  eflbrts 
of  the  crews  of  the  other  galleys  were  redoubled,  all  struck 
the  shore,  and  the  soldiers  rushed  forward  to  follow  their 
venerable  leader.  The  vessels,  which  had  hitherto  remained 
motionless,  now  advanced  and  placed  themselves  between 
the  galleys,  so  that  the  whole  fleet  was  extended  in  a  sii  .gle 
line  before  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  and  presented  to  the 
terrified  Greeks  a  formidable  rampart  raised  upon  the 
waters.  The  floating  towers  lowered  their  di'aw-bridges 
upon  the  ramparts  of  the  city,  and  whilst,  at  the  foot  of  the 
walls,  ten  thousand  ai^ms  planted  ladders  and  battered  with 


92  IIISTOllT    or    THE    CUUSADES. 

rams,  on  the  summit  a  fearful  conflict  was  maintained  with 
sword  and  lance. 

Al  at  once  the  standard  of  St.  Mark  appeared  upon  one 
of  the  towers,  planted  by  an  invisible  hand ;  upon  seeing 
tliis  the  Venetians  uttered  a  loud  shout  of  joy,  persuaded 
that  their  patron  saint  fou<j;ht  at  their  head ;  their  courage 
proportionately  increased  with  the  terror  and  despair  of 
their  enemies ;  tlie  most  intrepid  cast  themselves  on  to  the 
walls,  and  soon  twenty-five  towers  were  in  their  possession. 
They  pursued  the  Greeks  into  the  city ;  but  fearing  to  fall 
into  some  ambush  or  be  overwhelmed  by  the  people,  crowds 
of  whom  filled  the  streets  and  covered  the  public  places, 
thev  set  fire  to  the  houses  as  they  came  to  them  on  their 
passage.  The  conflagration  extended  rapidly,*  and  drove 
before  it  the  terrified  and  trembling  multitude.  AVhilst  the 
flames,  preceding  the  conquerors,  spread  devastation  on 
their  path,  and  the  greatest  disorder  prevailed  in  Constan- 
tinople, Alexius,  pressed  by  the  cries  of  the  people,  mounted 
on  horseback,  and  ordered  a  sortie  of  the  troops,  by  three 
different  gates,  to  attack  the  French,  who  were  less  fortunate 
in  this  day's  fight  than  the  Venetians. 

The  army  conducted  by  the  emperor  was  composed  of 
sixty  battalions  ;  clothed  in  all  the  marks  of  imperial  dignity, 
Alexius  rode  along  the  ranks,  animated  his  soldiers,  and 
promised  them  victory.  At  his  approach,  the  Crusaders 
abandoned  the  ramparts,  and  drew  up  in  line  of  battle 
before  their  camp.f  Villehardouln  admits  that  the  bravest 
knights  were,  for  a  moment,  seized  with  fear.  Dandolo, 
who  saw  the  danger  in  which  the  French  were  placed,  aban- 
doned his  victory,  and  fiew  to  their  aid.  Rut  all  the  (,'ru- 
saders  united,  coidd  not  have  resisted  the  imperial  army,  if 
the  Greeks,  but  more  particularly  their  leaders,  had  shown 
a  spark  of  courage.     The  troops  of  Alexius  would  not  ad- 

*  The  historian  of  Byzantium  says,  with  regard  to  tliis  firr,  that  so 
lamen'able  a  spectacle  was  cafiaiils  of  pi  lulucing  floods  rf  tears  sufiicicntly 
abundant  to  have  exviiigui.-.hed  the  ccnfligration. 

f  The  mar.->hal  of  Chanipagne  describes  to  us  the  oroer  of  battle  of  the 
Latins,  as  it  was  drawn  up  iiccrdiiig  to  the  tactics  of  the  iiiiddle  ai,'es. 
Tlie  Crusaders  issued  froru  their  caiuii  divided  into  six  bodies  ;  tliey  rai>ced 
theii'seives  before  their  palisades.  The  kniglirs  were  on  horseba<^k,  tin-ir 
sergeants  and  esquires  were  behind  them  close  to  ihe  quarters  of  their 
horses;  the  c^o^sbo.^■-lnen  and  archers  were  in  front. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CKTJSADES.  ?3 

Vance  nearer  than  within  bow-shot,  and  contented  themselves 
with  showering  a  multitude  of  arrows  from  a  safe  distance. 
The  son-in-law  of  the  emperor,  Lascaris,  of  whose  courage 
the  Greeks  and  even  the  Latins  boast,  demanded  with  loud 
cries  that  the  Crusaders  should  be  attacked  in  their  intrench- 
ments  ;  but  he  could  not  prevail  upon  Alexius,  surrounded 
by  base  courtiers  who  endeavoured  to  communic-ate  theii* 
own  alarms  to  him,  and  assured  him  that  he  had  done  enough 
for  his  glory  in  showing  himself  to  his  enemies.  The  em- 
peror, without  having  fought,  ordered  a  retreat  to  be  sounded, 
and  his  numerous  troops,  who  still  bore  the  name  of  Konuius, 
and  before  whom  the  eagles  of  Kome  A\ere  carried,  returned 
with  him  into  Constantinonle. 

Every  quarter  of  the  capital  resounded  with  lamentations 
and  groans  ;  the  Greeks  were  more  terrified  at  the  cowardice 
of  their  defenders,  than  by  the  bravery  of  then'  enemies ; 
the  people  accused  the  army,  and  the  army  accused  Alexius. 
The  emperor  mistrusting  the  Greeks  and  dreading  the  Latins, 
now  only  thought  of  saving  his  own  life  :  he  abanxloned  his 
family,  his  friends,  his  capital  ;  he  embarked  secretly  in  the 
darkness  of  night,  and  tied  to  seek  a  retreat  in  some  obscure 
corner  of  his  empire. 

When  daylight  informed  the  Greeks  that  they  had  no 
longer  an  emperor,  the  disorder  and  excitement  of  the  city 
became  excessive ;  the  people  assembled  in  the  streets,  and 
freely  discussed  the  errors  and  deficiencies  of  their  leaders, 
the  infamy  of  the  favourites,  and  their  own  misfortunes. 
Now  Alexius  had  abandoned  his  power,  they  I'emembered 
the  crime  of  liis  usurpation,  and  a  thousand  voices  were 
raised  to  invoke  the  anger  of  Heaven  upon  his  head. 
Amidst  the  confusion  and  tumult,  the  wisest  were  at  a  loss 
what  part  to  take,  when  the  coui'tiers  rushed  to  the  prison 
in  which  Isaac  languished,  broke  his  cliains,  and  led  him  in 
triumph  to  the  palace  of  Blachernaj.  Although  blivd,  he 
was  placed  upon  tlie  throne,  and,  whilst  he  believed  himself 
to  be  still  in  the  hands  of  his  executioners,  his  ears  were 
saluted  with  the  unexpected  accents  of  flattery  ;  on  seeing 
him  again  clothed  in  the  imperial  purple,  the  courtiers  for 
the  first  time  became  affected  by  misfortunes  he  no  longer 
endured.  All  denied  having  been  partisans  of  Alexius,  and 
rehtted  wl)at  vows  they  had  put  up  for  his  cause.     They  next 


94  UlSTORT    OF    THE    CUUSADES. 

sought  out  the  wife  of  Isaac,  whom  they  had  forgotten,  ai.c 
who  had  lived  iu  a  retreat  to  which  no  one  knew  or  had 
inqiiired  the  road  during  the  preceding  reign. 

Euph.vosyne,  the  wife  of  the  fugitive  emperor,  was  accused 
of  having  endeavoured  to  tal\^e  advantage  of  the  trouble?  of 
Constantinople,  to  clothe  one  of  her  favourites  witli  the 
purple.  Slie  was  cast  into  a  dungeon,  and  reproached  with 
all  the  evils  that  had  fallen  on  her  country,  but  most  par- 
ticularly with  the  lengthened  miseries  of  Isaac.  Such  as 
had  been  loaded  with  fa\ours  by  this  princess,  were  con- 
spicuous among  her  accusers,  and  pretended  to  make  a  merit 
of  their  iiigratitude. 

In  political  troubles,  every  change  is,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  a  means  of  safety ;  they  felicitated  themselves  upon 
this  new  revolution  in  Constantinople ;  hope  revived  in  all 
hearts,  and  Isaac  was  saluted  by  the  multitude  with  cries  of 
joy  and  congratulation.  Humour  soon  carried  to  the  camp 
all  that  had  taken  place  in  the  city.  At  this  news  the 
council  of  the  barons  and  knights  was  assembled  in  the  tent 
of  the  marquis  of  jNIontferrat,  and  they  returned  thanks  to 
Providence,  which  in  delivering  Constantinople,  had,  at  the 
same  time,  delivered  them  from  the  greatest  dangers.  But 
when  they  recollected  having  seen  only  on  the  preceding 
day  the  emperor  Alexius  surrounded  by  an  innumerable 
armv,  they  could  scarcely  give  faith  to  the  miracle  of  his 
flight. 

The  camp  was,  however,  soon  crowded  with  a  midtitnde 
of  Greeks,  who  came  to  relate  the  wonders  of  which  they 
had  been  witnesses.  Many  of  the  courtiers  who  had  not 
been  able  to  attract  the  attention  of  Isaac,  flocked  to  young 
Alexius,  in  the  hope  of  securing  his  first  favours;  they 
returned  warm  thanks  to  Heaven  for  having  listened  to  the 
ardent  vows  they  had  put  up  for  his  return,  and  conjured 
him,  in  the  name  of  his  country  and  the  empire,  to  coine 
and  share  the  honours  and  the  power  of  his  ftither.  But  all 
these  testimonies  could  not  persuade  the  Latins,  so  accus- 
tomed were  they  to  mistrust  the  Grreeks.  The  barons  kept 
their  army  in  the  strictest  order,  and  always  prepared  for 
battle,  and  then  sent  Matthew  of  Montmorenci,  (xeoil'rev 
de  Yillehai-douiii,  and  two  Venetian  nobles  to  Constanti'^ople 
to  ascerta'n  the  truth. 


HISTORi'    OF    THE     rRUSAUEa.  95 

The  deputies  were  directed  to  congi'atulate  Isaac,  if  he 
had  recovered  his  throne,  and  to  require  of  him  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  made  with  his  son.  On  ari-ivinti;  in  Con- 
stantinople, they  were  conducted  to  the  paLace  of  Blachernae 
between  two  ranks  of  soldiers,  wlio,  the  day  before,  had 
formed  the  body-guard  of  Alexius,  and  who  had  just  taken 
the  oath  to  defend  Isaac.  The  emperor  received  the  depu- 
ties on  a  throne  sparkling  with  gold  and  precious  stones. 
and  surrounded  by  all  the  splendour  of  Eastern  courts. 
"This  is  the  manner,"  said  Yillehardouin,  addressing  Isaac, 
"  in  which  the  Crusaders  have  fulfilled  their  promises  ;  it 
now  remains  with  you  to  perform  those  that  have  been  made 
in  yoiu"  name.  Tour  son,  who  is  with  the  lords  and  barons, 
implores  you  to  ratify  the  treaty  he  has  concluded,  and  com- 
mands us  to  say  that  he  wiU  not  return  to  your  palace  until 
you  have  sworn  to  perform  all  he  has  promised  us."  Alexius 
had  engaged  to  pay  the  Crusaders  two  hundred  thousand 
silver  marks,  to  furnish  their  army  with  provisions  for  a 
■year,  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  perils  and  labours  of  the 
holy  war,  and  to  reduce  the  Greek  Church  to  submission  to 
that  of  Eome.  When  Isaac  heard  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty,  he  could  not  foi'bear  from  expressing  his  surprise, 
and  pointing  out  to  the  deputies  how  difficult  it  must  be  to 
perform  such  promises ;  but  he  could  deny  nothing  to  his 
liberators,  and  thanked  the  Crusaders  for  not  requiring 
more:*  "  You  have  served  us  so  well,'''  added  he,  "  tJiaf  if  we 
were  even  to  give  you  the  tohoJe  empire,  you  icould  have 
merited  it."  The  deputies  praised  the  frankness  and  good 
faith  of  Isaac,  and  carried  back  to  the  camp  the  imperial 
patents,  to  which  was  affixed  the  seal  of  gold  that  confirmed 
the  treaty  made  with  Alexius. 

The  lords  and  barons  immediately  mounted  on  horseback, 
and  conducted  young  Alexius  into  Constantinople.  The  sou 
of  Isaac  rode  between  the  count  of  Flanders  and  the  doge 
of  Venice,  followed  by  all  the  knights,  clad  in  complete 
armour.     The  people,  who  so  lately  had  preserved  a  sullen 

*  Certes,  vuila  une  capitufation  bien  etrange,  reprndit  rempereur,  et 
n3  voy  pas  conime  elle  se  puisse  aecomplir,  tant  elle  est  gramle  et  exces- 
sive. Nnmpourfant  vous  avez  tout  fait  pour  lui  et  pnur  moy,  que  si  I'on 
vous  (loiinerait  lout  ivt  enipiie  eniierement,  si  l'a»'ez  voui  ^Atn  liesuivi. — 
Villehardouin,  b  ;ok  iv. 


9G  HISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

silence  on  beholding  him,  now  crowded  around  him  on  his 
passage,  and  saluted  liirn  with  loud  acclamations ;  the  Latin 
clergv  accompanied  the  son  of  Isaac,  and  those  of  the  Greek 
Churcli  sent  out  their  magnificent  cortege  to  meet  h^m.  The 
enl ranee  of  the  young  prince  into  the  capital  ftas  a  day  of 
festivity  for  botli  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins ;  in  all  the 
churches  thanks  were  oftered  up  to  Heaven;  hymns  of 
public  rejoicing  resounded  everywhere ;  but  it  was  par- 
ticularly in  the  ])alace  of  Blachernae,  so  long  the  abode  of 
mourning  and  fear,  that  the  greatest  transports  of  joy  were 
manifested.  A  fother,  blind,  and  immured  during  eight 
years  in  a  dungeon,  clasping  in  his  arms  a  son  to  v\hom  he 
owed  the  restoration  of  his  liberty  and  crown,  presented  a 
new  spectacle  that  must  have  penetrated  every  heart  with 
lively  emotions.  The  crowd  of  spectators  recalled  to  their 
minds  the  long  calamities  of  these  two  princes ;  and  the 
remembrance  of  so  many  evils  past,  appeared  to  them  a 
pledge  for  the  blessings  that  Heaven  had  in  store  for  the 
empire. 

The  emperor,  reunited  to  his  son,  again  thanked  the 
Crusaders  for  the  services  they  had  rendered  him,  and  con- 
jured tlie  leaders  to  establish  themselves  with  their  army  on 
tlie  otliei-  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Chrysoceras.  He  feared  that 
their  abode  in  the  city  might  give  birth  to  some  quarrel 
between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins,  too  long  divided.  The 
barons  yielded  to  the  prayer  of  Isaac  and  Alexius,  and  the 
army  of  the  Crusaders  took  up  their  quarters  in  the  faubourg 
of  Galata ;  where,  in  abundance  and  repose,  they  forgot  the 
labours,  perils,  and  fatigues  of  the  war.  The  Pisans,  who  had 
defended  C'onstantinople  against  the  Crusaders,  made  peace 
wit'h  the  Venetians ;  all  discords  were  appeased,  and  no 
i^pirit  of  jealousy  or  rivalry  divided  the  Franks.  The  Greeks 
came  constantly  to  the  camp  of  the  Latins,  bringing  provi- 
sions and  merchandise  of  all  kinds.  Tlie  warriors  of  the 
West  often  visited  the  capital,  and  were  never  tired  of 
conteirq^lating  the  palaces  of  the  emperors,  the  numerous 
edifices,  the  master-pieces  of  art,  the  monuments  consecrated 
to  religion,  and,  above  all,  the  relics  of  saints,  which,  accord- 
ing to  t/ie  marshal  of  Champagne,  were  in  greater  abundance 
ui  ConstaiUtiuople  than  in  any  other  "lace  in  the  world. 


HISTOBV    OF    Tin;    CRUSADES.  97 

A  few  days  after  his  entrance  into  Constantinople,  Alexius 
was  crowned  in  the  church  of  8t.  Sopliia,  and  admitted  to  a 
partition  of  the  sovereign  power  with  liis  father.  The  barons 
assisted  at  his  coronation,  and  offered  up  sincere  wishes  for 
the  happiness  of  his  reign.  Alexius  hastened  to  discharge  a 
part  of  the  smn  promised  to  the  Crusaders.  The  greatest  har- 
mony prevailed  between  the  people  of  Byzantium  and  the 
warriors  of  the  West ;  the  Greeks  appeared  to  have  forgotten 
their  defeats,  the  Latins  their  victories.  Tlie  subjects  of  Isaac 
and  Alexius  mingled  with  the  Latins  without  mistrust,  and 
the  simplicity  of  the  Franks  was  no  longer  the  subject  of  their 
raillery.  The  Crusaders,  on  their  side,  confided  in  the  good 
faith  of  the  Greeks.  Peace  reigned  in  the  capital,  and 
seemed  to  be  the  work  of  their  hands.  They  respected  the 
two  princes  they  had  placed  upon  the  throne,  and  the  em- 
perors retained  an  aftectionate  gi-atitude  for  their  liberators. 

The  Crusaders,  having  become  the  allies  of  the  Greeks, 
and  tlie  protectors  of  a  great  empire,  had  now  no  other 
enemies  to  contend  with  but  the  Saracens ;  and  they  turned 
their  minds  to  the  fulfilment  of  tlie  oath  they  had  made  on 
taking  the  cross ;  but,  ever  faitliful  to  the  laws  of  chivalry, 
the  barons  and  knights  deemed  it  right  to  declare  war 
before  beginning  it.  Heralds-at-arms  were  sent  to  the 
sultan  of  Cairo  and  Damascus,  to  announce  to  him,  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  name  of  tlie  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  in  the  names  of  the  princes  and  nobles  of 
the  AVest,  that  he  would  soon  experience  the  valour  of  the 
Christian  nations,  if  he  persisted  in  holding  luider  his  laws 
the  Holy  Land  and  the  places  consecrated  by  the  presence 
of  the  Saviour. 

The  leaders  of  the  crusade  announced  the  wonderful  suc- 
cess of  their  enterprise  to  all  the  princes  and  nations  of 
Christendom.  AVhilst  addressing  the  emperor  of  Germany,* 
they  conjured  him  to  take  part  in  the  crusade,  and  come 
ftnd  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Christian  knights.  The 
account   of  their  exploits  excited   the  enthusiasm  of  the 

*  The  Crusaders  addressed  Otho,  and  not  Philip  of  Swabia,  which  is 
wery  str-angc,  as  Philip  was  the  brother-in-l«w  of  Alexius  ;  but  i\  is  to  bt 
observed  that  at  this  |ieriod  the  pop^^  had  declared  in  favour  of  Otho,  and 
threatened  Philip  with  the  tlmnders  of  the  Church. 

5* 


9<S  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

faith  till ;  the  news,  when  carried  into  Sj'ria,  spread  terror 
among  the  Saracens,  and  revived  the  liopes  ol'  the  king  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  defenders  of  the  Holy  Land :  so  much 
glorious  success  ought  to  have  satisfied  the  pride  and  valour 
of  the  Crusaders ;  but,  whilst  the  world  resounded  with 
their  glory,  uwd  trembled  at  the  fame  of  their  arms,  the 
knights  and  barons  believed  they  had  achieved  nothing  for 
their  own  renown,  or  for  the  cause  of  God,  until  they  had 
obtained  the  approbation  of  the  Holy  See.  The  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  the  count  of  Flanders,  the  count  of  St.  Pol, 
and  the  principal  leaders  of  the  army,  when  writing  to  the 
pope,  represented  to  him  that  the  success  of  their  enterprise 
was  not  the  work  of  men,  but  the  work  of  God.  These 
warriors,  filled  with  haughty  pride,  who  had  just  conquered 
an  empire ;  who,  according  to  Nicetas,  boasted  o^  fearing 
notJihiy  hut  the  falling  of  the  heavens,  thus  bent  their  vic- 
toriouij;  brows  before  the  tribunal  of  the  sovereign  pontiff, 
and  protested  at  the  feet  of  Innocent,  that  no  mundane 
view  had  directed  their  arms,  and  that  he  must  only  contem- 
plate in  them  the  instruments  Providence  had  employed  in 
accomplishing  its  designs. 

Young  Alexius,  in  concert  with  the  leaders  of  the  crusaaes, 
wrote  at  the  same  time  to  the  pope,  to  justify  his  conduct 
and  that  of  lus  liberators.  "We  avow,"  said  he,  "that  the 
principal  cause  that  induced  the  pilgrims  to  assist  us,  was 
that  we  had  promised,  with  an  oath,  to  recognise  the  Roman 
pontifl:'  as  our  ecclesiastical  head,  and  the  successor  of  St. 
Peter."  Innocent  III.  in  replying  to  the  new  emperor  of 
Constantinople,  praised  his  intentions  and  his  zeal,  and 
pressed  him  to  accomplish  his  promises  ;  but  the  excuses  of 
the  Crusaders  were  not  able  to  appease  the  resentment 
which  the  pope  retained  on  account  of  their  disobedience  to 
the  counsels  and  commands  of  the  Holy  See.  In  his  answer, 
he  did  not  salute  them  with  his  usual  benediction,  fearing 
that  they  were  again  fallen  under  excommunication,  •  by 
attacking  the  Greek  eraperor  in  spite  of  his  prohibition.  If 
the  emperor  of  Constantiuople,  said  he  to  thein,  does  not 
make  haste  to  do  tliat  wliicli  he  has  promised,  it  will  appear 
that  neither  his  intentions  nor  yours  have  been  sincere,  and 
that  you  have  added  this  second  sin  to  that  you  have  already 


HISTOBY    OF   THE    CEUSADES.  99 

committed.  The  pope  gave  the  Crusaders  fresh  advice  ;  but 
neither  his  counsels  nor  his  threats  produced  any  better 
eti'ect  than  they  had  done  at  the  siege  of  Zara :  Providence 
was  preparing  in  secret,  events  that  exceeded  the  foresight 
of  the  Crusaders,  or  even  that  of  the  Holy  See,  and  which 
woulc'  once  again  change  the  aim  and  object  of  the  holy 
war. 


BOOK    XI. 


A.D.  1198—1204. 

W^HEK  war  aud  revolutions  have  shaken  an  empire  to  its 
foundation,  evils  arise  against  which  no  human  wisdom  can 
provide.  It  is  then  that  princes,  called  to  the  throne,  are 
more  to  be  pitied  than  their  subjects,  and  that  their  power 
is  more  likely  to  excite  commiseration  than  to  awaken  the 
ambition  or  hatred  of  other  men.  The  people,  in  the 
extreme  of  misery,  know  not  what  bounds  to  put  to  their 
hopes,  and  always  demand  of  the  future  more  than  the 
future  can  possibly  bring.  When  they  continue  to  suifer 
irreparable  misfortunes,  they  blame  their  leaders,  by  whose 
influence  they  expected  all  sorts  of  prosperity  ;  the  murmurs 
of  unjust  hatred  soon  succeed  to  the  acclamations  of  an  irre- 
flective  enthu?i:asm,  and,  not  mifrequently,  virtue  itself  is 
accused  of  ha\ing  caused  evils  which  are  the  effects  of  revolt, 
war,  or  bad  fortui^e. 

Nations  themselves,  when  they  have  succumbed,  and  have 
for  ever  lost  their  political  existence,  are  not  judged  with 
less  severity  or  injustice  than  princes  or  monarchs :  after 
the  fall  of  an  empire,  the  terrible  axiom  vcb  victis,  receives 
its  application  even  in  the  judgment  of  posterity.  Gene- 
rations, quite  equally  with  contemporaries,  allow  them- 
selves to  be  dazzled  by  victory,  and  entertain  nothing  but 
contempt  for  co-nquered  nations.  We  shall  endeavour, 
whilst  speaking  of  the  Greeks  and  their  princes,  to  guard 
against  *the  prejudices  that  history  has  transmitted  to  us, 
and  when  we  shall  pronounce  a  severe  judgment  upon  the 
character  and  pbople  of  Greece,  our  opinion  will  be  always 
founded  upon  authentic  traditions  and  the  testimony  of  the 
historians  of  Byzantium. 

AVhilst  young  Alexias  had  nothing  to  do  but  make  pro- 
mises and    give  hopes,  he  was  gratihed  by  tlie  flattering 


UISTOUr    OF    TIIK    CRUSADES.  101 

benedictions  of  both  Greeks  and  Crusaders;  h\d  whew  the 
time  arrived  for  liim  to  perform  all  he  had  promised,  he  met 
with  nothing  but  enemies  and  obstacles.  In  the  position  in 
which  his  return  had  placed  him,  it  was  extremely  difficult 
for  hiin  to  preseiTe  at  the  same  time  the  confidence  of  his 
liberators  and  the  love  of  his  subjects.  If,  in  order  to 
fulfd  his  engagements,  the  young  emperor  undertook  to 
imite  the  Greek  Church  with  the  Chiu'ch  of  Rome ;  if,  to 
pay  that  which  he  owed  to  the  Crusaders,  he  oppressed  his 
people  with  taxes,  he  must  expect  to  hear  violent  murmurs 
arise  throughout  his  empire.  If,  on  the  contrary,  he  re- 
spected the  religion  of  Greece,  if  he  lightened  the  excessive 
weight  of  the  imposts,  the  treaties  would  remain  imexecuted, 
and  the  throne  he  had  so  recently  ascended,  might  be  over- 
turned by  the  arms  of  the  Latins. 

Dreading  every  day  to  see  the  fires  of  either  revolt  or 
war  kindled,  obliged  to  choose  between  two  perils,  after 
having  long  and  earnestly  deliberated,  he  did  not  dare  to 
confide  his  destiny  to  the  equivocal  valour  of  the  Greeks, 
and  conjured  the  barons  to  become  a  second  time  liis  libe- 
rators. He  repaired  to  the  tent  of  the  count  of  Flanders, 
and  spoke  as  follows  to  the  assembled  leaders  of  tho 
crusade.*  "  Yon  have  restored  to  me  life,  honour,  and 
empire,  and  I  have  only  one  thing  to  desire :  that  is,  to  be 
able  to  perform  all  the  promises  I  have  made  you.  But  if 
you  abandon  me  now,  in  order  to  go  into  Syria,  it  will  be 
impossible  for  me  to  find  the  money,  the  troops,  or  the 
vessels  I  have  undertaken  to  furnish.  The  people  of  Con- 
stantinople have  received  me  with  joy  ;  but  the  frequency  of 
revolutious  has  caused  them  to  lose  the  habits  of  submission 
and  obedience.  The  laws  of  their  country,  the  majesty  of 
the  throne,  no  longer  inspire  them  with  respect ;  a  spirit  of 
faction  reigns  in  the  capital,  and  throughout  the  too-long 
agitated  provinces.  I  conjure  you  then,  in  the  name  of 
your  own  glorj^,  in  the  name  of  your  own  interests,  to  finish 
your  work,  and  render  firm  the  power  you  have  reestablished. 
Winter  is  approaching,  the  navigation  is  perilous,  and  the 
rains  will  not  permit  vou  to  commence  the  war  in  Syria ; 
wait  then  till  the  spring;  when  the  sea  will  present  fewef 

*  This  speech  is  given  in  it.-s  entirety  by  Villehardouin. 


l02  HISTO.f.T   OF    TUE    CRUSADES. 

dangers,  and  war  greater  success  and  glory ;  you  will  tlien 
have  all  Grreece  as  auxiliaries  in  your  enterprises ;  I  shall 
inyj^elf  be  able  to  keep  the  oaths  that  chain  me  to  your 
cau8e,  and  accompany  you  with  an  army  worthy  of  an 
emperor."  At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  Alexius  pro- 
mised to  furnish  all  that  the  army  would  require,  and  to 
make  such  suitable  arrangements  with  the  doge,  that  the 
Venetian  fleet  might  remain  at  the  disposal  of  tiie  Crusaders 
during  their  abode  at  Constantinople,  and  to  the  end  of  their 
expedition. 

A  council  was  called  to  deliberate  upon  the  proposals  of 
the  young  emperor :  those  who  had  been  desirous  of  sepa- 
rating themselves  from  the  army  at  Zara  and  Corfu,  repre- 
sented to  the  assembly  that  they  had,  until  that  time,  fought 
for  the  glory  and  profane  interests  of  princes  of  the  earth, 
but  that  the  time  was  now  come  for  them  to  fight  for 
religion  and  for  Jesus  Christ.  They  were  indignant  at  new 
obstacles  being  raised  to  retard  the  holy  enterprise.  This 
opinion  was  warmly  combated  by  the  doge  of  Venice  and 
the  barons  wlio  had  embarked  their  glory  in  the  expedition 
against  Constantinople,  and  could  not  make  up  their  minds 
to  lose  the  fruit  of  all  their  laboui's.  "  Shall  we,"  said  they, 
"  allow  a  young  prnice,  whose  cause  we  have  brought  to  a 
triumphant  issue,  to  be  delivered  over  to  his  enemies,  who 
are  as  ours,  and  an  enterprise  so  gloriously  begun,  become 
for  us  a  source  of  shame  and  repentance  ?  Shall  we  allow 
the  heresy  that  our  arms  have  stifled  in  humbled  Grreece, 
to  reconstruct  its  impiu-e  altars,  and  be  again  a  subject  of 
fecand.oi  for  the  Christian  church  ?  Shall  we  leave  the 
Greeks  the  dangerous  faculty  of  declaring  against  us,  and 
allying  themselves  with  the  Saracens,  to  war  with  the  soldiers 
of  Christ  ?"  To  these  weighty  motives  the  princes  and 
lords  did  not  disdain  to  add  supplication  a.id  prayers ;  at 
iength  their  opinion  triumphed  over  an  obstinate  opposition, 
and  the  council  decided  that  tlie  departure  of  the  army 
should  be  deferred  until  the  festival  of  the  Easter  of  the 
following  year. 

Alexius,  in  concert  with  Isaac,  thanked  the  Crusaders  for 
their  favourable  determination,  and  neglected  nothing  that 
could  prove  his  gratitude  to  them.  For  the  purpose  of 
paying  the  sums  he  had  promised,  be  exhaustej.  his  trcasiu-y. 


niSTOHY    Oi"    TWf:    CRUSADES.  10^ 

increased  the  imposts,  and  even  melted  tlie  images  of  the 
saints  and  the  sacred  vases.  Upon  seeing  the  churches 
despoiled  of  the  sacred  images,  the  people  of  Constantinople 
were  struck  with  surprise  and  terror,  and  yet  had  not  the 
courage  to  utter  their  complaints  aloud.  Nicetas  reproaches 
his  compatriots  hitterly  with  having  remained  quiet  specta- 
tors of  such  sacrilege,  and  accuses  them  of  having,  by  their 
cowardly  indifference,  drawn  upon  the  empire  the  anger  of 
Heaven.  The  most  fervent  of  the  Grreeks  deplored,  as 
Kicetas  did,  the  violation  of  their  holy  places ;  but  scenes 
much  more  grievous  were  soon  to  be  brought  before  their 
eyes. 

The  leaders  of  the  army,  influenced  by  the  counsels  of 
the  Latin  clergy  and  by  the  fear  of  the  pontiff  of  Eome, 
required  that  tho  patriarch,  the  pi'iests,  and  the  monks  of 
Constantinople  should  abjure  the  errors  that  separated  them 
from  the  Romish  church  ;  and  neither  the  clergy,  nor  the 
people,  nor  the  emperor,  attempted  to  resist  this  demand, 
although  it  alarmed  every  conscience  and  alienated  all  hearts. 
The  patriarch,  from  the  pulpit  of  St.  Sophia,  declared,  in  his 
own  name,  and  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  and  the  Chris- 
tian people  of  the  East,  that  he  acknowledged  Innocent,  third 
of  that  name,  as  the  successor  of  St.  Peter,  first  vicar  of 
Jesus  Christ  upon  earth,  pastor  of  the  faithful  flock.  The 
Greeks  who  were  present  at  this  ceremony  believed  they 
belield  the  abomination  of  desolation  in  the  holy  place,  and 
if  they  afterwards  pardoned  the  patriarch  the  commission  of 
such  a  scandal,  it  was  from  tlie  strange  persuasion  in  which 
they  were,  that  the  head  of  their  church  was  deceiving  the 
Latins,  and  that  the  imposture  of  his  words  redeemed  iu 
some  sort  the  crime  of  blasphemy  and  the  shame  of  periury. 

The  Gri-eeks  persisted  in  believhig  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
does  not  proceed  from  the  Son,  and  quoted  in  support  oft'  eir 
belief,  the  Creed  of  JS'ice ;  the  discipline  of  their  church 
differed  in  some  points  from  that  of  the  Church  of  Rome ; 
in  the  early  days  of  the  schism  it  might  have  been  easy  to 
effect  a  reunion,  but  now  the  disputes  of  theologians  had 
too  much  exasperated  men's  minds.*     The  hatred  of  tlie 

*  The  Greeks  and  Latins  were  divided  on  three  principil  points  •.  first.. 
the  addition  made  by  the  Latin  Church  to  the  creed  of  Constaiitiuopie,  t« 
declare  that  the  Holy  Ghost  proceeds  from  the  Father  ;   2ud    the  refusal 


l04  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSAHKS. 

Greeks  and  the  Latins  appeared  but  too  likely  to  separate 
the  two  creeds  for  ever.  The  law  that  was  imposed  upon 
the  Greeks  oal.y  served  to  promote  the  growth  of  their  in- 
vincible resistance.  Such  among  them  as  scarcely  krew 
what  the  subject  was  of  the  long  debates  that  had  sprung 
up  between  Byzantium  and  Rome,  showed  no  less  fanaticism 
and  opposition  than  all  the  others ;  whilst  such  as  had  no 
religion  at  all  adopted  with  warmth  the  opinions  of  the 
theologians,  and  appeared  all  at  once  disposed  to  die  for  :i 
cause  which  till  that  time  had  inspired  them  with  nothing 
but  indifierence.  The  Greek  people,  in  a  word,  who  believed 
themselves  to  be  superior  to  all  other  nations  of  the  earth, 
repulsed  with  contempt  all  knowledge  that  came  from  the 
West,  and  could  not  consent  to  recognise  the  superiority  of 
the  Latins.  The  Crusaders,  who  had  changed  the  emperors 
and  conquered  the  empire,  were  astonished  at  not  being  able 
to  change  men's  hearts  likewise  ;  but,  persuaded  that  every- 
thing must  in  the  end  yield  to  their  arms,  they  employed,  in 
subduing  minds  and  opinions,  a  rigour  which  only  augmented 
the  hatred  of  the  vanquished,  and  prepared  the  fall  of  the 
emperors  whom  victory  had  replaced  upon  the  throne. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  usurper  Alexius,  on  flying  from 
Constantinople,  had  found  a  retreat  in  the  province  of 
Thrace  ;  several  cities  opened  their  gates  to  hin\,  and  a  few 
partisans  assembled  under  his  banner.  The  son  of  Isaac 
resolved  to  seek  the  rebels  and  give  them  battle.  Henry  of 
Hainault,  the  count  of  St.  Pol,  and  many  knights,  accom- 
panied him  in  this  expedition.  At  their  approach,  the 
usurper,  shut  up  in  Adriauople,  quickly  abandoned  the  city. 
and  fled  away  towards  Mount  II  emus.  All  the  rebels  wh«- 
tiad  the  courage  to  await  them,  were  either  conquered  (»» 
dispersed.  But  young  Alexius  and  the  Crusaders  had  a 
much  more  formidable  enemy  to  contend  with  :  this  was  ihi 
nation  of  the  Bulgarians.     These  wild  and  ferocious  people 

on  the  part  of  the  Greeks  to  acknowledge  the  primacy  of  the  pope  ;  3rilly 
the  pretension  of  the  Greeks  that  it  is  not  possible  to  consecrate  in  the 
Eucharist  with  unleavened  bread.  Photius  began  the  schism  ;  the  patriarct 
Cerularius  established  it ;  this  latter  wished  to  be  acknowledged  as  tlip 
head  of  the  universal  Church  instead  of  the  pope.  L'Abbe  Fleury,  in  liis 
Histoire  Kcclesiastique,  thinks  that  the  schism  of  the  Greeks  only  really 
began  at  the  period  the  Latins  were  masters  of  Constantinople. 


HISTORY    OF    THE   CEUSA.  ^S.  105 

obedient  to  the  laws  of  Constantinople  at  the  time  of  the 
first  crusade,  had  taken  advantage  of  the  troubles  of  the 
empire  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  its  rulers.*  The  leade  f  of  the 
Eulgariant^,  Joannices,  an  implacable  enemy  of  the  Greeks, 
had  embraced  the  faith  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  declared 
himself  a  vassal  of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  to  obtain  from  him 
the  title  of  king.  He  concealed  under  the  veil  of  a  new 
religion  the  most  vindictive  hatred  and  aspiring  ambition, 
and  employed  the  support  and  credit  of  the  court  of  Home 
to  make  war  against  the  masters  of  Byzantium.  Joannicea 
made  frequent  incursions  into  the  countries  adjoinuig  his 
own  territories,  and  threatened  the  richest  provinces  of  the 
empire  with  invasion.  If  young  Alexius  had  been  guided 
by  prudent  counsels,  he  would  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
presence  of  the  Crusaders  to  intimidate  the  Bulgarians,  and 
compel  them  to  remain  on  the  other  side  of  Mount  Hemus : 
this  expedition  might  have  deservedly  obtained  him  the  con- 
fidence and  esteem  of  the  Greeks,  and  assured  the  repose  of 
several  provinces ;  but  whether  lie  was  not  seconded  by  the 
Crusaders,  or  that  he  did  not  perceive  the  advantages  of  such 
an  enterprise,  he  contented  himself  with  threatening  Joan- 
nices ;  and,  without  having  made  either  peace  or  war,  after 
receiving  the  oaths  of  the  cities  of  Thrace,  his  sole  wish  was 
to  return  to  Constantinople. 

The  capital  of  the  empire,  which  had  already  undergone 
so  many  evils,  had  just  experienced  a  fresh  calamity.  Some 
Flemish  soldiers,  encouraged  by  the  Latins  established  in 
Constantinople,  had  provoked  and  insulted  the  Jews  in  their 
synagogue,  and  the  people  had  taken  up  the  defence  of  the 
latter  against  the  aggressors.  Both  sides  had  recourse  to 
arms,  and  in  the  tumult  of  fight,  chance,  or  malevolence, 
set  fire  to  some  neighbouring  houses.  The  conflagration 
extended  on  all  sides,  during  the  night  and  the  following 
day,  with  a  rapidity  and  violence  that  nothing  could  stop  or 
confine ;  the  flames  meeting  from  several  points,  rolled  on 
"with  the  swiftness  of  a  toiTcnt,  consuming,  as  if  of  straw, 
galleries,  columns,  temples,  and  oalaces.  From  the  bosom 
of  this  frightful  mass  of  fire  issued  fragments  of  burning 

*  The  Bulgarians  bad  .shaken  off  the  yoke  under  the  first  reign  of  Isaac. 
They  had  for  leaders  two  brothers,  Peter  and  Asan,  who  had  forsuccessoi 
a  third  brother,  Joannices. 


10(3  HISTORY    OF    THE    C.IUSADES. 

matter,  which,  falling  upon  distant  houses,  reduced  them  tc 
ashes.  The  flames,  at  first  impelled  by  a  nortli  wind,  were 
aiterwards  driven  back,  by  a  strong  change,  from  the  south, 
and  poured  upon  places  that  had  appeared  secure  from 
danger.  The  conflagration  began  at  the  s^iiagogue,  near 
the  sea,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  city,  and  extended  its 
ravages  as  far  as  the  clnirch  of  St.  Sophia,  on  the  western 
side,  traversing  a  space  of  two  leagues,  and  in  its  course 
including  the  port,  where  many  ships  were  consumed  upoi 
the  waters.* 

During  eight  days  the  fearful  element  continued  the  de- 
struction ;  the  crash  of  houses  and  towers  faUiug  on  all 
sides,  and  the  foaring  of  the  winds  and  flames  mingling  with 
the  cries  of  a  ruined  and  distracted  multitude.  The  crowds 
of  inhabitants  rushed  over  and  against  each  other  in  the 
streets,  flying  before  the  closely-pursuing  fire,  some  bearing 
their  goods  and  most  valuable  efl'ects,  others  dragging  along 
the  sick  and  the  aged.  Such  as  perished  in  the  conflagration 
were  the  least  unfortunate,  for  multitudes  of  others,  weeping 
the  death  of  their  relations  and  friends,  and  the  loss  of  their 
whole  worldly  property,  many  of  them  wounded,  some  half- 
burnt,  wandered  about  bewildered  among  the  ruins,  or  were 
huddled  together  in  the  public  places,  without  any  means  ot 
subsistence,  or  the  hope  of  finding  an  asylum. 

The  Crusader  sviewed  the  progress  of  this  horrible  dis- 
aster from  the  heights  of  Gralata,  and  deplored  the  calamities 
of  Constantinople.  A  great  number  of  knights  lent  their 
most  earnest  endeavour  to  subdue  the  raging  element,  and 
lamented  that  they  had  to  contend  with  an  enemy  against 
wdiich  valour  was  powerless.  The  princes  and  barons  sent  a 
deputation  to  the  emperor  Isaac,  to  assiu'e  him  how  sincerely 
they  participated  in  his  sorrow,  and  to  declare  that  they 
would  punish  the  authors  of  the  conflagration  with  the 
utmost  severity,  if  they  should  prove  to  be  among  their  sol- 
diers. The  protestations  and  assistance  which  they  promptly 
and  earnestly  offered  to  the  victims,  could  neither  console 
nor  appease  the  Greeks,  who,  whilsi  contemplating  the  ruins 

*  Nicetas  devotes  an  entire  chapter  to  the  description  of  this  fire. 
Villehardouin,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  History,  speaks  thus  of  it : 
De  quoi  les  pelerins  Francais  furent  mult  dolent,  et  mult  en  eureni 
grand  'utie. 


HISTORY    OF    IHE    CRUSADES.  107 

and  misfortunes  of  their  capital,  accused  the  two  emperors, 
and  threw  out  horrible  imprecations  against  the  Latins. 

The  families  of  the  Franks  established  at  Constantinople, 
who,  in  spite  of  persecutions,  had  remained  in  the  city, 
became  again  subject  to  tlie  ill-treatment  of  the  people  ;  and, 
forced  to  seek  an  asylum  without  the  walls,  they  took  refuge 
in  the  faubourg  of  Galata.  Their  groans  and  complaints 
revived  all  the  animosity  of  the  Crusaders  against  the 
Greeks.  Thus  everything  contributed  to  inflame  the  hatred 
of  two  nations,  whom  such  great  mislbrtunes  ought  to  havtj 
more  closely  united,  and  to  rekindle  discords  tliat  v,(;re 
doomed  to  bring  in  their  train  new  and  incurable  calamities. 

When  Alexius  re-entered  Constantinople  in  triumph,  the 
people  received  him  with  moody  silence  ;  the  Crusaders  alone 
applauded  victories  he  had  gained  over  Greeks ;  and  his 
triumph,  which  contrasted  so  keenly  with  the  public  cala- 
mities, and  his  laurels,  gathered  in  a  civil  war,  only  served 
to  render  him  more  odious  to  the  inhabitants  of  his  capital. 
He  was  obliged,  more  than  ever,  to  throw  himself  into  the 
arms  of  the  Latins ;  he  passed  his  days  and  nights  in  their 
camp  ;  he  took  part  in  their  warlike  games,  and  associated 
himself  with  their  gross  orgies.  Amidst  the  intoxication  of 
banquets,  the  Frank  warriors  treated  Alexius  with  insolent 
familiarity,  and  more  than  once  they  pulled  off  his  jewelled 
diadem  to  place  on  his  head  the  woollen  cap  worn  by  Venetian 
sailors.  The  Greeks,  who  took  great  pride  in  the  magni- 
ficence of  their  sovereigns,  only  conceived  the  stronger 
contempt  for  a  prince,  who,  after  abjuring  his  religion,  de- 
graded the  imperial  dignity,  and  did  not  blusl  to  adopt  the 
maimers  of  nations  that  were  only  known  at  Cc  nstantinople 
Under  the  name  of  barbarians. 

Nicetas,  whose  opinions  are  not  wanting  in  moderation, 
never  speaks  of  this  prince  but  with  a  sort  of  anger  and  vio- 
lence. According  to  the  historian  of  Byziintiu'u,  "Alexius 
had  a  countenance  resembling  that  of  the  exterminating 
angel ;  he  was  a  true  incendiary  ;  and  far  from  being  afflicted 
by  the  burning  of  his  capital,  he  Avoidd  ha>  e  vashcd  to  see 
the  whole  city  reduced  to  ashes."  Isaac  himself  accused 
his  son  of  having  pernicious  inclinations,  and  of  corrupting 
himself  daily  by  an  intercourse  with  the  wicl<ed ;  he  was  in- 
dignant that  the  name  of  Alexius  should  be  p-oclaimed  i'. 


108  niSTOKY    OF    THE    CRL  iADES. 

coiirt  and  in  public  ceremonies,  -rhilst  that  of  Isaac  waa 
rarely  mentioned.  In  his  blind  auger,  he  loaded  the  young 
emperor  mth  imprecations  ;  but,  governed  by  a  vain  jealousy, 
much  more  than  by  any  proper  sentiment  of  dignity,  whilst 
he  applauded  the  hatred  of  the  people  for  Alexius,  he  evaded 
the  duties  of  a  sovereign,  and  did  nothing  to  merit  the 
esteem  of  men  of  worth.  Isaac  lived  retired  in  his  palace, 
surrounded  by  monlis  and  astrologers,  who,  whilst  kissing  his 
hands  still  scanned  with  the  irons  of  his  captivity,  celebrated 
his  power,  made  him  believe  that  he  would  deliver  Jerusalem, 
that  he  would  plant  his  throne  upon  Mount  Libanus,  and 
would  reign  over  the  whole  universe.  Tull  of  confidence  in 
an  image  of  the  Virgin  which  he  always  carried  with  him, 
and  boasting  of  being  acquainted,  by  means  of  astrology, 
wdth  aU  the  secrets  of  policy,  he  could  yet  imagine,  to  pre- 
vent sedition,  nothing  more  eflective  than  to  have  trans- 
ported from  the  hippodrome  to  his  palace,  the  statue  of  the 
wild  boar  of  Calydon,  wliich  was  considered  the  symbol  of 
revolt  and  the  image  of  an  infuriated  people. 

The  people  of  Constantinople,  no  less  superstitious  than 
Isaac,  whilst  deploring  the  evils  of  their  country,  laid  the 
blame  upon  both  marble  and  brass.  A  statue  of  Minerva 
which  decorated  the  Square  of  Constantine,  had  its  eyes  and 
arms  turned  towards  the  West;  it  was  believed  that  she  had 
called  in  the  barbarians,  and  the  statue  was  torn  down  and 
dashed  to  pieces  by  an  exasperated  mob  :*  "cruel  blindness  of 
the  Greeks,"  cries  an  historical  hel  esprit, \  "who  took  arms 
against  themselves,  and  could  not  endure  in  their  city 
the  image  of  a  goddess  who  presides  over  prudence  and 
valour!  " 

AVliilst  the  capital  of  the  empire  was  thus  agitated  by 
popidar  commotions,  the  ministers  of  Alexius  and  Isaac 
were  basied  in  levying  taxes  for  the  payment  of  the  sums 
promised  to  the  Latins.     Extravagance,  abuses  of  power, 

*  Nicetas  gives  a  sufficiently  long  description  of  this  statue  of  Pallas. — 
See  the  History  of  Isaac  Angelus,  chap.  iii.  This  statue  was  thirty  feet 
high  ;  its  eyes,  says  the  Greek  historian,  were  turned  towards  the  south, 
so  that  those  who  were  ignorant  of  the  .science  of  angles  considered  she 
was  looking  towards  the  West,  and  that  she  invited  the  naticns  from  the 
::orth  of  V.virope  to  come  to  the  shores  of  the  Bosphorus. 

•*•  Nicetas. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CEUSADES.  109 

and  numerous  instances  of  injustice,  added  still  further  tc 
the  public  calamities  ;  loud  complaints  were  proclaimed  by 
every  class  of  the  citizens.  It  was  at  first  intended  to  lay 
the  principal  burden  of  the  imposts  upon  the  people  ;  but  th« 
people,  says  Nicetas,  arose  like  a  sea  agitated  by  the  winds. 
Extraordinary  taxes  were  then,  by  necessity,  laid  upon  the 
richer  citizens,  and  the  churches  continued  to  be  plundered 
of  their  gold  and  silver  ornaments.  All  the  treasures  they 
conld  collect  were  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  insatiable 
desires  of  the  Latins,  who  began  to  ravage  the  country,  and 
pillage  the  houses  and  monasteries  of  the  Propontis. 

The  liostilities  and  violence  of  the  Crusaders  excited  the 
indignation  of  the  people  to  a  greater  degi-ee  than  they 
moved  that  of  the  patricians  and  the  great.  In  the  course  of 
so  many  revolutions,  it  is  astonishing  to  find  that  the  spirit 
of  patriotism  so  frequently  revives  amongst  the  multitude, 
when  it  is  extinct  in  the  more  elevated  classes.  In  a  cor- 
rupt nation,  so  long  as  revolutions  have  not  broken  forth, 
and  tlie  day  of  peril  and  destruction  is  not  arrived,  the 
riches  of  the  citizens  is  a  sure  pledge  of  their  devotedness 
and  patriotism ;  but  this  pledge  is  no  longer  tlie  same  at  the 
height  of  danger,  when  society  finds  itself  in  antagonism 
with  all  the  enemies  of  its  existence  and  its  repose  ;  a  for- 
tune, the  loss  of  which  is  di-eaded,  is  often  the  cause  of 
shameful  transactions  with  the  party  of  the  conquerors  ;  it 
enervates  more  than  it  fortifies  moral  courage.  Amidst  the 
greatest  perils,  the  multitude,  who  have  nothing  to  lose, 
sometimes  preserve  generous  passions  that  skilful  policy 
may  direct  with  advantage.  Unfortunately,  the  same  mul- 
titude scarcely  ever  obey  anything  but  a  blind  instinct ;  and 
in  moments  of  crisis,  become  a  dangerous  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  the  ambitious,  who  abuse  the  names  of  liberty 
and  patriotism.  It  is  then  that  a  nation  has  no  less  to  com- 
plain of  those  who  are  not  willing  to  save  her,  than  of  those 
who  do  not  -dare  defend  her ;  and  that  she  perishes,  the  vic- 
tim at  once  of  cidpable  indifference  and  senseless  ardour. 

The  people  of  Constantinople,  irritated  against  the  ene- 
mies of  the  empire,  and  urged  on  by  a  spirit  of  faction, 
complained  at  first  of  their  leaders ;  and,  soon  passing  from 
complaint  to  revolt,  they  rushed  in  a  crowd  to  the  palace  of 
the  emperors,  reproached  them  vdth  having  abandoned  the 


110  HISTORY    Of    THE    JKUSADES. 

cause  of  God  and  the  cause  of  their  couutry,  and  demanded, 
with  loud  cries,  avengers  and  arms. 

Among  those  who  encouraged  the  multitude,  a  young 
prince  of  the  illustrious  family  of  Ducas  was  conspicuous. 
He  bore  the  name  of  Alexius,  a  name  which  must  always  be 
associated  with  the  history  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  empire  : 
in  addition,  he  had  obtained  the  surname  of  Mourzoujle,  a 
Greek  word,  signifying  that  his  two  eyebrows  met  together. 
Mourzoufle*  concealed  a  subtle  spirit  beneath  that  severe 
and  stern  air  that  the  vulgar  never  fail  to  take  for  an  indica- 
tion of  frankness.  The  words  patriotism  and  liberty,  which 
always  seduce  the  people  ;  the  words  glory  and  religion, 
which  recall  noble  sentiments,  were  for  ever  in  his  mouth, 
and  only  served  to  veil  the  machinations  of  his  ambition. 
Amidst  a  timid  and  pusillanimous  court,  surrounded  by 
princes,  who,  according  to  the  expression  of  Nicetas,  had 
greater  fear  of  malting  ivar  against  the  Crusaders,  than  stags 
would  have  in  attacking  a  lion,  Mourzoufle  was  not  deficient 
in  bravery,  and  his  reputation  for  courage  was  quite  sufficient 
to  draw  upon  him  the  eyes  of  the  whole  capital.  As  he 
possessed  a  strong  voice,  a  haughty  look,  and  an  imperious 
tone,  he  was  pronounced  fit  to  command.  The  more  vehe- 
mently he  declaimed  against  tyranny,  the  more  ardent  were 
the  wishes  of  the  multitude  that  he  should  be  clothed  with 
great  power.  The  hatred  that  he  afl:ected  to  entertain  for 
foreigners,  gave  birth  to  the  hope  that  he  would  one  day 
defend  the  empire,  and  caused  him  to  be  considered  the 
futui'e  liberator  of  Constantinople. 

Skilful  in  seizing  every  available  chance,  and  in  following 
all  parties,  after  having  rendered  criminal  services  to  the 
usurper,  Moiu'zoufle  gathered  the  reward  of  them  under  the 
reign  that  followed  the  usurpation ;  and  he  who  was  every- 
where accused  of  having  been  the  gaoler  and  executioner  of 
Isaac-t  became  the  favourite  of  young  Alexius.  He  neg- 
lected no  means  of  pleasing  the  multitude,  in  order  to  ren- 
der himself  necessary  to  the  prince;  and  knew  how  to 
brave,  on  fit  occasions,  the  hatred  of  the  courtiers,  to  aug- 

*  The  continuator  of  William  gives  the  Greek  prince  the  rame  of 
Marofle. 

f  Lebeau,  Ilistoire  du  Bus- Empire,  says  thnt  Mourzoufle  had  beep 
employed  to  put  out  the  eyes  of  I:>aac  — See  Hisi.  du  Ban-Emp.  liv.  xciv 


HISTOKT    OF    TUE    CRL  SIDES.  Ill 

ment  his  (;redit  among  the  people.  He  was  not  tardy  iu 
taking  advantage  of  this  double  influence  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  new  troubles,  and  bring  about  the  triumph  of  his 
ambition. 

His  counsels  persuaded  young  Alexius,  that  it  was  neces- 
ary  for  him  to  break  with  the  Latins,  and  prove  himself 
ungrateful  to  his  liberators,  to  obtain  the  confidence  of  tlie 
Greeks  ;  he  uiflamed  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  to  make 
a  rupture  certain,  he  himself  took  up  arms.  His  friends 
and  t^onie  men  of  the  people  followed  his  example,  and,  led 
by  JMourzoufle,  a  numerous  troop  rushed  from  the  city,  in 
the  hope  of  surprising  the  Latins  ;  but  the  multitude,  always 
ready  to  declaim  against  the  warriors  of  the  West,  did  not 
dare  to  lace  them.  Mourzoufle,  abandoned  on  the  field  of 
battle,  had  nearly  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Crusaders. 
This  imprudent  action,  that  might  have  been  expected  to 
ruiu  Inm,  only  tended  to  increase  his  power  and  influence ; 
iie  might  be  accused  of  having  risked  the  safety  of  the  em- 
pire by  provoking  a  war  without  the  means  of  sustaining  it; 
but  the  people  boasted  of  the  heroism  of  a  young  prince, 
who  had  dared  to  brave  tlie  warlike  hosts  of  the  Franks ; 
aud  even  they  who  had  deserted  ium  in  the  fight,  celebrated 
his  valour,  aud  swore,  as  he  did,  to  exterminate  the  enemies 
of  their  country. 

The  frenzy  of  the  Greeks  was  at  its  height ;  aiid,  on  their 
side,  the  Latins  loudly  expressed  their  dissatisfaction.  In 
the  faubourg  of  Galata,  inhabited  by  the  JFrench  and  Vene- 
tians, as  well  as  within  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  nothing 
was  heard  but  cries  for  war,  and  nobody  durst  speak  of 
peace.  At  tliis  period  a  deputation  irom  the  Christians  of 
Palestine  arrived  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders.  The  depu- 
ties, the  principal  of  whom  was  Martin  Litz,  were  clothed 
in  mourning  vestments,  which,  with  the  sadness  of  their 
aspect,  mad(;  it  sufficiently  plain  that  they  came  to  annoiuice 
fresh  misfortiuies.  Their  accounts  drew  tears  from  all  the 
pilgrims. 

]  u  the  year  that  preceded  the  expedition  to  Constantinople 
the  Fleniish  aud  Champenois  Crusaders,  wt.o  had  embarked 
at  the  ports  of  Bruges  aud  Marseilles,  ii.uded  at  Ptolemais. 
At  the  same  time  came  many  English  waiTiors,  conunanded 
by   the  earls  of   Northumberland,  Norwich,  and   Salisbury; 


112  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

and  a  great  number  of  pilgrims  from  Lower  Brittany.  \7':,'' 
bad  chosen  for  leader  the  monk  Helain,  one  of  the  preachers 
of  the  crusade.  These  Crusaders,  when  united  with  those 
who  had  quitted  the  Christian  army  after  the  siege  of  Zara, 
became  impatient  to  attack  the  Saracens,  and  as  the  king  oi 
Jerusalem  was  averse  to  breaking  the  truce  made  mth  the 
infidels,  the  greater  part  of  them  left  Palestine,  to  fight 
under  the  banners  of  the  prince  of  Antioch,  who  was  at 
w^ar  with  the  prince  of  Armenia.  Having  refused  to  take 
guides,  they  were  surprised  and  dispersed  by  a  body  of 
Saracens,  sent  against  them  by  the  sultan  of  Aleppo  ;*  the 
few  that  escaped  from  the  carnage,  among  whom  history 
names  two  seigneurs  de  Neuilly,  Bernard  de  Montmirail,  and 
Eenard  de  Dampierre,  remained  in  the  chains  of  the  infidels. 
Helain,  the  monk,  had  the  grief  to  see  the  bravest  of  the 
Breton  Crusaders  perish  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  returned 
almost  alone  to  Ptolemais,  to  announce  the  bloody  defeat  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  cross.  A  horrible  famine  had,  during 
two  years,  desolated  Egj'pt,  and  extended  its  ravages  into' 
Syria.  Contagious  diseases  followed  the  famine  ;  the  plague 
swept  away  the  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land ;  more  than 
two  thousand  Christians  had  received  the  riglits  of  sepulture 
in  the  city  of  Ptolemais,  in  one  single  day ! 

The  deputies  from  the  Holy  Land,  after  rendering  their 
melancholy  account,  invoked  by  tears  and  groans  the  prompt 
assistance  of  the  army  of  the  Crusaders ;  but  the  barons 
and  knights  could  not  abandon  the  enterprise  they  had 
begun  ;  they  promised  the  envoys  from  Palestine  that  they 
would  turn  their  arms  towards  Syria,  as  soon  as  they  had 
subdued  the  Greeks  ;  and,  pointing  towards  the  walls  of 
Constantinople,  said  :  "  This  is  the  road  to  salvation ;  this  is 
\e  way  to  Jerusalem^ 

Alexius  was  bound  to  pay  the  Latins  the  sums  he  had 
promised ;  if  he  was  faithful  to  his  word,  he  had  to  appre- 
hend a  revolt  of  the  Greeks  ;  if  he  did  not  fulfil  his  engage- 
ments, he  dreaded  the  arms  of  the  Crusaders.  Terrified  by 
tlie  general  agitation  that  prevailed,   and  restrained  by  a 

*  Jacques  de  Vltri.  Alberic,  and  the  continuator  of  WilMam  of  1  yre 
spr-ak  of  this  battle  fnuijht  between  Antioch  and  Tripoli ;  Villehanlouin 
likewise  makes  mention  of  it,  and  names  many  knights  that  were  killed  ' 
made  j)risoners. 


HI8T0EY    OF    Til  K    CRUSADES.  113 

double  fear,  the  two  emperors  remained  inactive  in  their 
palace,  without  daring  to  seek  for  peace,  or  prepare  for  war. 

The  Crusaders,  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Alexius,* 
deputed  several  barons  and  knights  to  demand  of  him 
peremptorily  whether  he  wovild  be  their  friend  or  their 
enemy.  The  deputies,  on  entering  Constantinople,  heard 
nothing  throughout  their  passage  but  the  insults  and  thn-ats 
of  an  irritated  populace.  Received  in  the  palace  of  Bla- 
chernai,  amidst  the  pomp  of  the  throne  and  the  court,t  they 
addressed  the  emperor  Alexius-,  and  expressed  the  complaints 
of  their  companions  in  arms  in  these  terms :  "  We  are  sent 
by  the  French  barons  and  the  doge  of  Venice  to  recall  to 
your  mind  the  ti*eaty  that  you  and  your  father  have  sworn 
to  upon  the  Grospel,  and  to  require  you  to  fulfil  your  pro- 
mises as  we  have  fulfilled  ours.  If  you  do  us  justice,  we 
shall  only  have  to  forget  the  past,  and  give  due  praise  to 
your  good  faith ;  if  you  are  not  true  to  your  oaths,  the 
Crusaders  will  no  longer  remember  they  have  been  your 
friends  and  allies,  they  will  have  recourse  to  no  more  prayers, 
but  to  their  own  good  swords.  They  have  felt  it  their  duty 
to  lay  their  complaints  before  you,  and  to  warn  yon  of  their 
intentions,  for  the  warriors  of  the  AVest  hold  treachery  in 
horror,  and  never  make  war  without  Laving  declared  it ;  we 
offer  you  our  friendship,  which  has  placed  you  upon  the 
throne,  or  our  hatred,  which  is  able  to  remove  you  from  it ; 
we  bring  you  war  with  all  its  calamities,  or  peace  with  all 
its  blessings :  it  is  for  you  to  choose,  and  to  deliberate  upon 
the  part  you  have  to  take." 

These  complaints  of  the  Crusaders  were  expressed  witli 
so  little  respect,  that  they  must  have  been  highly  oftensive 

*  Vigenere,  when  translatinj;  Villehardouin,  render!;  thus  the  passage 
in  which  the  marshal  of  Champagne  expre.-ses  the  dissatisfaction  of  the 
Crusaders,  and  the  ill-conduct  of  Alexius  towards  them  : — Alexis  les 
meiiait  de  delai  en  delai,  de  respit  en  respit,  le  bee  dans  IV au,  quant  au 
principal,  et  pour  le  regard  de  certaines  nienues  parties,  qu'il  leur  four- 
niss  lit  conime  a  lesche  doigt,  formait  tant  de  petites  difficultes  et  chica- 
neries, que  les  harons  commem.erent  a  s'ennuyer. 

t  \  illehardouin,  after  having  described  the  court  of  Alexius,  in  this 
ceremony  naively  adds  :  Tout  rela  se  sentait  bien  sa  cour  d'un  si  puissant 
et  riche  prince.  The  title  of  puissant  i^carcely  suited  a  prince  who  was 
hearing  war  declared  against  him  in  his  own  palace  ;  and  the  ejiithet  rich 
was  liardly  more  applicable  to  him,  since  he  could  i.ot  pay  what  hehad 
promised,  and  thereby  redeem  his  empire  from  the  greatest  danger. 

Vol..    II.— fi 


114  HISTOET    OJ?    THE    CEUSADES. 

to  the  ears  of  the  emperors.  In  this  palace,  which  con* 
stautly  resounded  with  the  acclamations  of  a  servile  coiu-t, 
the  sovereigns  of  Byzantium  had  never  listened  to  language 
so  insolent  aud  haughty.  The  emperor  Alexius,  to  whom 
this  menacij)g  tone  appeared  to  reveal  his  own  helplessness 
and  the  unhappy  state  of  his  empire,  could  not  restrain  his 
indignation ;  the  courtiers  fully  partook  of  the  anger  of 
theii"  niasters,  and  were  desirous  of  punishing  the  insolent 
orator  of  the  Latins  on  the  spot;*  but  the  deputies  left  the 
palace  of  Jilachernse,  and  hastened  to  regain  the  camp  of  the 
Crusaders. 

The  council  of  Isaac  and  Alexius  breathed  nothing  but 
vengeance ;  and,  on  the  return  of  the  deputies,  war  was  de- 
cided on  in  the  council  of  the  barons.  The  Latms  deter- 
mined to  attack  Constantinople  ;  nothing  could  equal  the 
hatred  and  fury  of  the  Greeks ;  but  fury  and  hatred 
cannot  supply  the  place  of  courage  :  not  daring  to  meet 
their  enemy  in  the  open  field,  they  resolved  to  burn  the  fleet 
of  the  Venetians.  The  Greeks,  on  this  occasion,  had  again 
recourse  to  that  Greek  fire,  which  had,  more  than  once, 
served  them  instead  of  courage,  and  saved  their  capital. 
This  terrible  fire,  skilfully  hurled  or  directed,  devoured 
vessels,  soldiers,  and  their  arms  ;  like  the  bolt  of  Heaven, 
nothing  coidd  prevent  its  explosion,  or  arrest  its  ravages ; 
the  waves  of  the  sea,  so  far  from  extinguishing  it,  redoubled 
its  activity.  Seventeen  ships,  charged  with  the  Grei  k  fire 
and  combustible  matter,  were  carried  by  a  favourable  wind 
towards  the  port  in  which  the  Venetian  vessels  lay  at  anchor. 
To  assure  the  success  of  this  attempt,  the  Greeks  took 
advantage  of  the  darkness  of  night ;  and  the  port,  the 
gulf,  and  the  faubourg  of  Galata  \Aere,  aU  at  once,  illumined 
by  a  threatening  and  sinister  light.  At  the  aspect  of  the 
danger,  the  trumpets  sounded  the  alarm  in  the  camp  of  the 
Latins  ;  the  French  flew  to  arras  and  prepared  for  the  fight, 
whilst  the  Venetians  cast  themselves  into  their  barks,  and 

*  La-dcsseu>  bruit  se  leva  foit  grand  au  palais ;  et  les  messagers  s'en 
retournuerenr  aux  portes,  oh  ils  niontiirent  habilement  a  cheval ;  n'y  ayant 
celui,  quanti  ils  furent  hor-,  qui  ne  se  seniit  tres  heureux  ft  content  ea 
son  esprit,  voire  estonne,  d'eire  reschappe  a  si  bon  marclie  d'un  si  mani- 
feste  dang«r ;  car  il  ne  lint  presiiue  a  rien  qu'ils  n'y  deaieurassent  tous 
morts  ou  pris. — Villehardou'iit,  liv.  vi. 


IIISTOBT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  115 

went  out  to  meet  vessels  bearing  within  their  siiU's  destruc- 
tion and  fire. 

The  crowd  of  Greeks  assembled  on  the  shore,  applauded 
the  spectacle,  and  enjoyed  the  terror  of  the  Crusaders. 
Many  of  them  embarked  in  small  boats,  and  rowed  out 
upon  the  sea,  darting  arrows  and  endeavouring  to  carry  dis- 
crder  among  the  Venetians.  The  Crusaders  encoiiraged 
each  other  ;  they  rushed  in  crowds  to  encounter  the  danger, 
some  raising  plaintive  and  piercing  cries  towards  Heaven, 
and  others  uttering  horrible  imprecations  against  the  Greeks: 
on  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  clapping  of  hands  and  cries 
of  joy  resounded,  and  were  redoubled  as  the  vessels  covered 
with  flames  drew  nearer.  Yillehardouin,  an  ocular  witness, 
says  that  amidst  this  frightful  tumult,  nature  appeared  to  be 
in  confusion,  and  the  sea  about  to  swallow  up  the  earth. 
Nevertheless,  the  Venetians,  by  the  means  of  strong  arms 
and  numberless  oars,  succeeded  in  turning  the  course  of  the 
fire-ships  wide  of  the  port,  and  they  were  can'ied  by  the 
current  beyond  the  canal.  The  Crusaders,  in  battle  array, 
standing  on  their  vessels  or  dispersed  among  the  barks,  ren- 
dered thanks  to  God  for  having  preserved  them  from  so 
great  a  disaster ;  whilst  the  Greeks  beheld  with  terror  their 
fire-ships  consuming  away  upon  the  waters  of  the  Propontis, 
without  having  effected  the  least  injury. 

The  irritated  Latins  could  not  pardon  the  perfidy  and  in- 
gratitude of  the  emperor  Alexius  :  "  It  was  not  enough  for 
him  to  have  failed  in  his  engagements  and  broken  his  oaths, 
he  endeavoured  to  burn  the  fleet  that  had  borne  him  trium- 
phantly to  the  heart  of  his  empire :  the  time  was  now  come 
to  repress  the  enterprises  of  traitors  by  the  sword,  and  to 
punish  base  enemies,  who  were  acquainted  with  no  other 
arms  but  treachery  and  deceit ;  and,  like  the  vilest  brigands, 
only  ventured  to  deal  their  blows  in  the  darkness  and  sUence 
of  night."  Alexius,  terrified  at  these  threats,  could  think 
of  no  other  resource  than  that  of  imploring  the  clemency  of 
the  Crusaders.  He  ofiered.them  fresh  oaths  and  fresh  pro- 
mises, and  threw  the  blame  of  the  hostilities  upon  the  fury 
of  the  people,  which  he  had  not  the  power  to  restrain.  He 
conjured  his  friends,  his  allies,  his  liberators,  to  come  and 
defe]id  a  throne  ready  to  fall  to  pieces  beneath  him,  and  pro- 
posed to  give  up  his  own  palace  to  them. 


116  HISTOEY    OF    TUE    CRUSADES, 

^'ourzoufle  was  directed  to  convey  to  the  Latins  the  sup* 
pli'  ctions  and  ofters  of  the  emperor,  and,  seizing  the  oppcr- 
tw  ity  to  augment  the  alarms  and  discontent  of  the  multitude, 
he  caused  the  report  to  be  spread  that  he  was  going  to  de- 
liver Constantinople  up  to  the  barbarians  of  the  West.  On 
learning  tliis,  the  people  assembled  tumultuously  in  the 
streets  and  public  places ;  the  report  became  general  that 
the  enemies  were  already  in  the  city,  and  all  joined  in  tlie 
erv  that  to  prevent  the  greatest  calamities,  not  a  moment 
was  to  be  lost ;  the  empii-e  required  a  master  who  was  able 
to  defend  and  protect  it. 

Whilst  the  young  prince,  seized  with  terror,  shut  himself 
up  in  his  palace,  the  crowd  of  insurgents  flocked  to  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia  to  choose  a  new  emperor. 

Since  the  imperial  dynasties  had  become  the  playthings 
of  the  caprice  of  the  multitude,  and  of  the  ambitiou  of 
conspirators,  the  Greeks  made  the  changing  of  their  sove- 
reigns quite  a  sport,  without  reflecting  that  one  revolution 
produces  other  revolutions  ;  and,  to  avoid  present  calamities, 
rushed  headlong  into  new  ones.  The  most  prudent  of  the 
clergy  and  the  patricians  presented  themselves  at  the  church 
of  St.  Sophia,  and  earnestly  endeavoured  to  prevent  the 
evils  with  which  the  country  was  threatened.  But  it  was  in 
vain  they  explained  to  their  excited  auditory  that  by  chang- 
ing their  master  they  were  sure  to  overthrow  both  the  throne 
and  the  empire.  "  When  they  asked  my  opinion,"  says  the 
historian  Nicetas,  "  I  was  careful  not  to  consent  to  the  de- 
position of  Isaac  and  Alexius,  because  I  felt  assured  that 
the  man  they  would  elect  in  their  place  would  not  be  the 
most  able.  But  the  people,"  adds  the  same  historian, 
"  whose  only  motive  of  action  is  passion,- — the  people,  who 
twenty  years  before  had  killed  Andronicus  and  crowned 
Isaac,  could  not  endure  their  own  work  and  live  under 
princes  whom  they  themselves  had  chosen."  The  multitude 
reproached  their  sovereign  witli  their  misery,  wVich  was  the 
bitter  fruit  of  the  war  ;  and  with  the  weakness  of  their 
government,  which  was  but  the  result  oi'  general  corruption. 
The  victories  of  the  Latins,  the  inefficiency  of  the  laws,  the 
caprices  of  fortune,  the  very  will  of  Hea,en,  all  were 
gatlu'red  into  one  great  accusation  to  be  brought  against 
those  who    governed   the   empire.      The   distracted  crowd 


HISTOEY    OF    THE  CRUSADES.  117 

looked  to  a  revolution  for  everything  ;  a  change  of  emperort> 
ap^  eared  to  them  the  only  remedy  for  the  ills  mider  which 
they  groaned.  They  pressed,  they  solicited  the  patriciana 
and  senators, — they  scarcely  knew  the  names  of  tlie  men 
tliey  wished  to  choose  as  masters  ;  but  any  other  than  Isaac, 
any  other  than  Alexius,  must  merit  the  esteem  and  love  of 
the  Greeks.  To  be  the  wearer  of  a  purple  robe,  was  quite 
enough  to  entitle  a  man  to  ascend  the  throne  of  Constantine. 
Some  excused  themselves  on  account  of  age,  others  from 
alleged  incapacity.  The  people,  sword  in  hand,  requb'ed 
them  to  accept  the  sovereign  authority.  At  length,  after 
three  days  of  stormy  debate,  an  imprudent  young  man, 
named  Canabus,  allowed  himself  to  be  prevailed  upon  by 
the  prayers  and  threats  of  the  people.  A  phantom  of  an 
emperor  was  crowned  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and  pro- 
claimed in  Constantinople.  Mourzoufle  was  no  stranger  to 
this  popular  revolution.  Several  historians  have  thought 
that  he  promoted  the  election  of  an  obscure  man,  to  test 
the  peril  in  some  sort,  and  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
power  and  wiU  of  the  people,  in  order,  one  day,  to  profit  by 
it  himself. 

Alexius,  made  aware  of  this  revolution,  trembled  in  the 
recesses  of  his  deserted  palace ;  he  had  no  hope  but  in  the 
Latins  ;  he  solicited,  by  messages,  the  support  of  the  barons ; 
he  implored  the  pity  of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat ;  who, 
touched  by  his  prayers,  entered  Constantinople  by  night, 
and  came,  at  the  head  of  a  chosen  troop,  to  defend  the 
throne  and  the  lives  of  the  emperors.  Mourzoufle,  who 
dreaded  the  presence  of  the  Latins,  flew  to  Alexius,  to  con- 
vince him  that  they  were  the  most  dangerous  enemies  he 
had,  and  told  him  that  all  would  inevitably  be  lost  if  the 
Franks  once  appeared  in  arms  in  the  palace. 

When  Boniface  presented  himself  before  the  palace  of 
Blachern*,  he  found  all  the  doors  closed ;  Alexius  caused 
him  to  be  informed  that  he  was  no  longer  at  liberty  to 
receive  him,  and  conjured  him  to  leave  Constantinople  with 
his  soldiers.  The  sight  of  the  warriors  of  the  West  liad 
spread  teiTor  throughout  the  city  ;  th'"ir  retreat  reviM'd  both 
the  courage  and  fury  of  the  people.  A  thousand  different 
rumours  prevailed  at  once  ;  the  public  places  resomided  with 
complainfis  and  in^precations  ;  froiu  moment  to  moment  the 


118  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

crowd  became  more  numerous  and  the  tumult  increased. 
Amidst  all  this  confusion  and  disorder,  Mourzoufle  nevei 
lost  sight  of  the  prosecution  of  his  designs  ;  by  promises* 
and  caresses  he  won  over  the  imperial  guard,  whilst  his 
friends  pervaded  the  capital,  exciting  the  fury  and  rage  of 
the  multitude  by  their  speeches  and  insinuations.  An  im- 
mense crowd  soon  assembled  before  the  palace  of  Blachernae, 
uttering  seditious  cries.  Mourzoufle  then  presented  him- 
self before  Alexius :  he  employed  every  means  to  aggravate 
the  alarm  of  the  young  prince,  and,  under  the  pretext  of 
providing  for  his  safety,  drew  him  into  a  secluded  apart- 
ment, where  his  creatures,  under  his  direction,  loaded  him 
with  irons  and  cast  him  into  a  dungeon.  Coming  forth,  he 
boldly  informed  the  people  what  he  had  done  for  the  salva- 
tion of  the  empire  ;  and  the  throne,  from  which  he  had 
dragged  his  master,  benefactor,  and  friend,  appeared  but  a 
just  recompense  for  the  devotedness  of  his  services :  he  was 
carried  in  triumph  to  the  chvu-ch  of  St.  Sophia,  and  crowned 
emperor  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people.  Scarcely 
was  Mourzoufle  clothed  with  the  imperial  purple,  than  he 
resolved  to  possess  the  fruit  of  his  crime  in  security ;  dread- 
ing the  caprice  of  both  fortune  and  the  people,  he  repaired 
to  the  prison  of  Alexius,  forced  him  to  swallow  an  empoi- 
soned draught,  and  because  death  did  not  keep  pace  with  his 
impatience,  strangled  him  with  his  own  hands. 

Thus  perished,  after  a  reign  of  six  months  and  a  few  days, 
the  emperor  Alexius,  whom  one  revolution  had  placed  upon 
a  throne,  and  who  disappeared  amidst  the  storms  of  anotlier, 
without  having  tasted  any  of  the  sweets  of  supreme  rank, 
and  without  an  opportunity  of  proviug  whether  he  was 
worthy  of  it.  This  young  prince,  placed  in  a  most  difficult 
situation,  had  not  the  power,  and  perhaps  not  the  will,  to 
rouse  tlie  Greeks  to  oppose  the  Crusaders.  On  the  otlier 
side,  he  had  not  the  tact  to  employ  the  support  of  the  Latins 
so  as  to  keep  the  Grreeks  withiu  the  bounds  of  obedieiice ; 
directed  by  perfidious  counsels,  ever  vacillating  betw  ^en 
patriotism  and  gratitude,  fearing  by  turns  to  alienate  his 
unliappy  subjects,  or  to  irritate  liis  formilable  allies,  he 
perished,  the  victim  of  his  own  weakness  and  irresolution. 
Isaac  Angelus,  on  learning  the  tragical  end  of  his  son,  died 
oi  terror  and  despair;  thus  sparing  Mourzoufle  aaother  par- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CilUSADES.  ll*J 

ricide,  of  wliich  he  was  not  the  less  suspected  to  be  guilty. 
History  makes  no  more  mention  of  Canabus  ;  the  confusion 
was  so  great  that  the  Greeks  were  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  a 
man  wl:om  but  a  few  days  before  they  had  elevated  to  the 
rank  of  their  sovereign ;  four  emperors  had  been  dragged 
violently  from  the  throne  since  the  arrival  of  the  Latins,  and 
fortune  reserved  the  same  fate  for  Mourzoufle. 

In  order  to  profit  by  the  crime  that  had  ministered  to  his 
ambitious  views,  the  murderer  of  Alexius  formed  the  project 
of  committing  another,  and  to  bring  about  by  ti-eachery  the 
death  of  all  the  principal  leaders  of  tlie  army  of  the  Cru- 
saders. An  officer,  sent  to  the  camp  of  the  Latins,  was 
directed  to  say  that  he  came  on  the  part  of  the  emperor 
Alexius,  of  whose  death  they  were  ignorant,  to  engage  the 
doge  of  Venice  and  the  French  nobles  to  come  to  the  palace 
of  Blachernse,  where  all  the  sums  promised  by  the  treaties, 
should  be  placed  in  their  hands.  The  barons  at  first  agreed 
to  accept  the  invitation  of  the  emperor,  and  prepared  to  set 
out  with  great  joy  ;  but  Dandolo,  who,  according  to  Nicetas, 
deservedly  obtained  the  name  of  the  Prudent  of  the  Pru- 
dent, awakened  their  mistrust,  and  pointed  out  strong  rea- 
sons for  fearing  a  fresh  perfidy  of  the  Greeks.  It  was  not 
long  before  they  were  fuUy  informed  of  the  death  of  Isaac, 
the  murder  of  Alexius,  and  all  the  crimes  of  Mourzoufle. 
At  this  news  the  indignation  of  the  Crusaders  was  strong 
and  general;  knights  had  difficulty  in  crediting  such  base- 
ness ;  evei"}'  fresh  account  made  them  tremble  with  horror ; 
they  forgot  the  wrongs  of  Alexius  towards  themselves,  de- 
plored his  unfortunate  end,  and  swore  to  avenge  him.  In 
the  council,  the  leaders  loudly  exclaimed  th^.r  an  implacable 
war  must  be  made  against  Mourzoufle,  and  that  the  nation 
that  had  crowned  treachery  and  parricide  should  be  pimisht  d. 
The  prelates  and  ecclesiastics,  more  animated  than  all  the 
others,  invoked  at  once  the  tlumders  of  religion  and  earthly 
war  against  the  usurper  of  the  imperial  throne,  and  against 
the  Greeks,  untrue  to  their  sovereign,  untrue  to  God  him- 
self Above  all,  they  could  not  pardon  the  subjects  oi 
Mourzoufle,  for  willingly  remaining  plunged  in  the  darkness 
of  heresy,  and  escaping,  by  an  impious  revolt,  from  tiie 
domination  of  the  Holy  See.  They  promised  all  the  indub 
gei  ces  of  the  sovereign  pontifl"  and  all  the  riclies  of  Greece 


l20  HISTOUY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

to  the  warriors  called  upou  to  avenge  the  cause  of  God  auc 
mer. 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  thus  breathed  nothing  but  war 
against  the  emperor  and  people  of  Constantinople,  ]Mour- 
zouiie  was  preparing  to  repel  their  attacks  ;  he  e:imestly 
endeavoured  to  attach  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  to  his 
en  use  ;  he  reproaclied  the  great  with  their  indifference  and 
ctfennnacy,  and  laid  before  them  the  example  of  tlie  multi- 
tude ;  to  increase  his  popularity  and  fill  his  treasury,  he  ])er- 
secuted  the  courtiers  of  Alexius  and  Isaac,  and  confiscated 
the  property  of  all  those  who  had  enriched  themselves  in 
public  ofiices.*  Tiie  usurper  at  the  same  thne  set  about 
reestablishing  discipline  among  the  troops,  and  augmenting 
the  fortifications  of  the  city  ;  he  no  longer  indulged  in  plea- 
sures or  allowed  himself  repose  ;  as  he  was  accused  of  the 
greatest  crimes,  he  had  not  only  to  contend  for  empire,  but 
for  impunity  ;  remorse  doubled  his  activity,  excited  his  bra- 
verv,  and  proved  to  him  that  he  could  have  no  safety  but  iu 
victory,  lie  was  constantly  seen  parading  tlie  streets,  with 
his  sword  by  his  side,  and  an  iron  club  in  his  hand,  animat- 
ing the  courage  of  the  people  and  the  soldiers. 

The  Greeks,  however,  contented  themselves  with  declaim- 
ing against  the  Crusaders.  After  having  made  anotlier 
attempt  to  burn  the  fleet  of  the  Venetiaiis,  they  shut  them- 
selves up  within  their  walls,  and  supported  with  patience 
the  insults  and  menaces  of  the  Latins. f  The  Crusaders  ap- 
peared to  have  nothing  to  fear  but  famine  ;  as  they  began  to 
feel  the  want  of  provisions,  Henry  of  Haiuault,  brother  of 
the  count  of  Inlanders,  undertook,  in  order  to  obtain  sup- 
plies for  the  army,  an  expedition  to  the  shores  of  the  Euxine 
Sea;  and,  followed  by  several  knights,  laid  siege  to  Philea. 
The  city  of  Philea  was  the  ancient  Philopolis,  celebrated  in 
the  heroic  ages  of  antiquity  for  tlie  palace  in  which  wero 

*  Mourzoufle  deprived  Nieetas  of  the  place  of  Logothete,  to  give  it  t« 
his  brottier-in  law  l*liili)cales.  Nicetas  treats  Mourzoufle  with  iiiucb 
severity,  and  aiiiong  the  re()r<'a(hes  he  aildresses  to  him,  we  may  remark 
one  which  suffices  to  paint  tiie  court  of  Byzantium  The  gp  ate~t  crime 
of  the  usurper  whs  not  that  of  having  obtained  sovereignty  by  pHrricide, 
but  postponing  the  disMMbulion  of  fiis  favours. 

f  The  two  attempts  to  f)urn  tin-  Veneii.-m  fleet  are  descri  ed  in  a  lettei 
of  Baldwin  to  thf  pope. — See  Gesia  hinocent.  The  marslii*!  of  Cham- 
pagne only  mentions  tlie  first  attempt  of  tlie  Greeks. 


nisTOEY  or  THE   jbusades.  121 

received  Jason  and  the  Argonauts,  who,  like  the  French 
knijf^hts,  had  left  their  country,  to  seek  distant  adventures 
£iid  perils.  Henry  of  Hainault,  after  a  short  resistance 
from  the  inhabitants,  made  himself  master  of  the  city,  in 
"vvliich  he  met  with  a  considerable  booty,  and  found  pro\'i- 
sio  's  in  abundance  ;  the  latter  he  transported  by  sea  to  the 
army. 

Mourzoufle,  being  informed  of  this  excursion,  marched 
out,  by  night,  with  a  numerous  body  of  troops,  and  placed 
himself  in  ambush  on  the  route  which  Henrv  of  Hainault 
woidd  take  on  his  return  to  the  camp.  The  Greeks  attacked 
the  Crusaders  unexpectedly,  in  the  full  persuasion  that  their 
victory  would  be  an  easy  one ;  but  the  Fi"auk  warriors, 
witliout  displaying  the  least  alarm,  closed  in  their  ranks,  and 
made  so  firm  and  good  a  resistance,  that  the  ambuscadcKS 
themselves  were  very  quickly  obliged  to  fly.  Moiu-zoufle 
was  upon  the  point  of  falling  into  the  liands  of  his  enemies, 
and  only  owed  his  safety  to  the  swiftness  of  his  horse  ;  he 
left  bctuiid  on  the  field  of  battle,  his  buckler,  his  arms,  and 
the  standard  of  the  Virgin,  which  the  emperors  were  accus- 
tomed to  have  borne  before  them  in  all  great  perils.  The 
loss  of  this  ancient  and  revered  banner  was  a  soiu'ce  of 
great  regret  to  the  Greeks.  The  Latins,  on  their  part, 
when  they  saw  the  standard  and  image  of  the  patroness  of 
Byzantium  floating  amongst  their  victorious  ranks,  were 
persuaded  that  the  mother  of  God  had  abandoned  the 
Greeks,  and  declared  herself  favourable  to  their  cause. 

After  this  defeat,  the  Greeks  became  convinced  that 
there  existed  no  other  means  of  safety  for  them  but  the 
fortification  of  their  capital ;  it  was  much  more  easy  for 
them  to  find  workmen  than  soldiers,  and  a  hundred  thou- 
sand men  laboured  day  and  night  at  the  reparation  of  the 
walls.  The  subjects  of  Mourzoufle  appeared  satisfied  that 
tiieir  ramparts  would  defend  them,  and  handled  the  imple- 
ments of  masonry  without  repugnance,  in  the  hoj,.)  that 
they  would  prevent  the  necessity  for  their  v\-ieldiiig  the 
Bw  oj  d  or  lance. 

iMourzoufle  had  learnt  to  dread  the  coiu-age  of  his  ene- 
mies, and  as  strongly  doubted  the  valoui*  of  his  subjects  ; 
therefore,  before  I'isking  any  fresh  warlike  attempts,  he 
determined  to  sue  for  peace,  and  demanded  an  inteiTieiW 


122  HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

with  the  leaders  of  the  Crusaders.  The  lords  and  barons 
refused  with  horror  to  nave  an  interview  with  the  usurper 
of  the  thi"one,  the  murderer,  the  executioner  of  Alexius  ;  but 
the  love  of  peace,  and  tne  cause  of  humanity,  induced  the 
doge  of  Venice  to  consent  to  listen  to  the  proposala  of 
Mourzoufle.  Henry  Dandolo  repaired  in  his  gaUey  to  the 
point  of  tlie  gidf,  and  the  usurper,  mounted  on  horseback, 
approached  him  as  near  as  possible.  The  conference  was 
long  and  animated.  The  doge  required  Mourzoufle  to  pay 
immediately  five  thousand  pounds'  weight  of  gold,  to  aid  the 
Crusaders  in  their  expedition  to  Syria,  and  again  to  swear 
obedience  to  the  Romish  church.  After  a  long  altercation, 
Mourzoufle  promised  to  give  the  Latins  the  money  and 
assistance  they  demanded ;  but  he  could  not  consent  to 
submit  to  the  yoke  of  the  Chiu'ch  of  Rome.*  The  doge, 
astonished  that,  after  having  outraged  all  the  laws  of  Heaven 
and  nature,  he  should  attach  so  much  importance  to  reli- 
gious opinions,  casting  a  glance  of  contempt  at  IMourzoufle, 
asked  him,  if  the  G-reek  religion  excused  treachery  and 
parricide  ?t  The  usurper,  although  much  irritated,  dissem- 
bled his  anger,  and  was  endeavouring  to  justify  his  con- 
duct, when  the  conference  was  interrupted  by  some  Latin 
horsemen. 

Mourzoufle,  on  his  return  to  Constantinople,  convinced 
that  he  must  prepare  for  war,  set  earnestly  about  his  task, 
and  determined  to  die  with  arms  in  his  hand.  By  his 
orders,  the  walls  and  towers  that  defended  the  city  on  the 
side  of  the  port,  were  elevated  many  feet.  He  constructed 
upon  the  walls  galleries  of  several  stages,  from  which  the 
soldiers  might  launch  aiTOWS  and  javelins,  and  employ 
balistas  and  other  machines  of  war ;  at  the  top  of  each 
tower  was  placed  a  drawbridge,  which,  when  levered  upon 
the  vessels,  might  affbrd  the  besieged  a  means  of  pursuing 
their  enemies,  even  to  their  own  fleet. 

*  Dandolo  demanded  of  Mourzoufle  fifty  centenaries  of  gold,  which 
have  been  valued  at  .50,000  pounds'  weight  of  gold,  or  48,000,000  of 
francs  (about  ^£"2,000,000  sterling. — Trans.).  Nicetas  alone  speaks  of 
this  interview,  of  which  Villehardouin  and  other  historians  niake  no 
mention. 

f  The  whole  of  this  interview  militates  very  strongly,  as  indeed  do  all 
the  scenes  in  which  the  doge  is  an  actor,  ngainst  the  story  of  his  blindness. 
—Trans. 


HISTORY    or    THE    CRUSADES.  12^ 

The  Crusaders,  although  supported  by  their  natural 
bravery,  could  not  view  all  these  preparations  with  indifFer* 
ence.*  The  most  intrepid  could  not  help  feeling  some 
Inquietiide  on  comparing  the  small  number  of  the  Franks 
with  the  imperial  army  and  the  population  of  Constanti- 
nople ;  all  the  resources  they  had  till  that  time  found  in 
their  alliance  with  the  emperors  were  about  to  fail  them, 
without  their  having  any  hope  of  supplying  their  place  but 
by  some  miraculous  victory :  for  they  had  no  succour  to 
look  for  from  the  West.  Every  day  war  became  more 
dangerous,  and  peace  more  difficult ;  the  time  was  gone  by 
for  retreat.-  In  this  situation,  such  were  the  spirit  and 
character  of  the  heroes  of  this  crusade,  that  they  drew  fresh 
strength  from  the  very  circumstances  that  would  appear 
likely  to  have  depressed  them.,  and  filled  them  with  di'ead . 
the  greater  the  danger,  tlie  more  courage  and  firmness  they 
displayed ;  menaced  on  all  sides,  expecting  to  meet  with  no 
asylum  on  either  sea  or  land,  there  remained  no  other  part 
to  take  lut  that  of  besieging  a  city  from  which  they  could 
not  retire  with  safety:  thus  nothing  could  overcome  their 
invincible  bravery. t 

Qn  viewing  the  towers  that  the  Greeks  considered  as  a 
certain  means  of  safety,  the  leaders  assembled  in  their 
camp,  and  shared  amongst  them  the  spoils  of  the  empire 
and  the  capital,  of  which  they  entertained  no  doubt  of 
achieving  the  conquest.  It  was  decided  in  the  council  of  the 
princes,  barons,  and  knights,  that  a  new  emperor  should  be 
nominated  instead  of  Mourzoufl,e,  and  that  this  emperor 
should  be  chosen  from  the  victorious  army  of  the  Latins. 
Th(;  chief  of  the  new  empire  should  possess  by  right  a 
fourth  of  the  conquest,  with  the  two  palaces  of  Blacheruae 
and  Bucoleou.  The  cities  and  lands  of  the  empire,  as  well 
as  the  booty  they  should  obtain  in  the  capital,  were  to  be 
distributed   among   the    Franks   and  Venetians,  with   the 

*  The  monuments  we  have  consulted  for  the  second  siege  of  Constan- 
tinople are  the  History  of  Villehardouin,  the  reign  of  Mourzoufle  in 
Nicetas,  the  account  of  Gunther,  ami  the  second  letter  of  Baldwin  to  the 
sovereign  pontitf,  which  is  found  in  the  Life  of  Innocent  i^Gesta  Innocent.). 

t  Eidem  civitati  de  qua  fugere  non  audebant,  obsidionem  ponebant. — 
Gunther.  The  same  Gunther  describes  the  Crusaders  as  trembling  and 
distracted  :  De  victoria  tantse  multitudinis  obtinen  la,  sive  expugnatione 
urbis  nulla  eis  spas  poterat  arridere. 


124  HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES, 

condition  of  rendering  homage  to  tlie  emperor.  In  the  aar  t 
conned  regulations  were  made  to  assign  the  proportions  oi 
the  Latin  clergy,  and  of  the  lords  and  barons.  They  regu- 
lated, according  to  the  feudal  laws,  the  rights  and  dutiet;  of 
the  emperors  and  subjects,  of  the  great  and  small  vassals.'*^ 
Thus  Constantinople,  under  the  dominion  of  tlie  Greeks, 
beheld  before  its  walls  a  small  band  of  warriors,  who,  helm 
on  head,  and  sword  in  hand,  abolished  in  her  walls  the 
legislation  of  Greece,  and  imposed  upon  her  beforehand  the 
laws  of  the  West.  By  this  act  of  legislation,  which  they 
derived  from  Europe,  the  knights  and  barons  appeared  to 
take  possession  of  the  empire ;  and,  whdst  making  war 
against  the  inhabitants  of  Constantinople,  might  imagine 
that  they  were  ah-eady  fighting  for  the  safety  and  glory  of 
their  own  country. 

In  the  first  siege  of  Byzantium,  the  French  had  been 
desirous  of  attacking  the  city  by  land,  but  experience  had 
taught  them  to  appreciate  properly  the  wiser  counsels  of 
the  Venetians.  They  determined,  with  an  unanimous  voice, 
to  direct  all  their  efforts  to  an  attack  by  sea.  They  con- 
veyed into  the  vessels  the  arms,  provisions,  and  appoint- 
nents  of  all  kinds ;  and  the  whole  army  embarked  on 
Timrsday,  the  8th  day  of  April,  1204.  On  the  morrow, 
with  the  first  rays  of  the  sun,  the  lieec  which  bore  the 
knights  and  their  horses,  th.e  pilgrims  ar.a  ail  they  possessed, 
the  tents,  the  machines  of  the  Crusaders,  and  the  destinies 
of  a  great  empire,  heaved  anchor,  and  crossed  the  breadth  of 
the  gulf.  The  ships  and  galleys,  arranged  in  line,  covered 
the  sea  for  the  space  of  half  a  league.  The  sight  of  the 
tovi^ers  and  ramparts,  bristling  wxch  arms  and  soldiers,  and 
covered  with  murderous  machines  and  long  tubes  of  brass, 
from  which  poured  the  Greek  fire,  dkl  not  in  the  least 
intimidate  the  warriors  of  the  West.  Ilie  Greeks  had 
trembled  with  fright  at  seeing  Che  fieet  of  the  Crusaders  in 
motion ;  but  as  they  could  look  for  no  safety  but  in  resist- 
ance, they  appeared  disposed  to  brave  all  perils  in  defence  of 
their  property  and  their  families. 

Mourzoufle  had  pitched  his  tents  in  th(>  pait  oi'  the  city 
ravaged  by  the  fire ;  his  army  was  encamped  amidst  ruins, 

*  This  treaty,   macle  under  the  walls  of  Constantinojile,  is  btiJ'  jife 
served,  and  is  to  be  found  in  Muraluri,  vol.  xii4 


HISTOET   or   THE    CRUSADES.  12A 

ftud  his  soldiers  had  nothing  beneath  their  eyes  but  melan* 
choly  pictures,  the  sight  of  which  he  thought  iri"st  neces- 
sarily excite  them  to  vengeance.  From  the  .snmniit  of  one 
of  tlie  seven  hills,  the  emperor  Avas  able  to  view  the  contest, 
to  send  succours  where  he  saw  they  were  wanted,  and  to  re- 
animate at  every  moment  the  courage  of  those  who  defended 
the  walls  and  towers. 

At  the  first  signal,  the  Greeks  put  all  their  machines  in 
full  operation,  and  endeavoured  to  defend  the  approach  to 
the  ramparts ;  but  several  ships  soon  gained  the  shore ;  the 
ladders  are  planted,  and  the  walla  shalce  beneath  the  con- 
tinuous blows  of  the  rams.  The  attack  and  defence  proceed 
witl)  equal  fury.  The  Greeks  figlit  with  advantage  from 
the  tops  of  their  elevated  towers  ;  the  Crusaders,  everywhere 
overpowered  by  numbers,  cannot  open  themselves  a  pas- 
sage, and  find  death  at  the  foot  of  the  ramparts  they  burn 
to  surmount.  The  ardour  for  fight,  itself,  produced  dis- 
order among  the  assailants,  and  confusion  in  their  fleet. 
The  Latins  faced  all  perils,  and  sustained  tne  impetuous 
shock  of  the  Greeks  till  the  third  hour  of  the  evening :  "  It 
was  then,"  says  the  marshal  of  Ciiampagne,  "  that  fortune  and 
our  sms  decreed  that  we  should  be  repulsed."  The  leaders, 
dreading  the  destruction  of  their  fleet  and  army,  ordered 
the  retreat  to  be  sounded.  When  the  Greeks  saw  the 
Crusaders  drawing  oft",  they  believed  that  their  caj)ital  was 
saved ;  the  people  of  Byzantium  flocked  to  the  churches  to 
return  thanks  to  Heaven  for  so  great  a  victory,  and,  by  the 
excess  of  their  transports,  proved  how  great  the  fear  had 
been  with  which  the  Latins  had  inspired  them. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  doge  and  barons 
assembled  in  a  church  near  the  sea,  to  deliberate  upon  their 
future  prof'eedings  :  they  spoke  with  deep  grief  of  the  check 
they  had  sustained,  and  expatiated  strongly  upon  the  neces- 
sity of  promptly  retrieving  their  defeat.*  •'  The  Crusaders 
were  still  the  same  men  that  had  already  surmounted  the 
ramparts  of  Byzantium ;  the  Greeks  were  still  the  same 
frivolous,  pusillanimous  nation,  that  could  oppose  no  other 
arms  but  those  of  cunning  to  those  of  valour.     The  soldiers 

*  Et  la,  il  eut  maintes  choses  allegnees  se  trouvant  en  grand  eracY 
ceux  de  I'ost,  pour  leur  etre  ainsi  pris  ce  jour  la. —  Villehardouin, 
liv.  V. 


12G  HISTOKT    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

of  Mourzoufle  had  been  able  to  resist  for  one  day ;  but  they 
Avould  soon  remember  that  the  Latins  had  conquered  them 
many  times ;  the  recollections  of  the  past  were  sufficient  to 
revive  the  confidence  of  the  one  party,  and  to  fiL  the  others 
with  terror.  Besides,  it  was  well  known  that  the  Greeks 
only  contended  for  the  triumph  of  usurpation  and  parricide  ; 
whilst  the  Crusaders  fought  for  the  triumph  of  humanity 
and  justice.  Grod  woidd  recognise  his  true  servants,  and 
would  protect  his  own  cause." 

These  discourses  covild  not  reassure  all  the  Crusaders, 
and  many  proposed  to  change  the  point  of  attack,  and  make 
a  new  assaidt  on  the  side  of  the  Propontis.  The  Venetians 
did  not  agree  with  this  opinion,  and  dreaded  lest  the  tieet 
should  be  drawn  away  by  the  currents  of  the  sea.  Some  of 
the  leaders  despaired  of  the  success  of  the  enterprise ;  and, 
in  their  despair,  woidd  have  been  very  willing,  says  an  eye- 
witness, "that  the  winds  and  tlie  waves  should  carry  them  away 
beyond  the  Arcliipelago."*  The  advice  of  the  Venetians  was, 
however,  adopted ;  and  the  council  decided  that  the  attack 
upon  Constantinople  should  be  renewed  on  the  same  side, 
and  at  the  same  point  at  which  the  army  had  been  repulsed. 
Two  days  were  employed  in  repairing  the  vessels  and 
machines ;  and  on  the  third  day,  the  12th  of  April,  the 
trumpets  once  more  sounded  the  signal  for  battle.  The 
fleet  got  into  motion,  and  advanced  in  good  order  towards 
the  ramparts  of  Constantinople.  The  Greeks,  who  were 
still  rejoicing  over  their  first  advantage,  could  scarcely 
believe  the  approach  of  the  Latins  to  be  reality,  and  their 
surpiise  was  by  no  means  free  from  terror.  On  the  other 
side,  the  Crusaders,  who  had  met  with  a  resistance  they  had 
not  at  all  expected,  advanced  with  precaution  towards  the 
ramparts,  at  the  foot  of  which  they  had  fought  hi  vain.  To 
inflame  the  ardour  and  emulation  of  the  soldiers,  the  leaders^ 
of  the  Latins  had  proclaimed,  by  a  herald-at-arms,  that  he 
that  should  plant  the  first  banner  of  the  cross  upon  a  tower 
of  the  city,  should  receive  a  hundred  and  fifty  silver  marks. 

The  combat  soon  commenced,  and  was  as  quickly  general ; 

*  Et  saehez  qu'il  y  en  avait  qui  eussent  volontiers  desire,  que  la  vogue 
et  le  vent  les  ensseiit  ravis  jusqu'au  dela  de  I'arcliipel  ;  car  a  feis  ne 
chaillait  sinon  que  de  parter  dp  la,  et  aller  leur  voie  droite  en  leura 
maisons. — Idem. 


mSTOlir    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  127 

the  defence  was  no  less  vigorous  than  the  attack  :  heams. 
stones,  javelins  were  iiurled  from  one  side  to  tlie  ether, 
crossed  or  met  in  mid-air,  and  fell  with  a  loud  noise  on  the 
ramparts  and  the  ships  ;  the  whole  shore  resounded  with  the 
cries  of  the  combatants  and  the  clashing  of  swords  and 
lances.  In  the  fleet,  the  vessels  were  joined  together,  and 
proceeded  two  by  two,  in  order  that  upon  each  pomt  of 
attack,  the  number  of  the  assailants  might  correspond  mth 
that  of  the  besieged.  The  drawbridges  are  soon  let  down, 
and  are  covered  with  intrepid  wan'iors,  who  threaten  the  in- 
vasion of  the  most  lofty  towers.  The  soldiers  mount  in  file, 
and  gain  the  battlements ;  the  opponents  seek,  attack,  and 
repulse  each  other  in  a  thousand  difterent  places.  Some,  on 
the  point  of  seizing  victory,  are  overthrown  by  a  mass  of 
stone  :  others  are  consumed  by  the  Greek  fire  ;  but  they  who 
are  repulsed,  again  return  to  the  charge,  and  the  leaders 
everywhere  set  an  example  by  mounting  to  the  assault  like 
common  soldiers. 

The  sun  had  run  half  his  course,  and  prodigies  of  valour 
had  not  been  able  to  triumph  over  the  resistance  of  the  be- 
sieged, when  a  strong  breeze  from  the  north  arose,  and 
brought  two  ships  that  fought  together  close  under  the  walls. 
The  bishop  of  Troie  and  the  bishop  of  Soissons  were  on 
board  of  these  two  vessels,  called  the  Pilc/rim  and  the 
Paradise.  Scarcely  were  the  drawbridges  lowered,  than 
two  Frank  wan'iors  were  seen  upon  one  of  the  towers  of 
the  citv.  These  two  warriors,  one  of  whom  was  a  French- 
man, named  D'Urboise,  and  the  other  a  Venetian,  Pietro 
Alberti,  drew  after  them  a  crowd  of  their  companions,  and 
the  Grrecks  were  massacred  or  took  to  flight.  In  the  con- 
fusion of  the  melee,  the  brave  Alberti  was  slain  by  a  French- 
man, who  mistook  him  for  a  Greek,  and  who,  on  discovering 
his  mistake,  attempted  to  kill  himself  in  despair.  The  Cru- 
saders, excited  by  the  fight,  scarcely  perceived  this  sad  and 
tragical  scene,  but  pursued  the  flying,  disordered  enemy. 

The  banners  of  the  bishops  of  Troie  and  Soissons  were 
planted  on  the  top  of  the  towers,  and  attracted  the  eager 
eyes  of  the  whole  army.  This  sight  inflames  those  who  are 
still  on  board  the  vessels  ;  on  all  sides  they  press,  they  rush 
forwaj-d,  tliuy  fly  to  tlie  escalade.  The  Franks  obtain 
possession  of  four  towers  :  terror  prevails  among  the  Greeks,. 


128  UISTOET    OF    THE    CKUSADE3. 

and  the  few  who  resist  are  slaughtered  at  every  point  they 
eBdeavour  to  defend ;  three  of  the  gates  of  the  citv  faW  to 
pieces  beneath  the  strokes  of  the  rams ;  the  horsemen  issue 
from  the  ships  with  their  horses,  and  the  whole  army  of  the 
Crusaders  precipitates  itself  at  once  into  the  city.*  A 
horseman  (Pierre  Bacheux),  who  preceded  his  fellows,  ad- 
vanced almost  alone  to  the  hill  upon  v>hich  Mourzoufle  was 
encamped,  and  the  Greeks,  in  their  fright,  took  him  for  a 
giant.  Nicetas  himself  says  that  his  helmet  appeared  as 
large  as  a  tower ;  the  soldiers  of  the  emperor  could  not 
stand  against  the  appearance  of  a  single  Frank  horseman. 
Mourzoufle,  abandoned  by  his  troops,  fled:  the  Crusaders 
took  possession  of  the  imperial  tents,  continued  their  \ac- 
torious  course  into  the  city,  and  put  to  the  sword  every 
Greek  they  met  with.  "  It  ivas  a  horrihh  spectacle,^''  says 
Villehardouin, "  to  see  women  and  young  cliiJdren  running 
distractedly  here  and  there,  tremhJing  and  half  dead  toith 
fright,  lamenting  piteousJy,  and  begging  for  mercy.'" 

The  Crusaders  set  fire  to  the  quarter  they  had  invaded,t 
and  the  flames,  driven  by  the  wind,  announced  to  the  other 
extremities  of  the  city  the  presence  of  an  irritated  conqueror. 
Terror  and  despair  prevailed  in  every  street  of  Constan- 
tinople. Some  Greek  soldiers  retired  to  the  palace,  whilst 
others,  to  escape  recognition,  threw  away  both  their  clothes 
and  their  arms.  The  people  and  the  clergy  took  refuge- 
in  the  churches,  axid  the  more  wealthy  inhabitants,  in  all 
parts,  endeavoured  to  conceal  their  most  valuable  property 
by  burying  it  in  the  earth.  Many  rushed  out  of  the  city, 
without  at  all  knowing  whither  to  direct  their  steps. [J; 

*  According  to  Gunther,  the  taking  of  Consbiutinople  was  more  won- 
derful than  all  that  has  been  related  by  Homer  and  the  poets  of  antiquity. 

f  Guuther  says  it  was  a  Germnn  count  th;it  set  tire  to  the  city, — comes 
Tc'dtouicus ;  he  did  it  to  prevent  the  Greeks  fioni  rallying:  —  Comes 
Teutoiiicus  jussit  urbem  in  quadam  parte  succendi,  ut  Grseci  diiplici 
laborantes  incomniodo,  belli  scilicet  atque  inrendii,  faciliiis  vineertntur ; 
quod  et  factum  est,  et  hoc  illi  consiiio  victi  penitiis  in  fugam  coMversi 
sunt. 

X  The  crowd  of  Greeks  fltd  principally  by  the  Golder>  CJale  M.  le 
Chevalier,  in  his  Voyage  de  la  Propontide,  informs  us  that  vestiges  of 
the  Golden  Gate  are  still  to  be  seen  witlin  the  inclosiire  of  the  seven 
towers.  This  gate  was  a  triumphal  arch  erected  by  Thodosius,  aftt-r  hig 
victory  ovei  Maximus  ;  it  was  surmounted  by  a  statue  of  Victory  in  bronxe, 


HISTORY   OF   THE    CKUSADES.  129 

"Wliilst  all  were  flying  before  them,  the  Crusaders  were 
in  a  state  of  astonishment  at  their  own  \ictory.  At  the 
approach  of  night,  they  dreaded  an  ambuscade,  and  did  not 
venture  to  pursue  the  conquered  enemy  further ;  the  Vene- 
tians encamped  within  sight  of  their  vessels  ;  the  count  of 
Inlanders,  by  a  happy  augury,  occupied  the  imperial  tents, 
and  tlie  marquis  of  ^lontferrat  advanced  towards  the  palace 
of  Blachernse.  The  Latins  entertained  no  idea  chat  the 
conflict  was  ended,  and  kept  careful  watch  under  the  ram- 
pai-ta  they  had  invaded  and  won. 

Mourzoufle  went  througli  many  quarters  of  the  city,  en- 
dejivouring  to  rally  the  soldiers :  he  spoke  to  them  of  glory, 
he  invoked  the  name  of  their  country,  he  promised  ricli  re- 
V,  ards  for  valour  :  but  the  voice  of  patriotism  was  no  longer 
listened  to,  and  neither  the  love  of  glory  nor  the  hopes  of 
reward  could  aftect  men  whose  whole  thoughts  werl3  engaged 
in  the  means  of  saving  their  lives.  Mourzoufle  no  longer 
inspired  either  respect  or  confidence,  and  the  people,  in 
reply  to  his  exhortations,  reproached  him  with  his  parricide, 
and  attributed  to  him  all  the  calamities  of  the  war.  When 
he  found  himself  without  hope,  it  became  necessary  to  en- 
deavour to  escape  both  the  pursuit  of  the  conquerors  and 
the  resentment  of  the  conquered,  and  l)e  embarked  secretly 
oi'  the  Propontis,  with  the  purpose  of  seeking  an  army,  or 
rather  an  asylum,  in  the  mountains  of  Thrace.  When  his 
flight  became  known  in  Constantinople,  his  name  was  loaded 
v\ith  maledictions,  and,  as  if  it  w?s  necevjsary  that  an  em- 
peror should  be  present  at  the  fall  of  the  empire,  a  distracted 
crowd  flocked  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  to  choose  a  new 
muster. 

Theodore  Ducas  and  Theodore  Lascaris  solicited  the 
suffrages  of  the  assembly,  and  contended  for  a  throne  that 

and  ornamented  profusely  with  gold.     On  the  remains  of  this  gate  may 
still  be  read  these  Latin  verses  : — 

Theodosi  jussis,  gerainc  nee  mense  peracto, 
Constantinus  ovanj  haec  moenia  firma  locavit  ; 
Tarn  cito  tarn  stabilem  PifUas  vix  conderet  arcem. 

Raoul  de  Dicetto,  quoted  by  Ducange,  says  that  these  words  were  upon 
the  Golden  Gate  : — Quando  veniet  rex  flavus  occidentalis,  ego  per  nieipsam 
aperiar.  Raoul  de  Uicetto  wrote  thirteen  years  before  the  taking  ol 
Lcnstantinople, 


130  niSTOET    OF    THE    CKUSAiJES. 

no  longer  existed.  Lascaris  was  chosen  emperor,  but  lie  did 
not  dare  to  assume  the  imperial  crown.  This  prince  pos- 
sessed both  firmness  and  spirit ;  the  Greeks  even  boasted 
of  his  skill  in  war,  and  he  undertook  to  reanimate  their 
courage  and  arouse  their  patriotism.  "  The  Latins,"  ^aid 
he,  "  are  few,  and  advance  with  trembling  caution  into  a  city 
that  has  still  numberless  defenders  ;  the  Crusaders  are  afraid 
to  leave  their  ships  at  any  distance,  as  they  know  they  are 
their  only  refuge  in  case  of  defeat :  pressed  by  the  approach 
of  danger,  they  have  called  in  the  assistance  of  fire  as  their 
faithful  auxiliary,  and  conceal  their  fears  behind  a  rampart 
of  flames  and  a  heap  of  ruins.  The  warriors  of  the  West 
neither  fight  for  religion,  nor  their  country,  nor  their  pro- 
perty, nor  the  honour  of  their  families.  The  Greeks,  on 
the  contrary,  defend  all  they  hold  most  dear,  and  must  carry 
to  the  contest  every  sentiment  that  can  increase  the  courage 
and  inflame  the  zeal  of  citizens.  If  you  are  still  Romans," 
added  Lascaris,  "  the  victory  is  easy  ;  twenty  thousand  bar- 
barians have  shut  themselves  up  within  your  walls ;  fortune 
has  given  them  up  to  our  arms."  The  new  emperor  then 
addressed  the  soldiers  and  the  imperi.al  guards ;  he  repre- 
sented to  them  that  their  safety  was  inseparably  connected 
with  that  of  Constantinople,  that  the  enemy  would  never 
pardon  being  driven  back  by  them  several  times  from  the 
ramparts  of  the  capital ;  that  in  victory  they  would  find  all 
the  advantages  of  fortune,  all  the  pleasures  of  life :  whilst 
in  flight,  neither  land  nor  sea  could  aiford  them  an  asylum, 
and  that  shame,  misery,  and  death  itself  would  follow  their 
footsteps  everywhere.  Lascaris  did  not  neglect  to  flatter 
the  pride,  and  endeavour  to  kindle  the  zeal  of  the  patricians. 
He  reminded  them  of  the  heroes  of  ancient  Rome,  and  pre- 
sented to  their  valour  the  great  examples  of  history,  "  It 
was  to  their  arms  Providence  had  confided  the  safety  jf  the 
imperial  city  ;  if,  contrary  to  all  hopes,  the  country  should 
be  subdued,  they  could  have  but  few  regrets  in  abandoning 
life,  and  would  find  perhaps  some  glory  in  dying  on  the 
same  day  on  which  the  old  empire  of  the  Cajsars  should  be 
doomed  to  fall." 

The  soldiers  only  replied  to  his  speech  by  demanding  their 
pay ;  the  people  listened  to  Lascaris  with  more  surprise  than 


HISTOKT    OF  THE    CliUSADES,  131 

confidence,  and  the  patricians  preserved  a  gloomy  s'^ence, 
sensible  to  no  other  feeling  but  a  profound  despair.  The 
trumpets  of  the  Crusaders  were  soon  heard,  and  at  this 
signal,  terror  seized  even  the  bravest ;  there  Mas  no  longer 
any  idea  of  disputing  the  victory  with  the  Latins.  Lascaris, 
left  alone,  was  himself  obliged  to  abandon  a  city  which  he 
could  find  no  one  to  assist  him  in  defending.  Thus  Con- 
stantinople, that  had  beheld  two  emperors  in  one  night,  was 
once  again  without  a  master,  and  presented  the  image  of  a 
vessel  without  a  rudder,  dashed  about  by  the  winds,  and 
ready  to  perish  amidst  the  howling  of  the  tempest.  The 
conflagration  begun  by  the  Latins,  extended  to  several  other 
quarters,  and  consumed,  by  the  admission  of  the  barons, 
more  houses  than  three  of  the  greatest  cities  of  either 
I'rance  or  Germany  contained.  The  fire  continued  its 
ravages  during  the  whole  night,  and  before  day  the  Cru- 
saders prepared,  by  the  light  of  its  flames,  to  follow  up  their 
victory.  Eanged  in  order  of  battle,  they  were  advancing 
with  precaution  and  mistrust,  when  their  ears  were  saluted 
with  supplicating  voices  that  filled  the  air  with  lamentations 
and  prayers.  Women,  children,  and  old  men,  preceded  by 
the  clergy,  bearing  crosses  and  images  of  saints,  came  in 
procession,  to  throw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  conquerors. 
The  leaders  allowed  their  hearts  to  be  touched  by  the  cries 
and  entreaties  of  this  weeping  crowd,  and  a  herald-at-arms 
was  ordered  to  pass  through  the  ranks,  and  proclaim  the 
laws  of  clemency ;  the  soldiers  were  commanded  to  spare 
the  lives  of  the  inhabitants,  and  to  respect  the  honour  of 
women  and  maidens.  The  Latin  clergy  joined  their  exhor- 
tations with  those  of  the  leaders  of  the  army,  and  threatened 
with  the  vengeance  of  the  Church  all  who  should  abuse  vic- 
tory by  outraging  humanity. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Crusaders  advanced  amidst  the 
braying  of  trumpets  and  the  noise  of  clarions,  and  their 
banners  were  soon  planted  in  the  principal  quarters  of  the 
city.  "When  Boniface  entered  the  palace  of  Bucoleon, 
which  "rt'as  supposed  to  be  occupied  by  the  imperial  guard, 
He  was  surprised  to  find  a  great  number  of  women,  of  the 
first  families  of  the  empire,  whose  only  defence  was  their 
groans  and  tears.     Marguerite,  daughter  of  the  king  of 


132  HISTORY    OF   THE   CRUSADES. 

Hungary,  and  wife  of  Isaac,  and  Agnes,  daughter  of  a  king 
of  France,*  the  wife  of  two  emperors,  threw  themselves  at 
the  feet  of  the  barons,  and  implored  their  mercy.  Tlie 
marquis  of  IVlontferrat  respected  their  misfortunes,  and 
})iaced  them  under  tlie  protection  of  a  guard.  Whilst 
]3onif;ice  occupied  the  palace  of  Bucoleon,  Henry  of  Hai- 
nault  took  possession  of  that  of  Blachernse ;  these  two 
palaces,  filled  with  immense  riches,  were  preserved  from 
pillage,  and  were  exempted  from  the  lamentable  scenes 
which,  during  several  days,  desolated  the  city  of  Constan- 
tinople, t 

The  Crusaders,  impatient  to  gather  the  treasiu-es  they 
had  shared  beforehand,  spread  themselves  through  all  the 
quarters  of  the  capital,  and  carried  off,  without  pity  or  con- 
sideration, everything  that  offered  itself  to  their  avidity. 
The  houses  of  the  poorest  citizens  were  no  more  respected 
than  the  mansi^ons  of  the  rich.  The  Greeks,  plundered  of 
their  property,  ill-treated  by  the  conquerors,  and  turned  out 
of  their  homes,  implored  the  humanity  of  the  coiuits  and 
barons,  and  pressed  around  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  cry- 
ing, "  J/o/y  kinq  marquis,  Tiaveintij  upon  us  !  "  Boniface  was 
touched  by  their  prayers,  and  endeavoured  to  recall  the  Cru- 
saders to  some  sentiments  of  moderation ;  but  the  license  of 
the  soldiers  increased  with  the  sight  of  booty  ;  the  most  disso- 
.  lie  and  most  undisciplined  gave  the  signal,  and  marched  at 

*  Agnes,  daughter  of  Louis  VII.,  had  been  at  the  age  of  eight  years, 
given  in  marriage  to  Alexius  Comnenus,  the  son  of  Manuel,  in  1179. 
After  the  death  of  Alexius,  his  niurdt-rer  Aiidronicus  usurped  the  empire 
and  married  Agues,  but  had  no  children  by  htr.  Agnes  remained  a 
widow  at  Constantinople  to  the  time  of  its  being  taken,  when  she  married 
Branas,  who  was  attached  to  the  party  of  the  Latins. 

"t"  Nicetas  speaks  of  the  carnage  which  followed  the  taking  of  Constan- 
tinople. We  have  quoted  the  words  even  of  Villehardouin,  who  does  not 
materially  contradict  Nicetas.  The  pope  in  his  letters  warmly  reproached 
the  Crusaders  on  this  subject.  Gun.'heronly  carries  the  number  of  slain, 
on  the  entrance  of  the  Crusaders  into  Jerusalem,  to  two  thousand  persons, 
and  attributes  this  slaughter  to  the  Latins  established  at  Constantinople, 
who  had  great  cause  of  complaint  against  the  Greeks.  The  same  historian 
informs  us  that  the  ecclesiastics  that  followed  the  army  contributed,  by 
their  discourses,  to  put  an  end  to  the  massacre.  He  does  not  omit  this 
occasion  to  praise  the  piety  and  humanity  of  Martin  Litz,  who  went 
through  the  ranks  of  the  victorious  army,  preaching  moderation  to  the 
conquerors. 


HISTOET   OP   THE    CEUSADE3.  188 

tlieir  head,  and  their  example  led  on  all  the  rest :  the  in- 
toxication of  victory  had  no  longer  any  restraint, — it  was 
sensible  to  neither  fear  nor  pity.* 

When  the  C.vusaders  discontinued  the  slaughter,  they  had 
recourse  to  every  kind  of  outrage  and  violence  to  plunder 
the  conquered ;  no  spot  in  Constantinople  was  free  from 
"brutal  search.  In  spite  of  the  frequently-repeated  prohibi- 
tions of  their  leaders  and  priests,  they  respected  neither  the 
modesty  of  women  nor  the  sanctity  of  chm'ches.  Some 
soldiers  and  followers  of  the  army  plundered  the  tombs  and 
coffins  of  the  emperors ;  the  body  of  Justinian,  which  ages 
had  spared,  and  which  presented  itself  to  their  eyes  in  a 
fresh  and  undecayed  state,  could  not  repel  their  sacrilqgioua 
hands,  or  make  them  respect  the  peace  of  the  grave ;  iu 
every  temple  where  a  rag  of  silk  shone,  or  a  particle  of  gold 
glittered,  their  greedy  lingers  were  stretched  out  to  clutch 
them.  The  altar  of  the  Virgin,  which  decorated  the  church  of 
St.  Sophia,  and  which  was  admired  as  a  masterpiece  of  art,  was 
beaten  to  pieces,  and  the  veil  of  the  sanctuary  was  torn  to 
rags.  The  conquerors  played  at  dice  upon  the  marble  tables 
which  represented  the  apostles,  and  got  drunk  out  of  the 
cups  reserved  for  divine  service.  Horses  and  mules  led  mto 
the  sanctuary,  bent  beneath  the  weight  of  the  spoils,  and, 
pierced  by  sword-points,  stained  with  their  blood  and  their 
ordure  the  vestibule  of  St.  Sophia.  A  prostitute  girl,  whom 
Nicetas  calls  the  follower  of  demons,  the  priestess  of  furies, 
mounted  the  patriarchal  pulpit,  sang  an  immodest  song,  and 
danced  in  the  church,  amidst  a  crowd  of  soldiers,  as  if  to 
insult  the  ceremonies  of  religion. 

The  Greeks  coidd  not  behold  these  impious  scenes  without 
trembling  with  horror.  Nicetas,  whilst  deploring  the  mis- 
fortunes of  the  empire  and  the  Grreek  Chiu'ch,  declaims 
with  vehemence  against  the  barbarous  race  of  the  Franks. 
"  Here,"  says  he,  "  is  what  was  promised  by  that  golden 
gorget,  that  haughty  bearing,  those  elevated  eyebrows,  that 
closely  shaven  beard,  that  hand  so  ready  to  shed  blood,  those 

*  There  was  nothing  so  difficult,  says  Nicetas,  as  to  soften  the  fierce 
temper,  appease  the  anger,  or  gain  the  a  ections  of  these  barbarians. 
Tlieir  bile  was  so  heated,  that  it  only  require  a  word  to  set  it  in  a  hinze ; 
it  was  a  ridiculous  undertaking  to  attempt  to  render  them  tractable,  a 
folly  to  speak  reason  to  them. 


x64i  HISTOET   OE   THE    CEUSADE3. 

nostrils  breathing  anger,  that  proud  eye,  that  cruel  disposi« 
tion,  that  prompt  and  hurried  utterance."  *  The  historian 
of  Byzantium  reproaches  the  Crusaders  with  having  sm*- 
passed  the  Saracens  in  barbarity,  and  reminds  them  of  the 
example  of  the  soldiers  of  Saladin,  who,  when  masters  of 
Jerusalem,  neither  violated  the  modesty  of  matrons  and 
vii'gins,  nor  filled  the  sepulchre  of  the  Saviour  with  bloody 
carcasses,  nor  subjected  Cliristiaus  to  fire,  sword,  hunger,  or 
nakedness. 

The  country  on  the  shores  of  the  Bosphorus  offered  a  no 
less  deplorable  spectacle  than  the  capital.  Villages,  churches, 
country-houses  were  all  devastated  and  given  over  to  pillage. 
A  distracted  crowd  covered  the  roads,  and  wandered  about 
at  hazard,  piu'sued  by  fear,  beiiding  under  fatigue,  and 
uttering  cries  of  despair.  Senators,  patricians,  the  offspring 
of  a  family  of  emperors,  strayed  homeless  about,  covered 
Avith  rags,  seeking  for  any  miserable  asylum.  When  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia  was  pillaged,  the  patriarch  fled  away, 
imploring  the  charity  of  passengers ;  all  the  rich  fell  into 
indigence,  and  inspired  nothing  but  contempt ;  the  most 
illustrious  nobility,  the  highest  dignities,  the  splendour  of 
talents  or  virtues,  possessed  iiothing  to  create  respect  or 
attract  admiration.  Misery,  like  inevitable  death,  effaced 
all  distinctions,  and  confounded  all  ranks ;  the  dregs  of  the 
people  completed  the  spoliation  of  the  fugitives,  at  the  same 
time  insidting  their  misfortunes.  A  senseless  multitude 
rejoiced  at  the  public  evils,  applauded  the  degradation  of  the 
noble  and  the  rich,  and  called  these  disastrous  days,  days  of 
justice  and  equality. 

Nicetas  describes  his  misfortune  and  his  own  deplorable 
adventures ;  the  house  he  had  inhabited  imder  the  reign  of 
the  emperors  W"as  consumed  by  the  flames  of  the  second 
conflagration :  having  retired  with  his  family  to  another 
hour^,  built  near  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  he  soon  found 
himself  in  danger  in  this  last  asylum,  and  only  owed  his 
safety  to  devoted  friendship  and  gratitude.  A  Venetian 
merchant,  whom  he  had  saved  from  the  fury  of  the  Greeks 
before  the  flight  of  Alexius,  was  desirous,  in  his  turn,  of 

*  This  is  a  very  remarkable  passage ;  it  describes  the  hero  of  the 
rrusadcs  with  the  pencil  of  the  painter  as  well  as  with  the  pen  of  the 
historian. — Trans. 


niSTOIlT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  135 

i»o.vitig  his  benefactor ;  he  armed  himself  with  a  sword  and  a 
lance,  assumed  the  dress  of  a  soldier  of  the  cross,  and  as  ho 
«pokc  the  languages  of  the  West,  he  defended  the  entranco 
of  the  house  of  Nicetas,  saying  it  was  his,  the  price  of  his 
blood,  shed  in  fight.  This  vigilant  sentinel  at  first  repulsed 
all  aggressors,  and  braved  a  thousand  perils ;  a  model  of 
fidelity  and  virtue,  amidst  the  horrid  disorders  that  desolated 
Constantin-ople. 

The  turbulent  crowd  of  soldiers  that  filled  the  streets  and 
penetrated  everywhere,  became  indignant  that  a  single  house 
should  be  thus  exempt  from  their  brutal  searches.  The 
despairing  Venetian  at  length  came  to  Nicetas,  and  told  him 
that  it  was  totally  out  of  his  power  to  defend  him  any  longer. 
"  If  you  remain  here,"  said  he,  "  to-morrow,  perhaps,  you 
will  be  loaded  with  chains,  and  your  family  become  a  prey 
to  all  the  violences  of  the  conquerors.  Follow  me,  and  I 
will  conduct  you  out  of  the  gates  of  Constantinople." 
Nicetas,  with  his  A^ife  and  children,  followed  the  faithful 
Venetian :  their  liberator,  in  ai'mour,  marched  at  their  head, 
and  led  them  as  if  they  were  prisoners. 

This  unfortunate  family  proceeded,  filled  with  fear,  meeting 
at  every  step  soldiers  greedy  of  pillage,  who  ill-treated  the 
Greeks  they  plundered,  and  threatened  every  woman  with 
insult.  Nicetas,  and  some  of  his  friends  who  had  come  to 
join  him,  carried  tlieir  children  in  their  arms,  the  only  wealth 
that  Heaven  had  left  them  ;  and  defended  alone  by  the  pity 
which  their  despair  and  misery  inspired.  They  walked 
"ogether,  placing  their  wives  and  daughters  in  the  centre, 
after  having  advised  the  youngest  to  blacken  their  faces 
with  earth.  In  spite  of  this  precaution,  the  beauty  of  one 
young  girl  attracted  the  attention  of  a  soldier,  and  she  was 
borne  away  from  the  arms  of  her  father,  weighed  down  by 
age  and  infirmities.  Nicetas,  touched  by  the  tears  of  the 
old  man,  flew  after  the  ravisher,  and  addressing  himself  to 
all  the  warriors  he  met,  he  implored  their  pity,  and  conjured 
them,  in  the  name  of  Heaven,  the  protector  of  virtue,  in  the 
name  of  their  own  families,  to  snatch  a  daughter  from  dis- 
honour, to  save  a  father  from  despair.  The  Frank  wan-iora 
were  affected  by  his  prayer,  and  the  unfortunate  father 
soon  saw  his  daughter  restored  to  him,  the  only  hope  of 
his  exile,  the  last  consolation  of  his  grey  hairs,     Nicetaa 


130  HISTOBT   OF   THE    CllTJSADES. 

and  his  companions  in  trouble  encountered  stiZl  further  dan- 
gers, but  at  length  got  safely  out  of  Constantinople  by  the 
Golden  Gate,  happy  at  being  able  to  quit  a  country  so  lately 
the  object  of  all  their  affections.  The  generous  Venetian 
received  their  blessings,  and  in  return  prayed  Heaven  tc 
protect  them  in  their  exile. 

iS'icetas,  with  tears,  embraced  his  liberator,  whom  he  never 
had  the  good  fortune  to  see  again  ;  then  casting  a  look  upon 
Constantinople,  upon  his  unhappy  country,  he  addressed 
to  it  these  touchiug  complaints,  which  express  the  griefs  of 
his  exile,  and  which  he  himself  has  transmitted  to  us  :* — 
"  O  Queen  of  Cities,  what  power  has  been  able  to  separate 
us  from  thee !  What  consolation  shall  we  find  on  issuing 
from  thy  walls,  as  naked  as  we  issued  from  the  bosom  of  our 
mothers !  Become  the  sport  of  strangers,  the  companions 
of  wild  animals  that  inhabit  the  forests,  we  shall  never  again 
visit  thy  august  domes,  and  can  only  fly  with  terror  around 
thee,  like  sparrows  round  the  spot  where  their  nest  has  been 
destroyed." 

Nicetas  arrived  with  his  family  at  Cylindria,  and  after- 
wards retired  to  Nice,  where  he  employed  himself  in  retracing 
the  history  of  the  misfortunes  of  his  country. 

Co]iatantinople  did  not  cease  to  be  the  theatre  of  the 
,  frigbtfid  deeds  of  violence  that  war  brings  in  its  train. 
Amidst  the  sanguinary  sports  of  victory,  the  Latins,  to 
insult  the  effeminate  manners  of  the  Greeks,  clothed  them- 
selves in  long  flowing  robes,  painted  of  various  colours  ;  they 
fastened  to  the  heads  of  their  horses  linen  hoods  with  their 
silken  cords,  in  which  the  Orientals  dress  themselves  ;  whilst 
others  paraded  the  streets  carrying  in  their  hands,  instead  of 
a  sword,  some  paper  and  an  ink-horn ;  thus  ridiculing  the 
conquered,  whom  they  termed  scribes  and  copyers. 

The  Greeks  had  on  all  occasions  insulted  the  ignorance  of 
the  Latins ;  the  kuights,  without  seeking  to  retort  upon 
their  enemies  for  their  affronts,  esteemed  notliiug  but  the 
trophies  of  valour  and  the  labours  of  war,  and  held  in  con- 
tempt the  quiet  occupations  of  peace.     With  these  disposi- 

*  The  lamentations  of  Nicetas  are  not  always  natural ;  wliilst  deploring 
the  fate  of  Byzantium  he  says,  "  I  complained  to  the  walls,  that  they  alone 
should  be  insensible  to  calamities,  and  should  remain  standing,  iiistead  of 
melting  away  in  tears." 


HISTORY    OF   THE    CEUSADES.  137 

tions  it  was  not  likely  they  should  spare  the  monuments  that 
decorated  the  public  places,  the  palaces,  or  the  edifices  of 
Byzantium.  Constantinople,  which  to  this  period  had 
stood  erect  amidst  the  ruins  of  several  empires,  had  coh 
lected  within  its  walls  the  scattered  relics  of  the  arts,  and 
was  proud  to  exhibit  the  masterpieces  that  had  been  saved 
from  the  destruction  of  barbarous  ages.  The  bronze,  iu 
wliich  breathed  the  genius  of  antiquity,  was  ca^t  into  the 
furnace,  and  converted  into  money,  to  satisfy  the  greedy 
soldiers.  The  heroes  and  gods  of  the  Nile,  those  of  ancient 
Greece  aud  of  ancient  Rome,  the  masterpieces  of  Praxiteles, 
Phidias,  and  the  most  celebrated  artists,  fell  beneath  tho 
strokes  of  the  conquerors. 

Nicetas,  who  deplores  the  loss  of  these  monuments,  has 
left  us  a  description,  /rom  which  the  history  of  art  may  derive 
some  advantage.*  The  historian  of  Byzantium  informs  us 
that  in  the  Place  of  Constantino  stood,  before  the  siege,  the 
statue  of  Juno,  and  that  of  Paris  oftering  to  Venus  the 
prize  of  beauty,  or  the  apple  of  discord.  The  statue  of  Juno, 
which  had  formerly  adorned  the  temple  of  the  goddess  at 
Samos,  was  of  so  colossal  a  size,  that  when  it  was  destroyed 
by  the  Crusaders,  eight  harnessed  oxen  were  required  to 
drag  the  gigantic  head  to  the  palace  of  Bucoleon.  In  the 
same  place  was  erected  an  obelisk  of  a  square  form,  which 
astonished  the  spectator  by  the  multitude  and  variety  of  the 
objects  it  presented  to  his  view.  On  the  sides  of  this  obelisk 
the  artist  had  represented,  in  basso-relievo,  all  sorts  of  birds 
saluting  the  return  of  the  svm,  villagers  employed  in  their 
rustic  labours,  shejjherds  playing  on  their  pipes,  sheep 
bleating,  lambs  bounding  on  the  grass ;  further  on,  a  tran- 
quil sea  and  fishes  of  a  thousand  sorts,  some  taken  alive, 
others  breaking  the  nets  and  regaining  their  deep  retreats  ; 
at  the  back  of  the  landscape,  uaked  cupids  playing  and 
throwing  apples  at  each  other ;  at  the  top  of  the  obelisk, 

*  The  eleventh  and  twelfth  volumes  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Royal  Society 
of  Gottiiigen  contain  a  beautiful  work  of  the  illustrious  Heyne,  upon  the 
monuments  of  art  that  have  existed  at  Constantinople.  In  the  first 
memoir  he  gives  the  nomenclature  of  the  ancient  monuments, — Priscce 
Artis  Opera.  In  the  second  those  that  were  erected  under  tlieemperors 
of  Byzantium.  In  two  other  memoirs,  the  same  learned  author  describes 
the  loss  of  these  same  monuments  :  Oe  Interitu  Operum  cum  antiquoe  iam 
••prioris  (Etatis. 

Vol    II.— 7 


138  niSTORT   OF   THE    C:iUSADES. 

which  terminated  in  a  pyramidal  form,  was  the  figure  of  a 
woiiian  that  turned  with  the  least  breath  of  air,  which  was 
called  tJie  attendant  of  the  winds. 

An  equestrian  statue*  ornamented  the  place  of  Mount 
Taurus ;  the  horse  appeared  to  throw  np  the  dust  with  hia 
feet,  and  outspeed  the  winds  in  his  course.  As  the  horse- 
man had  his  arm  extended  towards  the  sun,  some  supposed 
it  to  represent  Joshua,  commanding  the  star  of  day  to  stand 
still,  on  the  plains  of  Gabaon ;  otliers  believed  the  artist 
meant  to  describe  Bellerophon  mounted  on  Pegasus.f 

A  colossal  statue  of  Hercides,;!:  attributed  to  Lysippus, 
Avas  one  of  the  ornaments  of  the  Hippodrome  ;  the  demigod 
had  neither  his  bow  nor  his  club  ;  he  was  seated  on  a  bed  of 
osier ;§  his  left  knee  bent,  sustained  his  elbow;  his  head 
reclining  on  his  left  hand ;  his  pensive  looks  and  air  ex- 

*  The  Bellerophon.  This  sfatue  is  that  of  Theodosius,  showing  a 
tro])hy  placed  upon  a  neighbouring  column  ;  it  was  thus  the  Pacificator 
was  represented  :  fuit  a  Deo  pacifcatoris  habitus.  Nicetas  says  thai  in 
Lis  left  hand  he  held  a  globe.  The  statues  of  the  other  emperors  of  Con- 
stantinople present  a  similar  sign,  to  which  a  cross  is  attaclied  The 
people  believed  that  under  the  hoof  of  the  left  fore  foot,  was  the  figure  of 
a  Venetian  or  a  Bulgarian,  or  of  a  man  of  some  other  country  which  had 
no  intercourse  with  the  Romans.  The  statue  being  destroyed  by  the 
Latins,  it  was  said  that  the  figure  of  a  Bulgarian  was  found  concealed  in 
the  hoof,  crossed  by  a  nail  and  incrusted  in  lead.  This  statue  came  from 
Antioch  in  Syria.  At  the  quadrilateral  base  was  a  basso-relievo,  in  which 
the  populace,  ever  superstitious,  fancied  they  beheld  the  prediction  of  the 
fall  of  the  empire.  They  even  said  that  the  Russians  there  represented 
would  accomplish  the  prediction. 

f  One  of  the  French  translators  of  Gibbon,  of  a  single  statue  has  made 
two  ;  he  speaks  of  a  statue  of  Joshua  and  of  another  of  Bellerophon.  It 
is  true  that  this  gross  error  is  only  met  with  in  one  French  translation  ; 
the  English  original  says  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  vulgar,  this  statue 
passed  for  that  of  Joshua,  bat  that  a  more  classical  tradition  recognised 
in  it  that  of  Bellerophon  and  Pegasus  ;  the  free  and  spirited  attitude  of  the 
courser  indicating  that  he  trod  on  air  rather  than  on  the  earth. 

%  rie.yne  attributes  it  to  Lysippus  ;  he  thinks  it  is  the  same  as  the 
colossal  Hercules  of  Tarentum,  which  was  brought  to  Rome  and  placti  in 
the  Capitol.  From  this  city  it  went  to  Constantinojile,  with  ten  other 
statues,  under  the  consulate  of  Julian  and  the  reign  of  Constantine,  that 
is  to  say,  about  322  ;  but  it  was  not  till  after  being  e.\hibited  in  the  Basilic 
that  it -was  placed  in  tlie  Hippodrome. 

§  Gibbon  calls  this  an  osier  basket ;  Michaud  says,  tm  lit  d'osier, 
which  I  have  preferred.  I  can  imagine  Hercules  sitting  upon  a  bed  oi 
mattress  of  osier,  but  not  upon  a  basket. — Trans. 


HISTORY    or   THE    CRUSADES.  139 

pressing  tlio  vexation  and  sorrow  caused  by  the  jealousy  of 
Eui'ystheus.  The  shoulders  and  chest  of  Hercules  were 
broad,  his  hair  was  curled,  and  his  limbs  were  large  and 
muscular ;  his  leg  alone  exceeded  in  height  the  stature  of  au 
ordinary  man.  The  skin  of  the  Nemean  lion,  exhibited  over 
the  shoulders  of  the  son  of  Alcmena,  the  erected  mane  and 
the  head  of  the  animal,  which  might  be  fancied  still  to  roar 
and  terrify  the  passers  by,  who  stopped  to  contemplate  the 
statue. 

Not  far  from  the  terrible  Hercules,  -was  a  group  of  an  ass 
and  its  driver,  which  Augustus  placed  in  his  colony  of  Nico- 
polis,  to  perpetuate  the  remembrance  of  a  singular  circum- 
stance that  had  foretold  the  victory  of  Actium  to  him. 
Near  this  were  the  hyena  or  she-wolf  that  suckled  Romulus 
and  Eemus,  a  monument  from  the  old  nations  of  the  West  ;* 
the  sphinx,  with  the  face  of  a  woman,  dragging  frightful 
animals  behind  her  ;  the  crocodile,  an  inhabitant  of  the  Nile, 
with  his  tail  covered  with  horrible  scales ;  a  man  fighting 
with  a  lion ;  an  elephant  with  his  supple  trunk ;  and  tlie 
antique  Scylla,  showing  before,  the  features  of  a  woman,  with 
large  breasts  and  a  deformed  figure ;  and  behind,  such 
monsters  as  those  that  pursued  Ulysses  and  his  companions. 
In  the  same  place  was  an  eagle  clutching  a  serpent  in  his 
talons,  and  bearing  it  away  towards  the  azure  vault ;  the 
bronze  beautifully  exhibited  the  pain  of  the  reptile,  and  the 
haughty  fierceness  of  the  bird  of  Jupiter.  When  the  sun 
shone  on  the  horizon,  the  extended  wings  of  the  king  of  the 
air  denoted,  by  lines  skilfully  traced,  the  twelve  hours  of  the 
day. 

All  who,  in  that  gross  age,  preserved  any  taste  for  the 
arts,  admired  the  figure  of  a  young  woman,  her  hair  plaited 
on  her  brow,  and  gathered  into  a  knot  behind,  placed  upon 
a  column  of  the  Circus  ;  this  yoiuig  woman,  as  if  by  enchant- 
ment, bore  in  her  right  hand  a  horseman,  whose  horse  she 

•  The  learned  Harris,  in  his  historical  Essay  upon  tie  literature  and 
arts  of  the  middle  ages,  thinks  that  the  monument  which  represented  tlie 
wolf  suckling  Romulus,  was  the  same  as  that  to  which  Virgil  makes 
allusion  when  describing  the  buckler  of  iKneas  : — 

Illam  tereti  cervice  reflexam 
Mulcere  alternos,  et  corpora  fingere  lingua. 

uEneid,  I   viii. 


140  HISTOET   01"    TUE    CRUSADES. 

held  by  one  foot ;  the  horseman  covered  with  his  cuirass,  and 
the  spirited,  neighing  steed,  seemed  listening  to  the  warlike 
trumpet,  and  to  breathe  nothing  but  eagerness  for  the  fight. 
Near  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Circus  were  represented  in 
bronze,  the  charioteers  who  had  gained  prizes,  and  whose 
triumphs,  in  times  gone  by,  had  often  divided  the  empire 
into  two  factions ;  they  appeared  standing  in  their  chariots, 
running  in  the  lists,  pulling  and  loosening  by  turns  the  reins 
of  their  coursers,  and  encouraging  them  by  gesture  and  voice. 
Not  far  from  this,  upon  a  basis  of  stone,  were  several 
Egyptian  animals,  tlie  aspic,  the  basilisk,  and  the  crocodile, 
all  engaged  in  mortal  combat, — an  image  of  the  war  made  by 
the  wicked  on  each  other ;  the  hideous  forms  of  these 
animals,  the  rage  and  pain  expressed  throughout  their  bodies, 
the  livid  poison  which  seemed  to  exhale  with  their  bites, 
altogether  inspired  a  feeling  of  disgust  and  terror.  Another 
masterpiece,  made  to  charm  the  siglit,  ought,  at  least,  to 
have  touched  and  disarmed  the  conquerors.  Among  the 
statues  described  by  Nicetas,  none  is  more  conspicuous  than 
a  Helen  with  her  charming  smile  and  her  voluptuous  atti- 
tude ;  a  Helen,  with  perfect  regularity  of  features,  lier  hair 
floating  at  the  pleasure  of  the  winds,  her  eyes  full  of  languor, 
her  lips,  which  even  in  the  bronze  were  rosy ;  her  arms,  of 
which  even  the  same  bronze  showed  the  whiteness  ;  Helen, 
in  short,  with  all  her  beauty,  and  such  as  she  appeared  before 
the  old  men  of  Ilium,  who  were  ravished  at  her  presence. 

Constantinople  contained  many  other  splendid  objects 
of  art,  which  preceding  s^ges  had  admired ;  almost  all  such 
as  were  of  bronze  were  condemned  to  perish,  the  Crusaders 
seeing  in  these  monuments  nothing  but  the  metal  of  which 
they  were  composed.  "  That  which  antiquity  had  judged," 
says  Nicetas,  "  of  inestimable  value,  became,  all  at  once,  a 
common  matter ;  and  that  which  had  cost  immense  sums, 
was  changed  by  the  Latins  into  pieces  of  coin  of  very  little 
value  !"  The  statues  of  marble  held  out  less  temptation  for 
the  cupidity  of  the  conquerors,  and  received  no  other  injuries 
than  such  as  were  inseparable  from  the  tumult  and  disorders 
of  war. 

The  Grreeks,  who  appeared  so  proud  of  their  knowledge, 
themselves  neglected  the  fine  arts.  The  sciences  of  Greece, 
the  profane  wisdom  of  the  Academy  aiad  the  Lyceum,  had 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  141 

given  place  among  them  to  the  debates  of  scholastic  theology, 
tliey  passed  by  tiie  Hippodrome  with  inditiereiice,  and  held 
nothing  in  reverence  butrelics  and  images  of  saints.  These 
relig.ous  treasures,  preserved  Avith  care  in  the  churches  and 
palaces  of  Byzantium,  had,  during  several  ages,  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  Christian  world ;  in  the  days  that  followed 
the  conquest,  they  tempted  the  pious  cupidity  of  the  Cru- 
saders. Whilst  the  greater  part  of  the  warriors  bore  away 
the  gold,  the  jewels,  the  carpets,  and  the  rich  stutfs  of  the 
East,  the  more  devout  of  the  pilgrims,  particidarly  the 
ecclesiastics,  collected  a  booty  much  more  innocent  and 
appropriate  to  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  Many  braved  the 
prohibitions  of  their  leaders  and  their  superiors,  and  did  not 
disdain  to  employ  by  turns  supplications  and  menaces, 
stratagem  or  violence,  to  procure  relics  that  were  the  objects 
of  their  respect  and  veneration.  Contemporary  history- 
relates  several  examples  of  this,  which  serve  to  make  us 
acquainted  with  the  spirit  of  the  pilgrim  conquerors  of 
B\  zantium.  Martin  Litz,  abbot  of  Paris,  in  the  diocese  of 
Bale,  entered  into  a  church  that  had  been  given  up  to  pillage, 
and  penetrated,  without  being  observed,  into  a  retired  place, 
Avhere  numerous  relics  were  deposited,  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  a  Greek  monk.*  This  Greek  monk  was  then  at 
prayers,  with  his  hands  raised  supplicatingiy  towards 
heaven.  His  old  age,  his  white  hairs,  his  fervent  piety,  and 
the  grief  impressed  upon  his  brow,  were  calculated  to  inspire 
both  respect  and  pity ;  but  Martin,  approaching  the  vene- 
rable guardian  of  the  treasures  with  an  angry  manner, 
exclaimed  in  a  threatening  tone,  "  Miserable  old  man,  if  thou 
dost  not  instantly  conduct  me  to  the  place  where  thy  relics 
art  hidden,  prepare  to  die  on  the  spot !"  The  monk,  terrified 
by  this  menace,  immediately  and  tremblingly  arose,  and 
pointed  to  a  large  iron  coft'er,  into  which  the  pious  abbot 
eagerly   plunged   both    his    hands,    and   seized   everything 

*  Cum  ergo  victores  victam,  quam  jure  belli  suam  fecerant,  alaeriter 
spoliarent,  ccepit  Martinus  abbas  de  sua  etiam  preeda  cogitare,  at  ne  ipse 
vacuus  remaneret,  pr.oposuit  et  ipse  sacratas  manus  suas  ad  rapinam 
extendere. — Gunlher. 

The  same  Gunttier  relates  how  Martin  committed  violence  upon  a 
Greek  priest  to  obtain  relics  from  him.  When  s])eaking  of  Martin  Lita 
Gunther  employs  these  singular  expressions — yrmdo  sauctus. 


142  HISTOKY    OF    THE    CEUSADES. 

precious  that  he  coiild  grasp.  Dehghted  with  this  conquest, 
he  ran  to  conceal  his  treasures  on  board  a  vessel,  and  con- 
trived, by  a  holy  fraud,  to  keep  them  for  several  days  from 
the  knowledge  of  the  leaders  and  prelates  of  the  army,  wlio 
had  strictly  ordered  the  pilgrims  to  bring  to  an  appointed 
place  all  the  relics  that  fell  into  their  hands. 

Martin  Litz,  at  first,  returned  to  the  Christians  of  Pales- 
tine, who  had  sent  him  to  Constantinople;  and,  a  short  time 
after,  came  back  to  Europe,  loaded  with  spoils  obtained  from 
the  clergy  of  Byzantium.  Among  the  relics  he  exhibited  on 
his  return,  were,  a  piece  of  the  true  cross,  the  bones  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  an  arm  of  St.  James.  The  mira- 
culous translation  of  tliis  treasure  is  celebrated  with  much 
pomp  by  the  monk  Gunther,  in  whom  it  created  more 
surprise  and  joy  than  the  conquest  of  a  great  empire.  If  we 
may  credit  the  account  of  the  Grerman  monk,  angels  de- 
scended from  heaven  to  watch  over  the  relics  of  Mai'tin 
Litz.  On  the  route  of  the  holy  abbot,  the  tempests  of  tlie 
ocean  were  silent,  pirates  were  struck  motionless,  and 
robbers,  those  pests  of  travellers,  stopped  short,  seized  with 
respect  and  fear.  At  length  Martin  Litz  was  received  in 
triumph  at  Bale,  and  the  treasures  he  had  preserved  through 
so  many  perils,  were  distributed  among  the  principal 
cliurches  of  the  diocese. 

Another  priest,  named  Gralon  de  Dampierre,  of  the  diocese 
of  Langres,  less  adroit  or  less  fortunate  than  Martin  Litz, 
liad  not  been  able  to  obtain  any  share  of  the  spoils  of  tlie 
churches  ;  he  went  and  threw  himself  at  the  feet  of  the 
pope's  legate,  and  implored  him,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  to 
permit  him  to  carry  back  to  his  country  the  head  of  St.Mames. 
A  third  ecclesiastic  of  Picardy,  having  found  the  head  of 
St.  George,  and  the  head  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  con  sealed 
among  the  ruins,  hastened  to  quit  Constantinople,  and,  laden 
with  such  a  rich  prize,  presented  to  the  cathedral  of  Amiens, 
his  country,  the  inestimable  relics  of  which  Providence  had 
made  him  the  possessor. 

The  princes  and  barons  did  not  despise  these  holy  spoils. 
Dandolo,  receiving  as  his  share*  a  piece  of  the  true  cross, 

*  We  have  spoken  in  the  early  part  of  the  work  of  the  true  rross  which 
the  kings  of  Jerusah^m  caused  to  he  home  hefore  them  in  battle,  and 
Which  was  taken  by  Saladin  at  the  battle  of  Tiberias ;   Sala'ttin  refused  to 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CEU9ADES.  143 

■which  the  emperor  Coiistantine  was  accustomed  to  have 
borne  before  him  to  battle,  mnde  a  present  of  it  to  the 
repablic  of  Venice.  Baldwin  kept  for  himself  the  crown  of 
thorns  of  Christ,  and  several  other  relics  found  in  the  palace 
of  Bucoleon.  He  sent  Philip  Augustus,  king  of  France,  a 
portion  of  the  true  cross,  a  foot  in  length  ;  some  of  the  hair 
of  J  3SUS  Christ,  when  an  infant ;  and  the  linen  in  which  the 
Man-Grod  was  enveloped  in  the  stable  in  which  he  was 
born. 

The  Greek  priests  and  monks,  thus  plundered  by  the  con- 
querors, parted  with  tears  from  the  remains  of  the  saints 
that  had  been  confided  to  their  keeping,  and  which  every 
day  cured  the  sick,  made,  the  lame  to  walk,  restored  sight  to 
the  blind,  and  strength  to  the  paralytic.  These  holy  spoils, 
that  the  devotion  of  the  faithful  had  gathered  together  from 
all  the  countries  of  the  East,  went  to  illustrate  the  churches 
of  France  and  Italy,  and  were  received  by  the  Christians  of 
the  West  as  tlie  most  glorious  trophies  of  the  victories 
God  had  enabled  the  Crusaders  to  obtain. 

Constantinople  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Latins  on  the 
10th  of  April,  towards  the  end  of  Lent.  The  marshal  of 
Champagne,  after  relating  some  of  the  scenes  we  have 
described,  says  with  great  simplicity,  "  Thus  passed  the 
splendid  festivities  of  Easter."  The  clergy  called  the  Cru- 
saders to  penitence  ;  the  voice  of  religion  made  itself  heard 
in  hearts  hardened  by  victory ;  the  soldiers  crowded  to  the 
churches  they  had  devastated,  and  celebrated  the  sufterings 
and  death  of  Christ  i*ipon  the  wrecks  of  his  own  altars. 

This  solemn  epoch  without  doubt  inspired  some  generous 
sentiments ;  all  the  Latins  were  not  deaf  to  the  language  of 
the  charity  of  the  Gospel.  We  feel  bound  here  to  admit 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  knights  and  ecclesiastics  pro- 
tected the  liberty  and  lives  of  the  citizens,  and  the  honour 
of  matrons  and  vii'gins ;  but  such  was  the  spirit  that  then 

deliver  it  up  to  Richard,  as  macy  "f  the  Crusaders  must  have  known. 
How  then  could  the  true  cross  be  found  at  Constantinople  .'  The  Grisks, 
however,  were  not  very  nice  with  respect  to  the  authenticity  of  their 
relics,  and  the  Christians  of  the  West  on  this  point  yielded  very  easy 
faith  to  them.  [I  cannot  but  thii'k  our  author  a  little  out  in  his  criticism 
here  :  they  were  but  fragments  or  portions  of  the  cross,  at  Constantinople  • 
the  Saracens  still  held  the  main  body  of  the  true  cross — if  true  it  ivas.— 
Trans.! 


144  ni?sIOL'T    OF    TUE    CRUSADES. 

possessed  tlie  warriors,  that  all  the  Crusaders  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  overcome  by  the  thirst  for  booty ;  ai\d  the 
leaders,  equally  with  the  soldiers,  exercised,  without  hesita- 
tiou  or  scruple,  the  right  which  their  victory  hod  given 
them  of  plundering  the  conquered.  It  was  agreed  that 
all  the  spoils  should  be  deposited  in  three  churches, 
selected  for  the  purpose ;  and  the  leaders  commanded  tlie 
Crusaders  to  bring,  in  common,  the  whole  of  the  booty,  and 
threatened  with  death  and  excommunication  all  who  should 
abstract  anything  from  the  prize  of  the  valour,  and  the 
recompense  due  to  the  labours  of  the  whole  army.  Many 
soldiers,  and  even  some  knights,  allowed  themselves  to  be 
led  away  by  avarice,  and  retained  valuable  objects  that  fell 
into  their  hands.  "  Which,"  says  the  marshal  of  Cham- 
pagne, "made  the  Lord  to  begin  to  love  them  less."  The 
justice  of  the  counts  and  barons  was  inflexible  towards  the 
guilty  ;  the  count  of  St.  Pol  ordered  one  of  his  knights,  who 
had  withheld  something  from  the  common  stock  of  booty,  to 
be  hung,  with  his  escutcheon  suspended  from  his  neck.* 
Thus  the  Greeks,  plundered  by  violence,  might  be  present 
at  the  punishment  of  some  of  the  ravishers  of  their  pro- 
perty, and  might  contemplate  with  surprise  the  regulations 
of  stern  equity  mingled  with  the  disorders  of  victory  and 
pillage.  After  the  festival  of  Easter,  the  Crusaders  shared 
the  captured  riches ;  the  fourth  part  of  the  spoil  was  set 
aside  for  him  who  should  be  chosen  emperor,  and  the  rest 
was  divided  among  the  French  and  the  Venetians.  The 
Prench  Crusaders,  who  had  conquered  Zara,  to  the  sole 
advantage  of  the  Venetians,  were  not  the  less  called  upon 
to  pay  the  fifty  thousand  silver  marks  they  owed  to  the 
republic ;  the  amount  was  deducted  beforehand  from  the 
portion  of  the  booty  that  belonged  to  them.  In  the  division 
that  was  made  among  the  warriors- of  Lombardy,  Gi-ermany, 
and  France,  each  knight  had  a  part  equal  to  that  of  two 
horsemen,  and  every  horseman  one  equal  to  that  of  two 
foot-soldiers.     All  the  plunder  of  the  Greeks  only  yielded  f 

*  Villehardouin,  when  speaking  of  the  rigorous  justice  exercised  upon 
all  who  endeavoured  to  conceal  any  part  of  the  plunder,  says  :  Et  en  y  eut 
tout  plfin  de  pendus. 

•)•  One  edition  of  Villehardouin  makes  the  plunder  of  Constantinople 
amount  to  rive  hundred  thousand  silver  marks,  equivalent  to  twenty-louJ 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CliUSABES.  145 

four  hundred  thousand  silver  marks  ;  hut  although  this  sum 
i'ar  exceeded  the  revenues  of  all  the  kingdoms  of  tne  AVest, 
it  did  not  by  any  means  represent  the  value  of  the  riches 
accumiUated  in  Byzantium.  If  the  princes  and  barons,  upon 
making  themselves  masters  of  the  city,  had  been  satisfied  v^itli 
imposing  a  tribute  upon  the  inhabitants,  they  might  have 
received  a  much  larger  sum ;  but  this  pacific  manner  of 
obtaining  wealth  agreed  neither  with  their  character  nor  the 
humour  they  were  in.  History  asserts  that  the  Venetians, 
in  this  circumstance,  offered  them  some  very  prudent  advice, 
and  made  propositions  that  were  rejected  with  scorn.  The 
Frank  warriors  could  not  condescend  to  submit  the  advan- 
tages of  victory  to  commercial  calculations ;  the  produce  of 
pillage  was  always,  in  their  eyes,  the  most  worthy  fruit  of 
conquest,  and  the  most  noble  reward  of  valour. 

When  they  had  thus  shared  the  rich  plunder  of  the 
Eastern  empire,  the  Crusaders  gave  way  to  the  most  extra- 
vagant joy,  without  perceiving  that  they  had  committed  a 
great  fault  in  exhausting  a  country  which  was  about  to 
become  their  own ;  they  did  not  reflect  that  the  ruin  of  the 
conquered  miglit  one  day  bring  on  that  of  the  conquerors, 
and  that  tlicy  might  become  as  poor  as  the  Greeks  they  had 
just  despoiled.  Without  regrets,  as  without  foresight,  hoping 
everything  from  their  own  good  swords,  they  set  about  elect- 
ing a  leader  who  should  reign  over  a  people  in  mourning  and 
a  desolated  city.  The  imperial  purple  had  still  the  same 
splendour  in  their  eyes,  and  the  throne,  though  shaken  by 
their  arms,  was  still  the  object  of  their  ambition.  Six 
electors  were  chosen  from  among  the  Venetian  nobles,  and 
six  others  from  among  the  French  ecclesiastics,  to  give  a 

millions ;  if  we  add  to  this  sum  the  fifty  thousand  marks  due  to  the  Vene- 
tians, and  deducted  before  the  division,  and  the  part  which  they  had  in  the 
division  itself,  we  shall  find  (he  total  amount  of  booty  fifty  millions  four 
hundred  thousand  francs  (about  i?2,100,000. — Trans.).  As  much,  says 
the  modtrn  historian  who  supplies  us  with  this  note,  perhaps,  was  appro- 
priated secretly  by  individuals.  The  three  fires  w  liich  had  consumed  more 
than  half  the  city  had  destroyed  at  l^ast  as  much  of  its  riches,  and  in  the 
profusion  that  followed  the  pillage,  the  most  precious  effects  had  lost  so 
much  of  their  value,  that  the  advantage  of  the  Latins  probably  was  not 
equivalent  to  a  quarter  of  what  they  had  cost  the  Greeks.  Thus  we  may 
suppose  that  Constantinople,  before  the  attack,  contained  600,000,000  of 
wealth  (£'25,000,000).  (What  would  the  plunder  of  London  amount  to 
in  1852  .'—Trans.) 


14.6  UISTORT    OF    THE    CKt  SADES. 

master  to  Constantinople ;  the  twelve  electors  assembled  in 
tixe  palace  of  Bucoleon,  and  swore,  upon  tlie  Crospel,  to 
crown  only  merit  and  virtue. 

Three  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  crusade  had  equal 
claims  to  the  suftrages  of  the  electors.    If  the  purple  vfas  to 
be  the  reward  of  experience,  of  ability  in  council,  and  of 
services  rendered  to  the  cause  of  the  Latins,  Henry  Dandolo, 
who  had  been  the  moving  spirit,  the  very  soul  of  the  enter- 
prise, certainly  had  the  first  claim  to  it.     The  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  -likewise,  had  titles  worthy  of  great  considera- 
tion ;  the  Latins  had  chosen  him  for  their  leader,  and  the 
Greeks  already  acknowledged  him   as  their  master.     His 
bravery,  proved  in  a  thousand  fights,  promised  a  firm  and 
generous  support  to  a  throne  that  must  rise  from  amidst 
ruins.     His  prudence  and  moderation  might  give  the  Latins 
and  the  people  of  Greece  reason  to  hope  that,  when  once 
raised  to  empire,  he   would  repair  the  evils   of  war.     The 
claims  of  Baldwin  to  the   imperial   crown  were  not   less 
cogent  than  those  of  his  concurrents.     The  count  of  Flan- 
ders was  related  to  the  most  powerful  monarchs  of  the  West, 
and  was  descended,  in  the  female  line,  from  Charlemagne. 
He  was  much  beloved  by  his  soldiers,  whose  dangers  he  was 
alwavs   ready  to   share ;    he  had   deservedly  obtained   the 
esteem   of  the  Greeks,  who,  even  amidst  the  disorders  of 
conquest,  celebrated  him  as  the  champion  of  chastity  and 
honour.     Baldwin  was  tlie  protector  of  the  weak,  the  friend 
of  the  poor;  he   loved  justice,  and   had  no  dread  of  truth. 
His  youth,  which  he  had  already  illustrated  by  brilliant  ex- 
ploits and  solid  virtues,  gave  the  subjects  of  the  new  empire 
hopes  of  a  long  and  happy  reign ;  the  rank  he  held  among 
the  warriors,  his  piety,  his  intelligence,  his  love  of  study  and 
learned  men,  rendered  him  worthy  of  ascending  the  throne 
of  Augustus  and  Constantine. 

The  electors  at  first  turned  their  attention  towards  the 
venerable  Dandolo  ;  but  the  republicans  of  Venice  trembled 
at  the  idea  of  seeing  an  emperor  among  their  fellow-citizens  : 
"  What  shall  we  not  have  to  dread,"  said  the^^,  "  from  a 
Venetian,  become  master  of  Greece,  and  of  part  of  tlie 
East  ?  Shall  we  be  subject  to  his  laws,  or  will  he  remain 
subject  to  the  laws  of  our  country  ?  LTnder  his  reign,  and 
under  that  of  his  succcssoi's,  who  will  assure  us  that  Veuice, 


niSTORT    OF    TUE    CllUSADES.  147 

the  Queen  o.  Uie  Seas,  ^vill  not  become  one  of  the  cities  of  this 
empire  ?"  The  Venetians,  whilst  speaking  thus,  bestowed 
just  eulogiums  upon  the  virtue  and  character  of  Dandolo ; 
they  added,  that  their  doge,  who  was  approaching  the  end 
of  a  life  filled  with  great  actions,  had  nothing  left  him  but 
to  finish  his  days  with  glory,  and  that  he  himself  would  find 
it  more  glorious  to  be  the  head  of  a  victorious  republic,  than 
the  sovereign  of  a  conquered  nation.  "  What  Eoman," 
cried  they,  "  would  have  been  willing  to  lay  down  the  title 
of  citizen  of  Eome,  to  become  king  of  Carthage  ?" 

On  terminating  their  speeches,  the  Venetians  conjured 
the  assembly  to  elect  an  emperor  from  among  the  other 
leaders  of  the  army.  After  this,  the  choice  of  the  electors 
could  only  be  directed  towards  the  count  of  Flanders  and 
the  marquis  of  Moutferrat ;  the  most  wise  dreading  that 
the  one  of  the  two  concurrents  who  should  not  obtain  the 
empire,  would  be  sure  to  give  vent  to  his  dissatisfaction, 
and  would  desire  the  fall  of  the  throne  occupied  by  his 
rival.  They  still  remembered  the  \dolent  debates  which,  in 
the  first  enxsade,  had  foUowed  the  election  of  Godfrey  of 
Bomllon  ;  and  the  troubles  excited  in  the  young  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem,  by  the  jealous  ambition  of  Eaymond  de  St. 
Grilles.  To  prevent  the  eftects  of  such  a  fatal  discord,  it  was 
judged  best  to  decree,  at  once,  that  the  prince  that  should 
gain  the  suffrages  for  the  imperial  throne,  should  yield  to 
tlie  other,  under  the  condition  of  fealty  and  homage,  the 
property  of  the  island  of  Caudia,  and  all  the  lands  of  the 
empire  situated  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bosphorus.  After 
this  decision,  the  assembly  turned  their  whole  attention  to 
the  election  of  an  emperor.  Their  choice  was  for  a  long 
time  uncertain.  The  marquis  of  Montferrat  at  first  appeared 
to  have  the  majority  of  the  suffrages ;  but  the  Venetians 
Avere  fearful  of  seeing  upon  the  throne  of  Constantinople  a 
prince  who  had  any  possessions  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
their  territories,  and  represented  to  the  assembly  that  the 
election  of  Baldwin  would  be  much  more  advantageous  to 
the  Crusaders,  particularly  as  it  would  interest  the  warlike 
nations  of  the  Flemings  and  French  in  the  glory  and  support 
of  the  new  empire.  The  interests  and  jealousies  of  policy, 
and,  without  doubt,  also  wisdom  and  equity,  at  length 
u?uted  all  voices  in  favour  of  the  count  of  Flanders. 


148  HISTOBY    OK    THE    CRUSADES. 

The  Cnisaders,  assembled  before  the  palace  of  Bucoleon, 
awaited  with  impatience  the  decision  of  the  electors.  At 
the  honr  of  midnight,  the  bishop  of  Soissons  came  forward 
under  the  vestibule,  and  pronounced,  in  a  loud  voice,  these 
words  :  "  This  hour  of  the  night,  which  witnessed  the  birth 
of  a  Saviour  of  the  world,  gives  birth  to  a  new  empire, 
under  the  protection  of  the  Omnipotent.  You  have  for 
emperor,  Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders  and  Hainault."  Loud 
cries  of  joy  arose  from  among  the  Venetians  and  the 
Prench.  The  people  of  Constantinople,  who  had  so  often 
changed  masters,  received,  without  repugnance,  the  new  one 
just  given  to  them,  and  mingled  their  acclamations  with 
those  of  the  Latins.  Baldwin  was  elevated  upon  a  buckler, 
and  borne  in  triumph  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia.  The 
marquis  of  Montferrat  followed  in  the  train  of  his  rival ;  the 
generous  submission,  of  which  he  presented  an  example,  waa 
much  admired  by  his  companions  in  arms,  and  his  presence 
drew  scarcely  less  attention  than  the  warlike  pomp  that 
surrounded  the  new  emperor. 

The  ceremony  of  the  coronation  was  postponed  till  the 
fourth  Sunday  after  Easter.  In  the  mean  time  the  marriage 
of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat  with  Margaret  of  Hungary, 
the  widow  of  Isaac,  was  celebrated  with  much  splendour. 
Constantinople  beheld  within  its  walls  the  festivities  and 
spectacles  of  the  West,  and,  for  the  first  time,  the  Greeks 
heard  in  their  churches  the  prayers  and  hymns  of  the 
Latins.  On  the  day  appointed  for  the  coronation  of  the 
emperor,  Baldwin  repaii-ed  to  St.  Sophia,  accompanied  by 
the  barons  and  the  clergy.  Whilst  divine  service  was  being 
performed,  the  emperor  ascended  a  throne  of  gold,  and 
received  the  purple  from  the  hands  of  the  pope's  legate, 
who  performed  the  functions  of  patriarch.  Two  knights 
carried  before  him  the  laticlavici  tunica  of  the  Roman  con- 
suls, and  the  imperial  sword,  once  again  in  the  hands  of 
warriors  and  heroes.  The  head  of  the  clergy,  standing 
before  the  altar,  pronounced,  in  the  Greek  language,  these 
words  :  "^e  is  loorthy  of  reigning  ;'^  and  all  persons  present 
repeated  in  chorus,  " /?e  is  worthy!  he  is  tcorthy  V  The 
Ousaders  shouting  their  boisterous  acclamations,  the  knights 
clad  in  armour,  the  crowd  of  miserable  Greeks,  the  sanctuary 
despoiled  of  its  ancient  ornaments,  and  decked  with  foreigu 


HISTORY    OP    THE    C11TJS„DES.  14S 

pomp,  presented  altogether  a  spectacle  solemn  and  melan  • 
choly — all  the  evils  of  war  amidst  the  trophies  of  victory. 
tSurrounded  by  the  ruins  of  an  empire,  reflective  spectators 
could  not  fail  to  remark  among  the  ceremonies  of  this  day, 
that  in  which,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Greeks,  werv 
presented  to  Baklwin  a  little  vase  filled  with  dust  and 
hones,  and  a  lock  of  Hghted  flax,*  as  symbols  of  the  short- 
ness of  life  and  the  nothingness  of  human  grandeur. 

Before  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation,  the  new  emperor 
distributed  the  principal  dignities  of  the  empire  among  his 
companions  in  arms.  Yillehardouin,  marshal  of  Champagne, 
obtained  the  title  of  marshal  of  Eomania ;  the  count  de 
St.  Pol,  the  dignity  of  constable ;  the  charges  of  master  of 
the  wardrobe,  great  cupbearer  and  butler,  were  given  to 
Canon  de  Bethune,  Macaire  de  St.  Menehoidt,  and  Miles  de 
Brabant.  The  doge  of  Venice,  created  despot  or  prince  of 
Eomania,  had  the  right  of  wearing  piu^le  buskins,  a  privi- 
lege, among  the  Grreeks,  reserved  for  members  of  the  impe- 
rial family.  Henry  Dandolo  represented  the  republic  of 
Venice  at  Constantinople ;  half  the  city  was  imder  his 
dominion  and  recognised  his  laws  ;  he  raised  himself,  by  the 
dignity  of  his  character  as  weU  as  by  his  exploits,  above  all 
the  princes  and  all  the  nobles  of  the  court  of  Baldwin ;  he 
alone  was  exempt  from  paying  fealty  and  homage  to  the 
emperor  for  the  lands  he  was  to  possess. 

The  barons  began  to  be  impatient  to  share  the  cities  and 
provinces  of  the  empire.  In  a  council  composed  of  twelve 
of  the  patricians  of  Venice  and  twelve  French  knights,  all 
the  conquered  lands  were  divided  between  the  two  nations 
Bithynia,  Eomania  or  Thrace,  Thessalonica,  all  Grreece  from 
Thermopylae  to  Cape  Sunium,  with  the  larger  isles  of  the 
Archipelago,  fell  to  the  share  and  under  the  dominion  of  the 
French.  The  Venetians  obtained  the  Cyclades  and  the  Spo- 
rades,  in  the  Archipelago  ;  the  isles  and  the  oriental  coast  of 
the  Adriatic  Gulf;  the  coasts  of  the  Propontis  and  the  Euxine 
Sea;  thebanks  of  theHebrus  and  the  Vardas;  the  citiesof  Cyp- 
eedes,  Didymatica,  and  Adrianople  ;  the  maritime  countries  of 
Thessalonica,  &c.  &e.    Such  was  at  first  the  distribution  of  the 

*  The  ceremony  of  the  lighted  flax  still  takes  plare  at  the  exaltation  of 
the  popes  ;  these  words  are  addressed  to  them  :  Sic  transit  gloria  mundi. 


150  HISTOET   or   THE    CRUSADES. 

territories  of  tlie  empire.  But  circumstances  that  cnuld  rioi; 
be  foreseen,  the  diversity  of  interests,  tlie  rivah-ies  of  ambi- 
tion, all  the  chances  of  fortune  and  of  war,  soon  produced 
great  changes  in  this  division  of  dominions.  History  woidd 
in  vain  endeavour  to  follow  the  conquerors  into  the  provinces 
allotted  to  them  ;  it  woidd  be  more  easy  to  mark  tlie  banks 
of  an  overflowing  torrent,  or  to  trace  the  path  of  the  storm, 
than  to  fix  the  state  of  the  uncertain  and  transitory  posses- 
sions of  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium. 

The  lands  situated  beyond  tlie  Bosphorus  were  erected 
into  a  kingdom,  and,  with  tlie  island  of  Candia,  given  to  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat.  Boniface  exchanged  them  for  the 
province  of  Thessalonica,  and  sold  the  island  of  Candia  to 
the  republic  of  Venice  for  thirty  pounds  weight  of  gold. 
The  provances  of  Asia  were  abandoned  to  the  count  of  Blois, 
who  assumed  the  title  of  duke  of  Nice  and  Bithynia.  In 
the  distribution  of  the  cities  and  lands  of  the  empire,  every 
one  of  the  lords  and  barons  had  obtained  domains  propor- 
tionate with  the  rank  and  services  of  the  new  possessor. 
When  they  heard  speak  of  so  many  countries  of  which  they 
scarcely  knew  the  names,  the  warriors  of  the  AVest  were 
astonished  at  their  conquests,  and  believed  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  universe  was  promised  to  their  ambition.  In  the 
intoxication  of  their  joy,  they  declared  themselves  masters 
of  all  the  provinces  that  had  formed  the  empire  of  Constan- 
tiiie.  They  cast  lots  for  the  countries  of  the  Medes  and 
Parthians,  and  the  kingdoms  that  were  under  the  domina- 
tion of  the  Turks  and  Saracens  ;*  several  barons  expressed 
a  great  desire  to  reign  at  Alexandria ;  others  disputed  for 
the  palace  of  the  sultans  of  Iconium ;  some  knights  ex- 
changed that  which  had  been  assigned  to  them  for  new 
possessions,  whilst  others  complained  of  their  share,  and 
demanded  an  augmentation  of  territory.     With  the  money 

*  Nicetas  relates  all  the  circumstances  of  the  sharing  of  the  lands  of  the 
empire.  We  find  in  Muratori  the  treaty  for  the  division  which  was  made 
before  the  siege  ;  we  do  not  offer  it  to  our  readers,  because  it  is  unintel- 
ligible in  several  places,  and  cannot  shed  any  light  over  geography.  The 
names  of  the  cities  and  provinces  of  the  empire  are  given  in  a  very 
unfaithful  and  imjjerfect  manner.  The  Venetians  without  doubt  furnished 
the  necessary  information  for  the  drawing  up  of  the  treaty,  but  tliis  in- 
formation was  very  incomplete. 


niSTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  15i 

wliicli  arose  from  the  plunder  of  the  capital,  the  conquerors 
purchased  the  provinces  of  the  empire ;  they  sold,  they 
played  at  dice,  for  whole  cities  and  their  inhabitaMa.  Cob 
stautinople  was  during  several  days  a  market,  in  which  seas 
and  their  islands,  nations  and  their  wealth,  were  trafficked 
for ;  in  which  the  Eoman  world  was  put  np  to  sale,  and 
found  purchasers  among  tlie  obscure  crowd  of  the  Crusaders. 

Whilst  the  barons  were  thus  distributing  cities  and 
kingdoms,  the  ambition  of  the  Latin  clergy  was  by  no 
means  idle,  but  was  busy  in  invading  the  property  of  the 
Greek  Church.  All  the  churches  of  Constantinople  were 
di\ided  between  the  French  and  the  Venetians  ;  they  named 
priests  of  the  two  nations,  to  minister  in  the  temples  torn 
from  the  conquered ;  and  no  other  religious  ceremonies  were 
celebrated  within  the  walls  of  the  city  but  those  of  the  West. 
The  leaders  of  the  crusade  had  agreed  among  themselves, 
that  if  the  emperor  of  Constantinople  should  be  chosen 
from  the  French,  the  patriarch  should  be  a  Venetian.  Ac- 
cording to  this  convention,  which  had  preceded  the  conquest, 
Thomas  Morosini*  was  elevated  to  the  chair  of  St.  Sophia; 
priests  and  Latin  bishops  were,  at  the  same  time,  sent  into 
the  other  conquered  cities,  and  took  possession  of  the  wealth 
and  the  privileges  of  the  Greek  clergy.  Thus  the  Eomish 
worship  associated  itself  with  the  victories  of  the  Crusaders, 
and  made  its  empire  acknowledged  wherever  the  banners  of 
the  conquerors  floated. 

Nothing  now  opposed  the  arms  of  the  Crusaders  ;  all 
trembled  before  them  ;  fame  wafted  everywhere  the  accounts 
of  their  exploits  and  their  power ;  bvit,  on  casting  a  glance 
into  the  future  the  leaders  had  great  reason  to  fear  that  the 
retreat  or  deatli  of  their  warriors  would  leave  the  empire 
they  had  founded  destitute  of  defenders.  The  population, 
weakened  and  dispersed,  were  not  sufficient  for  either  the 
cultivation  of  the  lands  or  the  work  of  the  cities.  In  this 
conjuncture,  the  counts  and  barons,  who  always  expected 
with  fear  the  judgments  of  tlie   head  of  the   Church,  re- 

*  The  pope  would  not  at  first  recognise  this  election,  which  appeared 
to  him  a  usurpation  of  the  rights  of  the  Holy  See  ;  but  as  Morosini  was  an 
ecclesiastic  of  great  merit,  Innocent  was  not  willing  to  choose  another. 
Morosini  was  sent  to  Constantinople  not  as  if  elected  by  the  Crusaders, 
but  as  if  appointed  by  the  pope. 


152  HIS'rt)BY    OP    THE    CEITSA.DES. 

doubled  their  submission  to  the  sovereign  pontiff,  and  sought 
his  support,  in  the  hope  that  the  Holy  See  would  bring  tha 
AVest  to  pronounce  in  their  favour,  and  that  at  the  voice  of 
the  father  of  the  faithful,  a  great  number  of  French,  Italians, 
and  Grermans  would  come  to  people  and  defend  the  new 
empire. 

After  his  coronation,  Baldwin  wrote  to  the  pope,  to  an- 
nounce to  him  the  extraordinary  victories  by  which  it  had 
pleased  God  to  crown  the  zeal  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross. 
The  new  emperor,  who  assumed  the  title  of  knight  of  the 
Holy  See,  recalled  to  the  mind  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  the 
perfidies  and  the  long  revolt  of  the  Greeks.  "  We  have 
brought  under  jour  laws,"  said  he,  "that  city,  which,  in 
hatred  for  the  Holy  See,  would  scarcely  hear  the  name  of 
the  prince  of  the  apostles,  and  did  not  afford  a  single 
church  to  him  who  received  from  the  Lord  the  supremacy 
over  all  churches."  Baldwin,  in  his  letter,  invited  the  vicar 
of  Jesus  Christ  to  imitate  the  example  of  his  predecessors, 
John,  Agapetus,  and  Leo,  who  visited  in  person  the  Church 
of  Byzantium.  To  complete  the  justification  of  the  pil- 
grims who  had  made  themselves  masters  of  the  Greek  em- 
pire, the  emperor  invoked  the  testimony  of  all  the  Christians 
of  the  East.  "  AVhen  we  entered  into  this  capital,"  added 
he,  "  many  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land,  who  were  there, 
expressed  greater  joy  than  any  others,  and  asserted  aloud 
that  we  had  rendered  God  a  more  agreeable  service  than  if 
we  had  retaken  Jerusalem." 

The  marquis  of  Montferrat  at  the  same  time  addressed 
a  letter  to  the  sovereign  pontiff,  in  which  he  protested  his 
humble  obedience  to  all  the  decisions  of  the  Holy  See.  "As 
for  me,"  said  the  king  of  Tiiessalonica,  "  who  only  took  up 
the  cross  for  the  expiation  of  my  sins,  and  not  to  obtain  an 
opportunity  of  sinning  with  more  license  i;nder  the  pretext 
of  religion,  I  submit  myself  blindly  to  your  will.  If  you 
judge  tliat  my  presence  in  Eomania  may  be  useful,  I  will  die 
there,  contending  against  yoiir  enemies  and  those  of  Christ : 
if  you  think,  on  the  contrary,  I  ouglit  to  abandon  these  rich 
countries,  pay  no  regard  to  the  wealtli  or  dignities  I  possess 
there,  I  am  ready  to  return  to  the  We!?t ;  for  I  am  not  will- 
ing to  do  anything  that  will  draw  upon  i-ie  the  anger  of  th(J 
sovereign  judge." 


HISTORY    OF    THE   CEUSADES.  153 

The  doge  of  Veuice,  who  till  that  time  had  braved  with 
so  much  haughtiness  the  threats  aud  thunders  of  the  Church, 
acknowledged  the  sovereign  authority  of  the  pope,  and 
joined  his  protestations  with  those  of  Baldwin  aud  Boniface. 
To  disarm  the  anger  of  Innocent,  they  represented  to  him 
that  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  had  prepared  the  deli- 
verance of  Jerusalem,  and  boasted  of  the  wealth  of  a  coun- 
try wliich  the  Crusaders  had  at  length  brought  under  the 
laws  of  the  Holy  See.  In  all  their  letters  to  the  pope  or 
the  faithful  of  the  West,  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium 
spoke  of  the  Greek  empire  as  of  a  new  land  of  promise, 
which  awaited  the  sei'vants  of  Grod  and  the  soldiers  of  Christ. 

Innocent  had  been  for  a  long  time  irritated  by  the  dis- 
obedience of  the  Crusaders ;  in  his  reply,  he  reproached 
with  bitterness  the  victorious  army  of  the  Latins  for  having 
preferred  the  riches  of  the  earth  to  those  of  heaven  ;*  he 
reprimanded  the  leaders  for  having  exposed  to  the  outrages 
of  the  soldiers  and  followers  of  the  army,  the  honour  of  ma- 
trons and  maidens,  and  virgins  consecrated  to  the  Lord ;  for 
having  ruined  Constantinople,  plundered  both  great  and 
small,  violated  the  sanctuary,  and  put  forth  a  sacrilegious 
hand  upon  the  treasures  of  the  churches.  Nevertheless, 
the  father  of  the  faithful  would  not  take  upon  him  to  fathom 
the  judgments  of  God ;  he  was  satisfied  to  believe  that  the 
Greeks  had  been  justly  punished  for  their  faults,  and  that 
the  Crusaders  were  recompensed  as  the  instruments  of  Pro- 
vidence, as  the  avengers  of  divine  justice.  "  Dread,"  said 
he,  "  the  anger  of  the  Lord  ;  hope  with  fear  that  he  will 
pardon  flie  past,  if  you  govern  the  nations  with  equity ;  if 
you  are  faithful  to  the  Holy  See,  and,  above  everything,  if 
you  entertain  a  firm  resolution  to  accomplish  your  vow  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Laud." 

*  Innocent,  when  speaking  of  the  sack  of  Constantinople,  expresses 
himself  thus  iti  his  letter; — Quidani  nee  religioni,  nee  setati,  nee  sexui 
pepercerunt  ;  sed  fornicationes,  adulteria,  et  incestus  in  oculis  omnium 
exercentes,  non  solum  meretriculas  et  viduas,  sed  et  matronas  et  virgines 
Deoque  dicatas  exposuerunt  sjiurcitiis  garcionum.  The  pope  is  more 
Sfvere  towards  the  Crusaders  than  Nicetas  himself;  the  indignation  that 
the  disobedience  of  the  Crusaders  had  created,  led  him  to  exaggerate  their 
faults.  The  word  iiicentiis,  applied  to  warriors  who  had  no  family  relations 
with  the  Greeks,  alone  serves  to  prove  that  there  is  nore  bitterness  than 
truth  in  the  letter  of  Innocent. 


154)  niSTOlJV    OK    TlIK    ClUiaAOKSI. 

NotwiUistniuliiij;'  lliis  oulwiifd  show  of  aiip;or,  *.]\o  sovo« 
roigu  poiitiir  W!is  i;riilili("(l  to  i\\v  dcptlirt  of  his  licart  by  ilio 
prnyiM'H  luul  Huhmi.ssioii  of  Uic  licroi^s  luul  princi^s  ■whoso  ex- 
])loits  miu\o  tho  lOasiiM'ii  worhi  Iroiiiblo.  Carcliiinl  Tcior  of 
('apiia  had  jj;ivon  absohilioii  l.o  ilio  Voiuiians  ('xi'oinimmi- 
caU'd  al"l(>r  tlu>  si(\<j;(^  of  Zara.  Iniiocciil-  ai  lii-st;  blaiiicd  i]\o 
iii(hdj^(MU'(>  of  his  l<'fj;Mto,  but  iioishtul  by  cDiiMniiiiifi;  th(>  par- 
don ii;ran!cd  to  iKindcdo  and  his  co!n|)al riots.  'I'ho  pono 
iip|)rovo(l  tiio  oU'c'lioii  oi'  Baldwin,  wlio  took  the  t  itlo  of  knight 
of  iho  Holy  Soo,and  I'onsont.od  to  rci'Of:;iuso  an  onipiri'  to  whioh 
\w  was  to  give  laws.  Tlio  nion*  subn>issiv(>  tiio  Crusadora 
ehowod  th(Mnsolv('s  to  liis  aidJiorit-y,  tiio  itioro  phiinly  it  ap- 
poarcd  to  him  tliat  tlicir  coiujui'sts  must  conconi  th(>  glory 
of  {^od  and  that  of  tlu>  vicar  of  Christ  \\\wn  earth.  Ho 
wrote  to  the  l)isho|/s  of  l*'ranee,  tliat  (Jod  had  been  willinji; 
to  console  tlu>  (^hureh  by  the  eonversion  of  heri'lics;  that 
Providence  had  !innd)led  the  (Jreeks,  an  impious,  proud,  and 
nd)ellious  people;  aiul  again  |)la('(>(l  the  c>m[)ire  in  tJi(>  hands 
of  the  Latins,  a  pious,  huiubie,  aiul  submissive  nation,  ^'ho 
sovereign  pontiff  invitinl,  in  the  name  of  tlu>  em[)eror  Maid- 
win,  the  1^'rench  of  both  sexes  and  all  conditions,  to  repair 
to  Oreece  to  rec(Mve  lands  and  riches  ])r()port  ioned  to  their 
merit  and  their  (|nality.  He  promised  tlu>  indnlg(>nces  of 
the  crusade  to  all  the  faithlul,  \vho,  sharing  the  glory  of  the 
CrusachM's,  should  go  to  defend  and  [)i-omoto  the  prosperity 
of  tlu^  new  empire  of  th(>  lOast. 

The  pope  did  not,  lioweNcr,  lose  sight,  of  \\\v  Syi'ian  expe- 
dition, and  appeared  ixM-suadeil  that  succours  seid,  to  C'On- 
stantinople  must  conti'ibuto  to  thc^  deliverance  of  the  holy 
])!aces.  The  king  of  .l(>rusal(Mn  im|)lored  more  earnestly 
than  ever,  both  by  letti>rs  aiul  and)assadors,  tlu'  ellectivo 
])roti'etion  of  the  Holy  SiH>,  as  well  as  that  if  tlu>  princes  of 
the  Kast. 

The  new  em|HM'or  of  Hy/.antium  did  not  renounce  tho 
hope  of  assisting  the  (Christian  colonies  of  Syria;  and  to 
rais(^  the  courage  of  his  brt>thren  of  the  Ht)ly  L.nul,  he  sent 
to  Ptoleujais  the  chain  of  the  |)ort  ami  th(>  gates  of  C\)nstan- 
tinople.  When  tlu>se  trophies  reached  Palestine,  scarcity, 
famine,  antl  all  the  evils  of  an  unfortunate  war  i-avaged  both 
cili(>s  and  ])lains.  At  the  news  of  ap[)roaching  aid,  the  people 
of  I'lolema'i's   passed  at  once  fiom   e.Kcessiv(>  grii'f  antl  dc< 


niSTOnY   OF   THK    CRUSADES.  155 

upondoncy  to  all  tlio  trariKportH  of  joy.  rame,  wliilKt  pub- 
]i;-^liijif^  the  niiraciilouH  corxjucHtH  of  the  cornpanioiiH  of 
]>al(J\viri  and  Jiouiface,  carried  the  hope  of  Kafety  into  ail  tlie 
Cliriritiaii  citiew  of  iSyria,  and  Hpread  terror  ainonfr  tiie  jMu8- 
HijIiiiaiiH.  'i'iie  Hiiltan  of  J)arnaKcuH  had  recently  concluded 
a  truce  with  tlu;  ClirihstianH,  and  tn^inbled  lest  it  hliowld  l)e 
broken,  w  hen,  all  at  once,  lie  owed  Ids  tsafety  to  the  very 
event  that  had  cauKed  hiw  alanriH. 

'J'h(;  {greater  part  of  the  (kifenderH  of  tlie  Jfoly  Land,  who 
had  ex[)eri(.'nced  nothing  but  tlie  evilH  of  war,  became  de- 
Hiroiis  of  ])artakin{^  of  the  {^lory  and  the  good  fortune  of  tJio 
French  and  VenetianH.  Tli(;y  even  who  had  quitted  the 
victoriouH  army  at  Zara,  who  Jiad  bo  severely  blamed  the 
expedition  to  ConHtanlinople,  believed  that  the  will  of  God 
called  them  to  the  HhorcH  of  the  iioKphorus,  and  they  aban- 
doned the  Holy  Land.  The  legate  of  the  pope,  Peter  of 
Capua,  wan  drawn  away  by  the  example  of  the  other  Cru- 
Haaern,  and  went  to  animate  with  his  presence  the  zeal  of 
the  Jjatin  clergy,  who  were  labouring  for  the  converHion  of 
the  Greek.s;  the  knights  of  iSt.  John  and  the  Temple  also 
directed  their  course  towards  Oreece,  where  glory  and  rich 
domains  were  the  r<;ward  of  valour;  and  the  king  of  Jeru- 
salem was  left  almost  alone  at  i'tolema'is,  without  means  of 
making  the  truce  he  had  entered  into  with  the  infidels 
r(,'f;p(!cted. 

Baldwin  warmly  welcomed  the  defimders  of  the  Jfoly 
Land  ;  but  the  joy  he  experienced  at  their  arrival  was  much 
troubled  by  the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  wife,  Mar- 
guerite of  Flanders.  'J'his  princess  had  embarked  in  the 
fleet  of  Jofin  de  Nesle,  in  the  btdief  that  she  should  meet 
her  husband  in  Palestine;  sinking  und(;r  the  fatigue  of  a 
long  voyag(%  and  jierhaps  the  pains  of  disappointment,  she 
fell  sick  at  Ptolemais,  and  died  at  the  moment  slie  learnt 
f  liat  Baldwin  had  been  crowned  emperor  of  Constantinople- 
Tlie  vessel  destined  to  convey  the  new  empress  to  the  sliorea 
of  thf;  Bosphorus  only  brought  biu;k  her  mortal  remains, 
iialdwin,  amidst  his  knights,  wept  for  t}ie  loss  of  a  princess 
he  had  loved  tenderly,  and  who,  by  her  virtues  and  the 
graces  of  her  youth,  he  had  hopt/d  woiUd  be  the  ornanujnt 
and  examj)le  of  the  court  of  Byzantium.  Jle  caused  h(;r  to  be 
buried  w  ith  great  pomp  in  the  same  cliurch  in  which,  but  a  few 


156  HISTOKT   OF   TUE    CRUSADES. 

days  before,  he  had  received  the  imperial  crown.  Thus  the 
peoj)le  of  Constantinople  witnessed,  almost  at  the  same  time, 
the  coronation  of  an  emperor  and  the  funeral  of  an  empress  ; 
■ — days  of  joy  and  triumph  mingled  with  days  of  mourning. 
This  contrast  of  the  pageantry  of  death  and  the  pomps  of 
victory  and  of  a  throne,  appeared  to  offer  a  faithfiJ  image 
of  the  glory  of  conquerors,  and  the  future  destiny  of  the 
empire. 

The  emperor  and  his  barons,  with  all  the  succom'S  they 
had  received  from  the  East,  had  scarcely  twenty  thousand 
men  to  defend  their  conquests  and  restrain  the  people  of  the 
capital  and  the  provinces.  The  sultan  of  Iconium  and  the 
king  of  the  Bulgarians  had  long  threatened  to  invade  the 
lands  contiguous  to  their  states,  and  they  thought  that  the 
dissensions  arnd  subsequent  faU  of  the  Greek  empire  pre- 
sented a  favourable  opportunity  for  the  outbreak  of  their 
jealousy  and  ambition.  The  nations  of  Greece  were  con- 
quered without  being  subdued.  As  in  the  disorder  which 
accompanied  the  conquest  of  Byzantium,  no  other  right  had 
been  acknowledged  but  that  of  force  and  the  sword,  ail  the 
Greeks,  who  had  still  arms  in  their  hands,  were  desirous  of 
forming  a  principality  or  a  kingdom.  On  all  sides  new 
states  and  empires  sprang  up  from  the  bosom  of  the  ruins, 
and  already  tln-eatened  that  which  the  Crusaders  had  so 
recently  established. 

A  grandson  of  Andronicus  founded  in  a  Greek  province 
of  Asia  Minor  the  principality  of  Trebizonde ;  Leo  Sgurre, 
master  of  the  little  city  of  Napoli,  had  extended  his  do- 
minions by  injustice  and  ^dolence,  and,  to  employ  a  com- 
parison oftered  by  Nicetas,  he  had  grown  greater,  like  the 
torreiit  that  swells  in  the  storm  and  is  enlarged  by  the 
waters  of  the  tempest.  A  barbarous  conqueror,  a  fierce  and 
cruel  tyrant,  he  reigned,  or  rather  he  spread  terror,  over 
Argos  and  the  isthmus  of  Corinth.  Michael- Angelus  Com- 
nenus,  employing  the  arms  of  treachery,  gained  the  kingdom 
of  Epirus,  and  subdued  to  his  laws  a  wild  and  warlike  people. 
Theodore  Lascaris,  who,  like  ^neas,  had  fled  from  his 
burning  country,  collected  some  troops  in  Bithynia,  and 
caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor  at  Nice,  whence 
his  family  was  destined  at  a  future  day  to  return  in  triumph 
to  Constantinople. 


niSTOlli    01'    THE    CRUSADES.  157 

If  despair  liad  iinparted  any  degree  of  courage  to  the  twc 
fugitive  emperors,  they  might  have  obtained  a  share  of  their 
own  spoils,  and  presented  a  remnant  of  poAver ;  but  they  had 
not  profited  by  the  lessons  of  misfortune.  Mourzoufle,  who 
had  completed  all  the  crimes  begun  by  Alexius,  did  not 
hesitate  to  place  himself  in  the  power  of  his  unfortunate 
rival,  whose  daughter  he  had  married  :  the  wicked  sometimes 
take  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  punishing  one  another. 
Alexius,  after  having  loaded  Mourzoufle  with  caresses,  in- 
veigled him  into  liis  house,  and  caused  his  eyes  to  be  put 
out.  In  this  condition,  Mourzoufle,  abandoned  by  his  fol- 
lowers, for  whom  he  was  now  nothing  but  an  object  of  disgust, 
went  to  conceal  his  existence  and  his  misery  in  Asia ;  but  on 
his  road  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Latins.  Being  led  to 
Constantinople,  and  condemned  to  expiate  his  crimes  by  au 
ignominious  death,  he  was  precipitated  from  the  top  of  a 
column  raised  by  the  emperor  Theodosius  in  the  Place  of 
Taurus.  The  multitude  of  Greeks  that  had  offered  the 
purple  to  Mourzoufle  were  present  at  his  tragical  end,  and 
appeared  terrified  at  a  punishment  that  was  much  more  new 
to  then*  than  the  crimes  for  which  it  was  inflicted.  After 
the  execution,  the  crowd  contemplated  with  surprise  a  basso- 
relievo  on  the  column  of  Theodosius,*  which  represented  a 
king  falling  from  a  very  elevated  place,  and  a  city  stormed 
by  sea.  In  these  times  of  troubles  and  calamities,  presages 
were  discovered  everywhere.  Everything,  even  to  marble 
and  stone,  appeared  to  have  toid  of  the  misfortunes  of  Con- 
stantinople. Nicetas  was  astonished  that  such  gi'eat  mis- 
fortunes had  not  been  announced  by  a  shower  of  blood,  or 
some  sinister  prodigies ;  the  most  enlightened  Greeks  ex- 
plained the  flill  of  the  empire  of  Constantino  by  the  verses 
of  poets  and  sibyls,  or  by  the  prophecies  of  the  Scriptures ; 
the  common  people  read  the  death  of  tyrants  .tnd  their  own 
miseries  in  the  looks  of  statues,  and  upon  the  columns  that 
remained  standing  in  the  capital. 

*  Some  modern  writers  have  asserted  that  the  column  from  which 
Mourzoufle  was  precipitated  is  still  to  be  seen  at  Constantinople  ;  but 
there  existed  two  columns  in  that  city  ;  one  of  Theodosius  and  the  other  of 
Arcadius.  The  first  was  destroyed  by  Bajazet,  and  nothing  remains  of 
the  other  but  the  pedestal,  which  is  iii  the  Avret  Baras  (the  women- 
market).  See  the  Voyage  to  the  Propontis,  by  M.  le  Chevalier,  who  has 
cleared  up  this  fact  on  the  spot. 


15S  HISIOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

The  perfidy  and  cruelty  of  Alexius  did  not  remain  long 
unpunislied  ;  the  usurper  was  obliged  to  wander  from  city  to 
city,  and,  not  unfrequently,  to  conceal  the  imperial  purple 
under  the  garb  of  a  mendicant.  Yov  a  considerable  time  he 
only  owed  his  safety  to  the  contempt  in  which  he  was  held 
by  the  conquerors.  After  having  long  strayed  about  in  a 
state  of  destitution,  he  was  given  up  to  the  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  who  sent  him  a  prisoner  into  Italy ;  escaping 
thence,  he  again  passed  into  Asia,  and  found  an  asylum  with 
the  sultan  of  Iconium.  Alexius  could  not  be  satisfied  to 
live  in  peace  in  his  retreat,  but  joined  the  Turks  in  an  attack 
upon  his  son-in-law  Lascaris,  whom  he  could  not  pardon  for 
having  saved  a  wreck  of  the  empire,  and  reigning  over 
Bithynia.  As  the  Turks  were  beaten,  the  fugitive  prince 
fell  at  length  into  the  hands  of  the  emperor  of  Nice,  who 
compelled  him  to  retire  to  a  monastery,  where  he  died, 
forgotten  by  both  Greeks  and  Latins. 

Thus  four  emperors  were  immolated  to  ambition  and 
vengeance : — a  deplorable  spectacle,  and  most  worthy  of 
pity  !  Amidst  the  convulsions  and  fall  of  an  empire,  we 
behold  princes  of  the  same  family  quarrelling  for  a  phantom 
of  authority,  snatch  from  each  other  by  tiu-ns  both  the 
sceptre  and  life,  surpass  the  populace  in  fury,  and  leave 
them  no  crime,  no  parricide,  to  commit. 

If  we  could  believe  Nicetas,  Alexius  was  a  model  of 
mildness  and  moderation ;  he  never  made  a  woman  put  on 
mourning  for  her  husband,  he  never  caused  a  citizen  to  weep 
for  the  loss  of  his  fortune.  This  eidogy  of  Nicetas  throws 
a  far  greater  light  upon  the  nature  of  the  government  than 
upon  the  qualities  of  the  mojiarch.  If  it  be  true  that  we 
ought  to  be  thankful  to  despotism  for  every  ill  that  it  has 
not  committed,  we  must  not  forget  that  Alexius  only  ob- 
tained the  throne  by  infamous  means  ;  that  he  did  not  redeem 
his  parricide  by  any  public  virtue ;  and  that  the  crime  of  his 
usurpation  gave  birth  to  a  thousand  other  crimes,  brought 
about  a  horrible  revolution,  and  caused  the  ruin  of  a  nation, 
Nicetas  treats  Mourzoufle  with  much  more  severity ;  but 
some  modern  historians,  dazzled  by  a  few  actions  of  bravery, 
have  undertaken  to  justify  a  prince  who  sacrificed  everything 
to  his  ambition.  They  have  not  hesitated  to  point  out  to 
us  in  a  cruel,  unscrupulous  tyrant,  a  model  and  a  martyr  of 


HISTOfiT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  159 

the  patriotic  virtues,  as  if  love  of  coiintiT  was  the  same 
thing  as  a  boundless  love  of  power,  and  could  possibly  ally 
itself  with  treachery  and  p<irricide. 

Whilst  the  Grreek  princes  were  thus  making  war  against 
each  other,  and  quarrelling  for  the  wrecks  of  the  empire, 
the  French  counts  and  barons  quitted  the  capital  to  go  and 
take  possession  of  the  cities  and  provinces  that  had  fallen  to 
their  share.  Many  of  them  were  obliged  to  conquer,  sword 
in  hand,  the  lands  that  had  been  assigned  to  them.  The 
marquis  of  Montferrat  set  out  on  his  march  to  visit  the 
kingdom  of  Thessalonica,  and  receive  the  homage  of  his  new 
subjects.  The  emperor  Baldwin,  followed  by  his  brother 
Henry  of  Hainault,  and  a  great  number  of  knights,  made  a 
progress  through  Thrace  and  Romania,  and  everywhere  on 
his  passage,  was  saluted  by  the  jioisy  acclamations  of  a  people 
always  more  skilful  in  flattering  their  conquerors  than  lq 
combating  their  enemies.  When  he  arrived  at  Adrianople, 
where  he  was  received  in  triumph,  the  new  emperor  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  pursuing  his  march  as  far  as 
Thessalonica.  This-  unexpected  resolution  sui'prised  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat,  who  entertained  the  desire  of  going 
alone  to  his  own  kingdom.  Boniface  promised  to  be  faithful 
to  the  emperor,  to  be  always  ready  to  employ  his  forces 
against  the  enemies  of  the  empire ;  but  he  feared  the  pre- 
sence of  Baldwin's  army  in  his  cities,  already  exhausted  by 
war.  A  serious  quarrel  broke  out  between  the  two  princes. 
The  marquis  of  Montferrat  accused  the  emperor  of  wishing 
to  get  possession  of  his  states ;  Baldwin  fancied  he  could 
])erceive  in  the  resistance  of  Boniface  the  secret  design  of 
denjdng  the  sovereignty  of  the  head  of  the  empire.  Both 
loved  justice,  and  were  not  wanting  in  moderation  ;  but  now 
one  had  become  king  of  Thessalonica,  and  the  other  emperor 
of  Constantinople,  they  had  courtiers,  who  endeavoai'ed  to 
exasperate  their  quarrel  and  inflame  their  animosity.  Some 
told  Boniface  that  Baldwin  was  entirely  in  the  wrong,  and  that 
he  abused  a  power  that  ought  to  have  been  the  reward  of 
virtues  very  difterent  from  his.  Others  reproached  the 
emperor  with  being  too  generous  to  his  enemies,  and,  in  the 
excess  of  their  flattery,  said  he  was  guilty  of  only  one  fault, 
and  that  was  of  having  too  long  spared  an  unfliithfid  vassal. 
In  spite  of  all  the  representations  of  the  marquis  of  Mont- 


160  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

ferrai,  Baldwin  led  his  array  into  the  kingdom  of  Tliessa* 
lonica.  Boniface  considered  this  obstinacy  of  the  emperoj 
as  a  flagrant  outrage,  and  swore  to  take  vengeance  witli  hia 
sword.  Impelled  by  passion,  he  departed  suddenly  with 
several  knights  who  had  declared  in  his  favour,  and  got 
possession  of  Didymatica,  a  city  belonging  to  the  emperor. 

The  marquis  of  Montferrattook  with  him  his  wife,  Mary  of 
Hungary,  the  widow  of  Isaac  ;  and  the  presence  of  this  prin- 
cess, with  the  hopes  of  keeping  up  the  division  among  the 
Latins,  drew  many  Greeks  to  the  banner  of  Boniface.  He 
declared  to  them  that  he  fought  for  their  cause,  and  clothed  in 
the  imperial  purple  a  young  prince,  the  son  of  Isaac  and  Mary 
of  Hungary.  Dragging  in  his  train  this  phantom  of  an 
emperor,  around  whom  the  principal  inhabitants  from  all 
parts  of  Romania  rallied,  he  resumed  the  road  to  Adrianople, 
and  made  preparations  for  besieging  that  city.  Boniface, 
dad}'  becoming  more  irritated,  would  listen  to  neither  the 
counsels  nor  the  prayers  of  his  companions  in  arms  ;  and 
discord  was  about  to  cause  the  blood  of  the  Latins  to  flow,  if 
the  doge  of  Venice,  the  count  of  Blois,  and  the  barons  that 
remained  at  Constantinople,  had  not  earnestly  employed 
their  authoi'ity  and  credit  to  prevent  the  misfortunes  with 
which  the  new  empire  was  threatened.  Deeply  afllicted  by 
what  they  leanit,  they  sent  deputies  to  the  emperor  and  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat.  The  marshal  of  Champagne,  the 
envoy  to  Boniface,  reproached  him,  in  plain  terms,  with 
having  forgotten  the  glory  and  honour  of  the  Crusaders,  of 
whom  lie  had  been  the  leader ;  with  compromising,  to  gratify 
a  vain  pride,  the  cause  of  Christ  and  the  safety  of  the  empire, 
and  preparing  days  of  triumph  and  joy  for  the  Greeks,  the 
Bulgarians,  and  the  Saracens.  The  marquis  of  Montferrat 
was  touched  by  the  reproaches  of  A'^illehardouin,  who  was 
l)is  friend,  and  who  spoke  in  the  name  of  all  the  Crusaders. 
He  promised  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  and  to  submit  his 
quarrel  with  Baldwin  to  the  judgment  of  the  counts  and 
barons. 

In  the  meanwhile  Baldwin  had  taken  possession  of  Thessa- 
ionica.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  hostilities  of  the  marquia 
of  Montferrat,  he  hastily  marched  back  to  Adrianople.  He 
was  brooding  over  projects  of  vengeance,  and  threatening  to 
repel  force  by  force,  and  oppose  war  to  war,  when  he  met  the 


HISTORY  or  THE  crusades.  101 

deputies,  who  came  in  the  name  of  the  leaders  of  the 
crusade,  to  speak  to  him  of  peace,  and  recall  to  his  heart  the 
sentiments  of  justice  and  humanity.  A  knight  of  the  train 
of  the  count  of  Blois  addressed  a  speech  to  the  emperor, 
tliat  Villehardouin  has  preserved,  in  which  our  readers  will 
be  pleased,  without  doubt,  to  meet  with  a  picture  of  the 
noble  frankness  of  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium.  "  Sire," 
said  he,  "  the  doge  of  Venice,  the  Count  Louis  of  Blois,  my 
very  honoured  lord,  and  all  the  barons  who  are  at  Constan- 
tinople, salute  you  as  their  sovereign,  and  make  complaint 
to  God  and  you  against  those  who,  by  their  evil  counsels, 
have  created  fatal  discords.  You  did,  certes,  very  wrong  to 
lend  an  ear  to  these  perfidious  counsellors,  for  they  are  our 
enemies  and  yours.  Tou  know  that  the  Marquis  Boniface 
has  submitted  his  quarrel  to  the  judgment  of  the  barons  ;  the 
lords  and  princes  hope  that  you  will  do  as  he  has  done,  and 
that  you  will  not  hold  out  against  justice.  They  have 
sworn,  and  ■we  are  charged  to  declare  so  in  their  name,  not 
to  suffer  any  longer  the  scandal  of  a  war  kindled  between 
Crusaders." 

Baldwin  did  not  at  first  answer  this  speech,  and  appeareo 
surprised  at  such  language ;  but  they  spoke  to  him  thus  in 
the  name  of  the  doge  of  Venice,  whose  old  age  he  respected, 
and  whom  he  loved  tenderly  ;  in  the  name  of  the  counts  and 
barons,  without  whose  help  he  could  not  hope  to  preserve 
his  empire,  and,  at  length,  he  listened  to  the  united  voices 
of  reason  and  friendship.  He  promised  to  lay  down  his 
arms,  and  repair  to  Constantinople,  to  adjust  the  quarrel 
between  him  and  the  marquis  of  Montferrat.  On  his  arrival, 
the  counts  and  barons  spared  neither  complaints  nor 
prayers,  and  they  found  him  docile  to  all  tlieir  counsels. 
The  marquis  of  Montferrat,  who  very  shortly  followed  him, 
entered  the  capital  with  a  degree  of  nustrust ;  he  was 
accompanied  by  a  hundred  knights,  with  their  men-at-arms  ; 
but  the  welciime  he  received  from  Baldwin  and  the  other 
leaders  complttely  appensed  all  his  resentments,  and  dissi- 
pated all  his  ndsgiviugs.  Erom  that  time  the  re-establish- 
•  ment  of  harmony  and  peace  became  the  sincere  object  of  the 
Crusaders.  The  doge  of  ^''enice,  the  counts  and  barons, 
with  tiie  most  respected  of  the  knights,  who  reminded  the 
piasters  of  the  ticw  empire  of  the  redoubtable  institution  of 
Vol.  II.— 8 


HS2  HISTORY    Oi'    THE    CRUSADES. 

tlie  PEERS  of  the  West,  gave  judgment  in  the  uarrel  that 
was  submitted  to  them,  and  pronounced,  without  appeal, 
between  the  king  of  Thessalonica  and  the  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople. The  two  princes  swore  never  to  listen  again 
to  pertidious  counsels,  and  embraced  in  presence  of  the 
army,  who  rejoiced  at  the  return  of  concord,  as  they  w  oidd 
have  done  at  a  great  victory  obtained  over  the  enemies  of 
the  empire.  "  Great  evil  might  they  have  done,"  says 
Villeliardouin,  "  who  excited  this  discord  ;  for  if  God  had  not 
taken  pity  on  the  Crusaders,  they  were  in  danger  of  losing 
their  conquests,  and  Christianity  might  have  perished." 

As  soon  as  peace  was  re-established,  the  knights  and 
barons  again  quitted  the  capital  to  pass  through  the  pro- 
vinces, and  subdue  such  as  were  refractory.  The  count  of 
Blois,  who  had  obtained  Bithynia,  sent  his  knights  across 
the  Bosphorus ;  the  ti'oops  of  the  Crusaders  gained  sevei'al 
advantages  over  those  cf  Lascaris.  Penaraenia,  Lopada, 
Nicomedia,  and  some  other  cities,  opened  their  gates  to  the 
conquerors,  after  a  feeble  resistance.  The  Latins  brought 
under  their  dominion  all  the  coasts  of  the  Propontis  and  the 
Bosphorus,  as  far  as  the  ancient  Eolis.  Henry  of  Hainault 
was  not  idle  in  this  new  w^ar ;  whilst  the  warriors  of  the 
count  of  Blois  were  pushing  their  conquests  towards  Nice, 
he  led  his  men-at-arms  into  Phrygia,  unfurled  his  triumphant 
banners  in  the  plains  where  Troy  once  stood,  fought  at  tlie 
same  time  both  Greeks  and  Turks,  in  the  fields  which  had 
been  trod  by  the  armies  of  Xerxes  and  Alexander,  and  took 
possession  of  all  the  country  that  extends  from  tlie  Helles- 
pont to  Mount  Ida. 

At  the  same  time  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  now  the 
peaceable  master  of  Thessalonica,  undertook  t!ie  conquest  of 
Greece.*  He  advanced  into  Thessaly,  passed  the  chain  of 
mountains  of  Olympus  and  Ossa,  and  took  possession  of 
Larissa.  Boniface  and  his  knights,  without  fear  and  witliout 
danger,  passed  through  the  nai-row  straits  of  Tliermopyhe, 
and  penetrated  into  Bo?otia  and  Attica.     They  put  to  flight 

*  Claadian  has  uiada  in  his  panegyrics  of  StUicho,  a  picture  of  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Gotlis  ill  tiie  provinces  of  Greece.  These  beautiful  countries 
had  not  been  invaded  since  the  third  century.  The  Franks  scarcely  knew 
how  to  guard  their  conquests  better  than  the  barhar  ins  that  had  iire» 
ceded  them. 


HISTORY    Oi'    THE   CRUSADES.  1(53 

Leo  Sgurre,  Avlio  was  the  scourge  of  a  vast  proviiK-e ;  anc 
their  exploits  might  have  reminded  the  Greeks  of  those 
heroes  of  the  eai'ly  ages  who  travelled  about  the  world 
figliting  monsters  and  subduing  tyrants.  As  all  the  Greeks, 
for  so  long  a  time  oppressed,  sighed  for  a  change,  the  lieroes 
of  the  crusades  were  everywhere  received  as  liberators. 
"Whilst  Boniface  was  becoming  possessed  of  the  beautiful 
countries  of  Greece,  Geoifrey  de  Villehardouin,  nephew  of 
the  marshal  of  Champagne,  established  the  authority  of  the 
Latins  in  the  Peloponnesus.  After  having  driven  the  troops 
of  Michael  Comnenus  to  the  mountains  of  Epirus,  he  occu- 
pied, without  fighting,  Coronea  and  Patras,  and  met  with  no 
resistance  except  in  the  canton  of  Lacedannonia.  The 
conquered  lands  and  cities  were  given  to  the  barons,  who 
rendered  fealty  and  homage  to  the  king  of  Thessalonica  and 
the  emperor  of  Constantinople.*  Greece  then  beheld  lords 
of  Argos  and  Corintli,  grand  sieurs  of  Thebes,  didtes  of 
Athens,  and  princes  of  Achaia.  French  knights  dictated 
laws  in  the  city  of  Agamemnon,  in  the  city  of  Minerva,t  in 
the  country  of  Lycurgus,  and  in  that  of  Epaininondas. 
Strange  destiny  of  the  warriors  of  this  crusade,  \^ho  had 
quitted  the  West  to  conquer  the  city  and  lands  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  whom  fortune  had  conducted  into  places  tilled 
with  the  remembrances  of  the  gods  of  Homer  and  tlie  glory 
of  profane  antiquity ! 

The  Crusaders  were  not  allowed  to  felicitate  themselves 
long  upon  their  conquests.  Possessors  of  an  empire  much 
more  difficult  to  be  preserved  than  invaded,  they  had  not  the 
ability  to  master  fortune,  who  soon  took  from  them  all  that 
victory  had  bestowed.  They  exercised  their  power  with 
violence,  and  conciliated  neither  their  subjects  nor  their 
neighbours.  Joannice,  king  of  the  Bulgarians,  had  sent  an 
ambassador  to  Baldwin,  with  ofters  of  friendship ;  Baldwin 

*  There  is  in  the  king's  library  a  manuscript  in  modern  Greek,  bearing 
the  number  2,898  ;  the  first  part  of  this  manuscript  is  a  romance  in  verse, 
entitled  "  Les  Amours  de  Thesee  et  des  Amazones."  The  second  ])art 
of  the  manuscript  is  a  poem  on  the  crusades  ;  all  the  tenth  cant(j  describes 
in  detail  the  conquests  of  the  Franks  in  Greece.  M.  Khazis,  professor 
of  modem  Greek,  had  made  a  short  analysis  of  this  poem. 

f  The  letters  of  Innocent  speak  of  t!ie  city  of  Athens,  which  v.as  no 
longer  dedicated  to  Minerva,  but  to  the  holy  virgin. — See  b.  xx.  epis.  vi. 
Idem. 


161  HISTOKT    01"    Tlli    CRUSADES. 

replied  uitli  much  haughtiness, ■  and  tkeatened  to  compei 
Joannioe  to  descend  from  his  usurped  tlirone.  When 
despoiling  the  Greeks  of  their  property,  tlie  Crusaders  shut 
out  IVom  themselves  every  source  of  prosperity,  and  reduced 
men  to  whom  they  left  nothing  but  life,  to  despaii-.  To  fill 
up  the  measure  of  their  imprudence,  they  received  into  their 
armies  the  Gnjeks,  Avhom  they  loaded  with  contempt,  and 
who  became  their  implacable  enemies.  JS^ot  content  with 
reigning  over  cities,  they  were  desirous  of  subjugating 
hearts  to  their  will,  and  awakened  fanaticism.  Unjust  perse- 
cutions exasi)erated  the  minds  of  the  Greek  priests,  who 
declaimed  with  vehemence  against  tyranny,  and  who,  re- 
duced to  misery,  were  listened  to  as  oracles  and  revered  as 
martyrs. 

The  new  empire  of  the  Latins,  into  which  the  feudal  laws 
had  been  introduced,  was  divided  into  a  thousand  principali- 
ties or  lordships,  and  was  nothing  but  a  species  of  republic, 
governed  with  great  difficulty.  'Yhe  Venetians  had  their 
particular  jurisdiction,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  cities  were 
regulated  by  turns  by  the  legislation  of  Venice  and  the  code 
of  feudalism.  The  lords  and  barons  had  among  themselves 
opposite  interests  and  rivalries,  which,  every  day,  were  likely 
to  bring  on  discord  and  civil  war.  The  Latin  ecclesiastics, 
who  liad  shared  the  spoils  of  the  Greek  Church,  did  not  at  all 
conciliate  peace  by  their  example,  but  carried  the  scandals 
of  their  dissensions  even  into  the  sanctuary.  Jt  was  their 
constant  wish  and  endeavour  to  exalt  the  laws  and  authority 
of  the  court  of  Eome  over  those  of  the  emperors.  i\Iany  of 
them  had  usurped  the  fiefs  of  the  barons,  and  as  the  iiefs 
they  possessed  were  exempted  from  military  service,  the 
emjjire  thus  became  weakened  in  its  natural  defences. 

The  delicious  climate  and  the  riches  of  Greece,  with  the 
long  sojourn  at  Constantinople,  enervated  the  courage  of 
the  conquerors,  and  fostered  corruption  among  the  soldiers 
of  the  cross.  The  nations  in  the  end  ceased  to  respect  the 
power  and  the  laws  of  those  whose  morals  and  manntrs  they 
despised.  As  the  Latins  had  separated,  some  to  go  into 
Greece,  and  others  into  Asia  Minor,  the  Greeks,  who  no 
longer  beheld  great  armies,  and  who  had  sometimes  resisted 
their  enemies  with  advantage,  began  to  fancy  that  the 
wai'riors  of  the  West  were  not  invincible. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  165 

In  their  despair,  the  conquered  people  resolved  to  have 
recourse  to  arms;  and,  looking  around  them  to  tindenemiet 
for  the  Crusaders,  they  implored  the  alliance  and  protection 
of  the  king  of  the  Bidgarians.  There  was  formed  a  widely- 
extended  conspiracy,  into  which  all  entered  to  wiiom  slavery 
was  no  longer  tolerable.  All  at  once  the  storm  burst  f'rth 
by  the  massacre  of  the  Latins  ;  a  war-cry  arose  from  Mount 
Hemus  to  the  Helles])ont ;  the  Crusaders,  dispersed  in  tlie 
various  cities  and  countries,  were  surprised  by  a  furious  and 
pitiless  enemy.  The  Venetians  and  French,  wlio  guarded 
Adrianople  and  Didymatica,  were  not  able  to  resist  the 
nniltitude  of  the  Greeks  ;  some  were  slaughtered  in  the 
streets ;  others  retired  in  disorder,  and,  in  their  flight, 
beheld  with  grief  their  banners  torn  down  from  the  towers, 
and  replaced  by  tlie  standards  of  the  Bulgarians.  The  roads 
were  covered  with  fugitive  warriors,  who  found  no  asylum 
in  'a  country  which  lately  trembled  at  the  fame  of  their 
arms. 

Every  city  besieged  by  the  Greeks  was  ignorant  of  the 
fate  of  the  other  cities  confided  to  the  defence  of  the  Latins  ; 
communications  were  interrupted  ;  sinister  rumours  prevailed 
in  the  provinces,  which  represented  the  capital  in  ilames,  all 
the  cities  given  up  to  pillage,  and  all  the  armies  of  the 
Franks  dispersed  or  annihilated.  The  old  chronicles,  whilst 
S})eaking  of  the  barbarity  of  the  Greeks,  also  describe  the 
terror  that  took  possession  of  some  of  the  barons  and  knights. 
Tlie  sense  of  danger  appears  to  have  stifled  in  their  hearts 
every  other  feeling.  In  the  hour  of  peril,  crusaders  aban- 
doned their  companions  in  arms,  brothers  abandoned 
brothers.  An  old  knight,  llobert  de  Trils,  aaIio,  in  spite  of 
his  grey  hairs,  had  insisted  upon  following  his  son  to  the 
crusade,  was  besieged  by  the  Greeks  in  Philippolis  ;  the  city 
was  surrounded  by  enemies,  and  Robert  had  but  slender 
hopes  of  safety.  Even  in  such  circumstances,  his  prayers 
and  tears  could  not  prevail  upon  either  his  son  or  his  son- 
in-law  to  remain  with  him.  Villehardouin  informs  us  that 
these  recreant  warriors  were  slain  in  their  flight  ;  for  God 
would  not  save  those  who  had  refused  to  succour  their  own 
father. 

When  the  report  of  these  disasters  reached  Constantinople, 
Baldwin  assembled  the  counts  and  barons  ;  it  was  deter- 


166  HISTOin     OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

mined  to  apply  the  promptest  remedy  to  so  many  evils,  and 
to  |mt  into  action  all  the  energies  of  the  empire  to  stop  the 
progress  of  the  revolt.  The  Crusaders  who  were  engaged 
ill  warlike  expeditions  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bosphorus, 
rtceived  orders  to  abandon  their  conquests,  and  to  retnrn 
iu\inediately  to  the  standards  of  the  main  army.  Baldwin 
waited  for  them  several  days,  but  as  he  was  impatient  to 
begin  the  war,  and  wished  to  astonis'h  the  enemy  by  the 
promptitude  of  his  proceedings,  he  set  out  at  tlie  head  of 
the  knights  that  remained  in  the  capital,  and,  live  days  after 
his  departure,  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Adrianople. 

The  leaders  of  the  crusade,  accustomed  to  brave  all 
obstaeh-s,  were  never  checked  or  restrained  by  the  small 
ninnber  of  their  own  soldiers,  or  the  multitude  of  iheir 
enemies.  The  capital  of  Thrace,  surrounded  by  iuip/eg- 
iiable  ramparts,  was  defended  by  a  hundred  thou,>-and 
Greeks,  in  whom  thirst  of  vengeance  supplied  the  want  of 
courage.  Baldwin  mustered  scarcely  eight  thousand  men 
around  liis  banners.  Tlie  doge  of  Venice  soon  arrived  with 
eight  thousand  Venetians.  The  Latin  fugitives  came  from 
all  parts  to  join  this  small  army.  The  Crusaders  pitched 
their  tents,  and  prepared  to  lay  siege  to  the  city.  Their 
preparations  proceeded  but  slowly,  and  pro^■isions  were 
beginning  to  fail  them,  when  the  report  reached  them  of  the 
march  of  the  king  o.f  the  Bulgarians.  Joannice,  the  leader 
of  a  barbarous  people,  himself  more  barbarous  than  his  sub- 
jects, v<as  advancing  with  a  formidable  army.  He  concealed 
liis  ambitious  pi-ojects  and  his  desire  for  vengeance  under  an 
appearance  of  religious  zeal,  and  caused  a  standard  of  St. 
Peter,  which  he  had  received  from  the  pope,  to  be  borne 
belbi'e  him.  This  new  ally  of  the  Greeks  boasted  of  being 
a  leader  of  a  holy  enterprise,  and  threatened  to  exterminate 
the  Franks,  whom  he  accused  of  having  assvuned  the  cross 
for  the  purpose  of  ravaging  the  provinces  and  pillaging  the 
cities  of  Christians. 

The  king  of  the  Bulgarians  was  preceded  in  his  march  by 
a  numerous  troop  of  Tartars  and  Comans,  wliom  the  hopes 
of  })illage  had  drawn  from  the  mountains  and  forests  near 
the  banks  of  the  Danube  and  the  Borysthenes.  The  Comans, 
more  ferocious  than  the  nations  of  Mount  Ilemus,  drank,  it 
was  said,  the   blood  of  their  captives,  and  sacrificed  Chris* 


HISTOKT    OF    TUE    CRUSADES  IGV 

tians  on  the  altars  of  tlieir  idols.  Like  tlie  warriors  of 
Scythia,  accustomed  to  fight  whilst  flying,  the  Tartar  horse- 
men received  orders  from  Joauuice  to  provoke  the  enemy, 
even  in  their  camp,  and  to  endeavour  to  drav,"  the  heavy 
cavalry  of  the  Franks  into  an  ambuscade.  The  barons  were 
aware  of  this  danger,  and  forbade  the  Crusaders  to  quit 
their  tents,  or  go  beyond  their  intrenchments.  But  sueh~ 
was  the  character  of  the  French  warriors,  that  prudence,  in 
their  eyes,  deprived  valour  of  all  its  lustre,  and  it  appeared 
disgraceful  to  shiui  the  fight  in  the  presence  and  amidst  the 
scoffs  of  an  enemy. 

Scarcely  had  the  Tartars  appeared  near  the  camp,  when 
the  sight  of  them  made  even  the  leaders  themselves  forget 
the  orders  they  had  issued  only  the  night  before.  The  em- 
peror and  the  count  of  Elois  flew  to  meet  the  enemv,  put 
them  to  ilight,  and  pursued  them  with  ardour  for  the  space 
of  two  leagues.  But  all  at  once  the  Tartars  rallied,  and  in 
their  turn  charged  the  Christians.  The  latter,  who  believed 
they  had  gained  a  victory,  were  obliged  to  defeud  them- 
selves in  a  coimtry  with  which  they  were  unacquainted. 
Their  squadrons,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  were  surprised  and 
surrounded  by  the  army  of  Joannice  ;  \  ressed  on  all  sides, 
they  made  use-less  efforts  to  recover  their  line  of  battle,  but 
had  no  power  either  to  fly,  or  resist  the  barbarians. 

The  count  of  Blois  endeavoured  to  retrieve  his  fatal  im- 
prudence by  pi-odigies  of  Aalour ;  when  seriously  wounded 
he  was  thrown  from  his  horse  amidst  the  enemy's  ranks,  one 
of  his  knights  raised  him  up,  and  wished  to  draw  him  out  of 
the  melee  :  "  No,"  cried  this  brave  prince,  "  leave  me  to  fight 
and  die.  God  forbid  I  should  ever  be  reproached  with 
having  fled  from  battle."  As  he  finished  theue  words,  the 
count  of  Blois  fell,  covered  with  wounds,  and  his  faithful 
squire  died  by  his  side. 

The  emperor  Baldwin  still  disputed  the  victory ;  the 
bravest  of  his  knights  and  barons  followed  him  iiito  the 
melee,  and  a  horrible  carnage  marked  their  progress  througli 
the  ranks  of  the  barbarians.  Peter  bishop  of  Bethlehem, 
Stephen  count  of  Perche,  Eenaud  de  Montmirail,  Mathieu 
de  Valencourt,  Eobert  de  Eon9ai,  and  a  cro\\  d  of  lords  and 
valiant  warriors  lost  their  lives  in  L'?fendiiig  their  sovereign. 
Baldwin  remained  almost  alone  (      the  field  of  battle,  and 


i68  HISTOKY    or    TUE    CRUSADES. 

still  oontiiuied  fighting  bravely ;  biit  at  length,  overpowered 
by  numbers,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Bulgarians,  who 
loaded  him  with  chains.  The  wreck  of  the  army  retired  in 
the  greatest  disorder,  and  only  owed  their  safety  to  the 
prudent  bravery  of  the  doge  of  Venice  and  the  marshal  of 
Champagne,  who  had  been  left  to  guard  the  camp. 

In  the  night  that  followed  the  battle,  the  Crusaders  raised 
the  siege  of  Adrianople,  and  retook  the  route  to  the  capital, 
amidst  a  thousand  dangers.  The  Bidgarians  and  the  Comans, 
proud  of  their  victory,  pursued  without  intermission  the 
army  they  had  conquered ;  this  army,  which  had  lost  half  of 
its  numbers,  was  in  great  want  of  provisions,  and  had  great 
difficulty  in  dragging  along  the  wounded  and  the  baggage. 
The  Crusaders  were  plunged  in  a  melancholy  silence,  their 
despair  was  evident  in  their  actions  and  on  their  coun- 
tenances. At  llodosto  they  met  Henry  of  Hainault,  and 
sevei'al  other  knights,  who  were  on  their  way  from  the  pro- 
vinces of  Asia,  to  join  the  army  of  Adrianople.  The  retreat- 
ing leaders  related  with  tears  their  defeat  and  the  captivity 
of  Baldwin.  All  these  warriors,  who  knew  not  what  it  was 
to  be  conquered,  expressed  at  once  their  astonishment  and 
their  grief;  they  mingled  their  lau^entations  and  tears,  and 
raised  their  hands  and  eyes  towards  heaven,  to  implore  the 
divine  mercy.  The  Crusaders  who  returned  from  the  shores 
of  the  Bosphorus,  addressed  the  marshal  of  Romania,  ai  d 
weeping,  said  to  him  :  "  Order  us  where  the  greatest  danger 
exists,  for  we  no  longer  wish  to  live :  are  we  not  sufiiciently 
unfortunate  in  not  having  come  in  time  to  succour  our  em- 
peror ?"  Thus  the  knights  of  the  cross,  though  pursued  by 
a  victorious  enemy,  were  still  strangers  to  fear ;  the  grief 
caused  by  the  remembrance  of  their  defeat  scarcely  allowed 
them  to  be  sensible  of  the  perils  by  which  they  were 
threatened. 

All  the  Crusaders,  however,  did  not  exhibit  this  noLle 
degree  of  courage ;    many  luiights*  wliom  Villehardouin  is 

*  It  is  here  that  for  the  last  time  we  quote  the  History  of  Villehar- 
douin ;  we  shall  periiaps  be  reproached  with  having  quoted  it  too  often, 
and  by  that  means  given  too  much  monotonj'  to  our  account.  We  will 
answer,  that  the  natural  relation  and  expressions  of  such  an  historian,  who 
relates  what  he  has  seen  and  that  which  lie  has  experienced,  have  appeared 
to  us  above  all  that  talent  or  the  art  of  writing  could  substitute  in  theil 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  1G{> 

not  willing  to  name,  that  he  may  not  dishonour  their 
memory,  abandoned  the  banners  of  the  army  and  fled  to 
Constauthioplc  ;  they  related  the  disasters  of  the  Crusaders, 
and,  to  excuse  their  desertion,  drew  a  lamentable  picture  of 
the  misfortunes  that  threatened  the  empire.  All  tlie  Franks 
uere  seized  with  grief  and  terror,  on  learning  they  had  nc 
xmger  an  emperor.  The  Greeks  that  inhabited  the  capital, 
applauded  in  secret  the  triumph  of  the  Bulgarians,  and  their 
ill-concealed  joy  still  further  increased  the  alarms  of  the 
Jjatins.  A  great  number  of  knights,  overcome  by  so  many 
reverses,  saw  no  safety  but  in  flight,  and  embarked  hastily 
on  board  some  Venetian  vessels.  In  vain  the  legate  of  the 
pope  and  several  leaders  of  the  army  endeavoured  to  detain 
them,  tlu'eatenhig  them  with  the  anger  of  God  and  the  con- 
tem])t  of  men  :  they  renounced  their  own  glory  ;  they  aban- 
doned an  empire  Ibunded  by  their  arms,  and  went  to  announce 
the  captivity  of  Baldwin  in  the  cities  of  the  AVest,  where  tlie 
rejoicings  for  tlie  first  victories  of  the  Crusaders  were  still 
being  celebrated. 

In  the  mean  time,  Joannice  continued  his  pursuit  of  tlie 
conquered  army.  The  Greeks,  luiited  with  the  Bulgarians, 
took  possession  of  all  the  provinces,  and  left  the  Latins  no 
repose.  Among  the  disasters  of  which  contemporary  history 
has  left  us  a  deplorable  account,  we  must  not  forget  the 
massacre  of  twenty  thousand  Armenians.  This  numerous 
colony  had  left  the  banivs  of  the  Euphrates,  and  established 
themselves  in  the  province  of  Natolia.  After  the  conquest 
of  Constantinople,  they  declared  for  the  Latins,  and  when 
the  latter  experienced  their  reverses,  finding  themselves 
menaced  and  pursued  by  the  Greeks,  they  crossed  the  Bos- 
phorus,  artd  followed  Ilenrj^  of  Hainault,  who  was  marching 
towards  Adrianople.  The  Armenians  took  wdth  tliem  their 
flocks  and  their  families  :  they  drew,  in  carriages,  all  that  they 
uossessed  that  was  most  valuable,  and  had  great  difticulty, 
on  their  march  across  the  mountains  of  Thrace,  in  keep- 
ing up  witli  the  army  of  the  Crusac'ers.  These  unfortunate 
people  were  surprised  by  the  Tartars,  and,  to  a  man,  perished 
beneath  tlie  swords   of  a  pitiless  conqueror.     The  Franks 

place.  We  are  pleased  at  believing,  that  if  our  recital  has  been  abla 
to  interest  e>ur  readers,  we  owe  a  great  part  of  this  interest  to  the  mul- 
tiplied quotations  from  Villehardouin  and  other  contemporary  historianSt 


170  HISTORY    or    THE    CRUSADES. 

wept  at  the  defeat  and  destruction  of  the  Armenians, 
without  being  able  to  avenge  tliem :  they  had  nothing  but 
enemies  throughout  the  vast  provinces  of  the  empire. 
Beyond  the  Bosphorus,  they  only  preserved  the  castle  of 
Peges  :  on  the  European  side,  only  Kodosto  and  Seleinbria. 
Tlieir  conquests  in  ancient  Greece  were  not  yet  threatened 
by  the  Bulgarians  ;  but  these  i^istant  possessions  only  served 
to  divide  their  forces.  Henry  of  Jlainault,  who  took  the 
title  of  regent,  performed  prodigies  of  valour  in  endeavour- 
ing to  retake  some  of  the  cities  of  Thrace  ;  and  lost,  in 
various  combats,  a  great  number  of  the  warriors  that  re- 
mained under  his  banners. 

The  bishop  of  Soissons  and  some  other  Crusaders,  in- 
vested with  the  confidence  of  their  unfortunate  companions 
in  arms,  were  sent  into  Italy,  France,  and  the  county  of 
Flanders,  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  the  knights  and  barons; 
but  the  succour  they  hoped  for  coidd  only  arrive  slowly,  and 
the  enemy  continued  to  make  rapid  progress.  The  army  of 
the  Bulgarians,  like  a  violent  tempest,  advanced  on  all  sides; 
it  desolated  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont,  extended  its 
ravages  into  the  kingdom  of  Thessalonica,  repassed  IMount 
Hemus,  and  returned,  more  numerous  and  more  formidable 
than  ever,  to  the  banks  of  the  Hebrus.  The  Latin  empire 
had  no  other  defenders  but  a  few  warriors  divided  among 
the  various  cities  and  fortresses,  and  every  day  war  and  de- 
sertion diminished  the  nvunbers  and  strength  of  the  unfor- 
tunate conquerors  of  Byzantium.  Five  hundred  knights, 
j)icked  warriors  of  the  army  of  the  Crusaders,  were  attacked 
before  the  walls  of  l^usium,  and  cut  to  pieces  by  a  coioitless 
multitude  of  Bulgarians  and  Comans.  This  defeat  was  not 
less  fatal  than  the  battle  of  Adrianople ;  the  hordes  of 
Mount  Hemiis  and  the  Borysthenes  carried  terror  every- 
where. On  their  passage,  the  country  was  in  flames,  and 
the  cities  afforded  neither  refuge  nor  means  of  defence. 
The  land  was  covered  with  soldiers,  who  slaughtered  all  who 
came  in  their  way ;  the  sea  was  covered  with  pirates,  who 
threatened  every  coast  with  their  brigandage.  Constan- 
tinople expected  every  day  to  see  the  standards  of  the  vic- 
torious Joanniee  beneath  its  walls,  and  only  owed  its  safety 
to  the  excess  of  evils  that  desolated  all  the  provinces 
of  the  empire. 


HISTORY    Oil    Til  a    .nUSADES.  171 

Tlie  king  of  the  Bulgarians  did  not  spare  his  allies  any 
more  than  his  enonnes ;  lie  burnt  and  demolished  all  the 
cities  that  fell  into  his  lumda.  He  ruined  the  inhabitants, 
dragged  them  in  his  train  like  captives,  and  made  them 
undergo,  in  addition  to  the  calamities  of  war,  all  the  out- 
i-ages  of  a  jealous  and  barbarous  tyranny.  The  Greeks,  who 
had  solicited  his  ass  stance,  were  at  last  reduced  to  implore 
the  aid  of  the  Latiiis  against  the  implacable  fury  of  their 
allies.  The  Crusaders  accepted  Avith  joy  the  alliance  with 
the  Greeks,  whom  they  never  ought  to  have  repulsed,  and 
re-entered  into  Adrianople.  Didymatica,  and  most  of  the 
cities  of  Eomania,  shook  oft'  the  intolerable  yoke  of  the 
Bulgarians,  aiK-l  submitted  to  the  liatins.  The  Greeks, 
whom  Joaunice  liad  urged  on  to  despair,  showed  some  bravery, 
and  became  useful  auxiliaries  to  the  Latins ;  and  the  new 
empire  might  have  hoped  for  a  return  of  days  of  prosperity 
and  glory,  if  so  many  calamities  could  possibly  have  been 
repaired  by  a  few  transient  successes.  But  all  the  provinces 
were  strewed  with  ruins,  and  the  cities  and  countries  were 
without  inhabitants.  The  liordes  of  Mount  Hemus,  whether 
victorious  or  conquered,  stdl  continued  their  predatory 
habits.  They  easily  recovered  from  their  losses  ;  the  los^ies 
of  the  Franlcs  became  every  day  more  irreparable.  The 
leader  of  the  Bulgarians  sought  out  everywhei-e  the  foes  of 
the  new  empire;  and,  being  abandoned  by  tl  e  Greeks  of 
Komania,  he  formed  an  alliance  with  Lascaris,  the  implacable 
enemy  of  the  Latins. 

The  pope  in  vain  exhorted  the  nations  of  Prance  and 
]ta,ly  to  take  up  arms  for  the  assistance  of  the  conquerors 
of  Byzantium ;  he  could  not  awaken  their  enthusiasm  for  a 
cause  that  presented  to  its  defenders  nothing  but  certain 
evils,  and  dangers  without  glory. 

Amidst  the  perils  that  continued  to  multiply,  the  Crusaders 
remained  perfectly  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  Baldwin ;  some- 
times it  was  said  that  he  had  broken  his  bonds,  and  had 
been  seen  wandering  in  the  forests  of  Servia  ;*  sometimes 

*  Among  the  romantic  accounts  that  were  circulated  concerning  Bald- 
win, we  must  not  omit  the  following  :^The  emperor  was  kej)t  close 
prisoner  at  Terenova,  where  the  wife  of  Joannice  became  desperately  ia 
love  with  him,  and  proposed  to  him  to  escape  with  her.  Baldwin  i-e- 
jected  this  proposal,  and  the  wife  of  Joannice,  irritated  by  his  disdain  and 


172  nisTOKT  or  iae  crusades. 

that  he  had  died  of  grief  in  prison  ;  sometimes  thai  he  had 
been  massacred  in  the  midst  of  a  banquet  by  the  king  of 
the  Bulgarians ;  that  his  mutilated  members  had  been  cast 
out  upon  the  rocks,  and  that  his  skull,  enchased  in  gold, 
served  as  a  cup  for  his  barbarous  conqueror.  Several  mes- 
sengers, sent  by  Henry  of  Hainault,  travelled  througli  the 
cities  of  Bulgaria  to  learn  the  fate  of  Baldwin  ;  but  returned 
to  Constantinople,  without  having  been  able  to  ascertain 
anything.  A  year  after  the  battle  of  Adrianople,  the  pope, 
at  the  solicitation  of  the  Crusaders,  conjured  Joanuice  to 
restore  to  the  Latins  of  Byzantium  the  head  of  their  new 
empire.  The  king  of  the  Bulgarians  contented  himself 
with  replying,  that  Baldwin  had  paid  the  tribute  of  nature, 
and  that  his  deliverance  was  no  longer  in  the  power  of  mor- 
tals. This  answer  destroyed  all  hopes  of  again  seeing  the 
imprisoned  monarch,  and  the  Latins  no  longer  entertained  a 
doubt  of  the  death  of  their  emperor.  Henry  of  Hainault 
received  the  deplorable  heritage  of  his  brother  with  tears 
and  deep  regret,  and  succeeded  to  the  empire  amidst  general 
mourning  and  sorrow.  To  complete  their  misfortunes,  the 
Latins  had  to  Aveep  for  the  loss  of  Dandolo,  who  finished  his 
glorious  career  at  Constantinople,  and  whose  last  looks 
must  have  perceived  the  rapid  decline  of  an  empire  he  had 
foiuuled.*     The  greater  part  of  the  Crusaders  had  either 

refusal,  accused  him  to  her  husband  of  having  entertained  an  adulterous 
pass-on.  The  barbarous  Joannice  caused  his  unfortunate  captive  to  be 
massacred  at  a  banquet,  and  his  body  was  cast  on  to  the  rocks,  a  prey  to 
vultures  and  wild  beasts. 

But  people  could  not  be  convinced  that  he  was  dead.  A  hermit  had 
retired  to  the  forest  of  Glan^on,  on  the  Hainault  side,  and  the  people  of 
the  neii^hbourhood  became  persuaded  that  this  hermit  was  Count  Baldwin. 
The  solitary  at  first  answered  v\ith  frankness,  and  refused  the  homage 
they  wished  to  render  him.  They  persisted,  and  at  length  he  was  induced 
to  play  a  part,  and  ga^e  himself  out  for  Baldwin.  At  first  he  had  a  great 
many  partisans  ;  but  the  king  of  France,  Louis  VIII.,  having  invited  him 
to  his  court,  he  was  confounded  by  the  questions  that  were  put  to  him  : 
he  took  to  flight,  and  was  arrested  in  Burgundy  by  Erard  de  Chastenai,  a 
Burgundian  gentleman,  whose  family  still  e.xists.  Jane  countess  of 
Flanders  caused  the  impostor  to  be  hung  in  the  great  square  of  Lisle. — 
See  Ducange,  Hist,  de  Conntunt.  book  iii. 

*  Dandolo  was  magnificently  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and 
his  mausoleum  existed  till  the  destruction  of  the  Greek  empire.  Mahomet 
II.  caused  it  to  be  demohshed,  wlien  he  changed  the  church  of  St.  Sojihia 
into  ?  mosque.     A  Venetian  painter,  wlio  worked  duruig  several  years  in 


HISTORY   OF   THK   CKC  s;.vui;.s.  173 

peri-^hed  in  battle,  or  returned  to  the  AVest.  Be  :.iface,  in 
an  expedition  against  the  Bulgarians  of  llhodope,  received  a 
iriortai  wound,  and  his  head  was  carried  in  ti-iumph  to  the 
fierce  Joaunice,  who  liad  already  imu.olated  a  monarch  to 
his  ambition  and  vengeance.  The  succession  of  Boniface 
gave  birth  io  serious  disputes  among  the  Crusaders  ;  "id  the 
kingdom  of  Thessalonica,  wliich  had  exhibited  some  splen- 
dcv.i'  during  its  short  existence,  disappeared  amidst  tlie 
coni'usion  and  the  storms  of  a  civil  and  a  foreign  war.  In 
the  brother  and  successor  of  Baldwin  were  imited  the  civil 
and  military  virtues ;  but  he  could  scarcely  hope  to  restore 
a  power  so  shaken  on  all  sides. 

I  liave  not  the  courage  to  pursue  this  history,  and  describe 
the  Latins  in  the  extremes  of  tlieir  abasement  and  misery. 
On  commencing  my  narration,  I  said :  "  JiJvil  to  the  con- 
quered;" on  terminating  it,  I  cannot  refrain  from  saying: 
"  JlvU  to  the  conquerors.'^ 

An  old  empire  whicli  moulders  away,  a  new  empire  ready 
to  sink  into  ruins,  such  are  the  pictures  that  this  crusade 
presents  to  us  ;  never  did  any  epoch  offer  greater  exploits 
for  admiration,  or  greater  troubles  for  commiseration. 
Amidst  these  f;lorious  and  tragical  scenes,  the  imagination 
is  excited  in  the  most  lively  manner,  and  passes,  without 
ceasing,  from  surpi-ise  to  surprise.  AVe  are  at  first  asto- 
nished at  seei'ic  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  embark  to 
conquer  a  cowntrv  which  might  reckon  upon  many  millions 
of  defenders :  a  tempest,  an  epidemic  disease,  want  of  pro- 
visions, disunion  an\ong  tae  leaders,  an  indecisive  battle,  all, 
or  any  of  thesfi.  miglit  have  ruined  the  army  of  tlie  Cru- 
saders, and  brou<^ht  about  the  failure  of  t'leir  enterprise. 
By  ai:  vuiheard-of  p;ood  fortune,  nothing  that  they  had  to 
dread  happened  to  tiiem.  They  triumphed  overall  dangers, 
and  surmounted  all  obstacles  :  without  having  any  party 
among  the  Grreeks,  they  obtained  possession  of  their  capital 
and  the  provinces  ;  ;in4,  at  the  moment  when  they  saw  their 
standards  triumphant  J»ll  around  them,  it  was  that  their 
fortune  deserted  them^  mid  their  ruin  began.  A  great 
lesson  is  this,  given  to  n.-itinns  by  Providence,  which  some- 

the  court  of  Mahomet,  on  returm.^g  to  his  own  rou-^trv  obtained  from 
the  sultan  the  cuirass,  the  helmet,  th?  spiir~  rnd  tiiP  foga  of  Dandolo. 
which  he  presented  to  tlie  f.imily  of  this  great  man. 


174  HlSTOlir    Of    TUE    CED3j^X)ES. 

times  employs  conquerors  to  chastise  botli  people  and 
princes,  and  then,  at  its  pleasure,  destroys  the  instrument 
of  its  justice'  There  is  no  doubt  that  that  Providence, 
which  protects  empires,  will  not  permit  great  states  to  bo 
subverted  with  impunity ;  and  to  deter  those  Avho  wish  to 
conquer  everything  by  force  of  arms,  it  has  decreed  thai 
victory  shall  sometimes  bear  none  but  very  bitter  fruits. 

The  Greelts,  a  degenerate  nation,  honoured  their  mis- 
fortunes by  no  virtue ;  they  had  neither  sufficient  courage 
to  prevent  the  reverses  of  war,  nor  sufficient  resignation  to 
support  them.  When  reduced  to  despair,  they  showed 
some  little  valour;  but  that  valour  was  imprudent  and 
blind ;  it  precipitated  them  into  new  calamities,  and  pio- 
cured  tliem  masters  much  more  barbarous  than  those  wliose 
yoke  they  were  so  eager  to  shake  off.  They  liad  no  leader 
able  to  govern  or  guide  them ;  no  sentiment  of  patriotism 
strong  enough  to  rally  them  :  deplorable  example  of  a  nntiou 
left  to  itself,  wliich  has  lost  its  morals,  and  has  no  confidence 
in  its  laws  or  its  government! 

Tlie  Franks  had  just  the  same  advantages  over  their 
enemies  that  the  barfbarians  of  the  north  had  over  the 
Romans  of  the  Lower  Empire.  In  this  terrible  conflict, 
simplicity  of  manners,  the  energy  of  a  new  people  for  civili- 
zation, the  ardour  for  nillage,  and  the  pride  of  victory,  were 
sure  to  prevail  over  the  love  of  luxury,  habits  formed  amidst 
corruption,  and  vanity  which  attaches  importance  to  the 
most  frivolous  thing;s,  and  only  preserves  a  gatidy  resem- 
blance of  true  grandeur. 

The  events  we  have  i-ecorded  are,  doubtless,  sufficient  to 
make  us  acquainted  with  the  manners  and  intellectual 
faculties  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins.  Two  historians,  ho\^- 
ever,  who  have  served  us  as  guides,  may  add  by  their  style 
even,  and  the' character  of  their  works,  to  the  idea  that  we 
form  of  the  genius  ot  the  two  races. 

The  Greek  Nicetas  makes  long  lamentations  over  the 
misfortunes  of  the  vanquished  ;  he  deplores  with  bitterness 
the  loss  of  the  monuments,  the  statues,  the  riches  wliich 
ministered  to  the  luxury  of  his  compatriots.  His  accounts, 
full  of  exaggeration  and  hypei'boles,  sprinkled  all  over  with 
passagf^s  from  the  tScriptures  aiul  ])rofatie  authors,  depart 
almost  aiways  from  t!ie  nuble  simplicity  of  history,  and  only 


HISTORY    OF    TUE    CKUSADES.  175 

,»xhibit  a  vain  affectation  of  learning.  Nicetas,  in  the  excesa 
of  his  vanity,*  hesitates  to  pronounce  the  names  even  of  the 
Franks,  and  foucies  he  inflicts  a  punishment  upon  tliem  by 
preserving  silence  as  to  their  exploits ;  when  he  describes 
the  misfortunes  of  the  empire,  he  can  only  weep  and 
lament ;  but  whilst  lamenting,  he  is  still  anxious  to  please, 
and  appears  much  more  interested  about  his  book  than  his 
country. 

The  marquis  of  Champagne  does  not  pique  himself  upon 
his  erudition,  but  even  seems  proud  of  his  ignorance.  It 
has  been  said  that  he  coidd  not  write,  and  he  himself  con- 
fesses that  he  dictated  his  history.  His  narration,  void  of 
fell  spirit  of  research,  but  lively  and  animated,  constantly 
recalls  the  languagi.  and  the  noble  frankness  of  a  preux 
c^.evalier.  Villehardouin  particularly  excels  in  the  speeches 
of  his  heroes,  and  delights  in  praising  the  bravery  of  his 
companions :  if  he  never  names  the  Grecian  warriors,  it  is 
because  he  did  not  know  them,  and  did  not  wish  to  know 
them.  The  marshal  of  Champagne  is  not  affected  by  the 
evils  of  war,  and  only  elevates  his  style  to  paint  traits  of 
heroism ;  the  enthusiasm  of  victory  alone  can  draw  tears 
from  him.  When  the  Latins  experienced  great  reverses,  he 
cannot  weep,  he  is  silent ;  and  it  may  be  plainly  seen  he  has 
laid  down  his  book  to  go  and  fight. t 

There  is  another  contemporary  historian,  whose  character 
'may  likewise  assist  us  in  forming  a  judgment  upon  the  age 
jn  which  he  lived  and  the  events  he  has  related.  Gunther, 
a  monk  of  the  order  of  Citeaux,  who  wrote  under  the  dic- 
tation of  Martin  Litz,  expatiates  upon  the  preachings  of 
the  crusade,  and  on  the  virtues  of  his  abbot,  who  placed 

*  Nicetas  did  not  know  whether  he  ought  to  give  a  place  in  hh  History 
to  the  Latins,  who  were  for  him  notliing  but  barbarians,  but  he  makes  uj) 
his  mind  to  continue — "  when  God,  who  confounds  the  wisdom  of  human 
policy,  and  lowers  the  pride  of  the  lolty,  has  struck  with  confusion  those 
who  had  outraged  the  Greeks,  and  delivered  them  up  to  people  still  more 
wicked  than  themselves." — See  the  history  of  that  which  happened  after 
the  taking  of  Constantinople,  chap.  i. 

t  How  is  it  that  our  author,  who  is  evidently  partial  to  Villehardouin, 
has  neglected  to  speak  of  his  skilful  -etreat  from  Adrianople,  upon 
which  Gibbon  bestows  such  high  praise  "  His  masterly  retreat  of  three 
days  would  have  deserved  the  praise  of  Xenophon  and  the  ten  thousand." 
Gibbon  has  fine  passage*  on  Villehardouin. — Trans. 


176  HISTORY    0>'    THE    CRUSADES. 

himself  at  the  head  of  the  Crusaders  of  the  diocese  of  Bale. 
Wtien  the  Christian  army  directs  its  course  towards  the 
Ciipital  of  the  Greek  empire,  Guutlier  rememhers  the  orders 
of  the  pope,  aud  becomes  silent ;  if  he  aflurds  us  a  few 
words  upon  the  second  siege  of  Constantinople,  he  cannot 
conceal  the  terror  wiiich  this  rash  enterprise  creates  in  him. 
In  his  recital,  the  valour  of  tlie  Crusaders  scarcely  obtains  a 
modest  eulogy  ;  the  imagination  of  the  historian  is  only 
struck  by  the  difficulties  and  perils  of  the  expedition  ;  filled 
"with  the  most  siidster  presentiments,  he  constantly  repeats 
that  there  is  no  hope  of  success  for  the  Latins.  When  they 
are  triumphant,  liis  fear  is  changed  all  at  once  into  admira- 
tion. The  monk  Ginither  celebrates  with  enthusiasm  the 
unhoped-for  success  of  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium,  among 
whom  he  never  loses  sight  of  his  abbot,  Martin  Litz,  loaded 
with  the  pious  spoils  of  Greece. 

When  reading  the  three  iiistories  contemporary  with  the 
expedition  to  Constantinople,  we  plainly  perceive  that  the 
first  belongs  to  a  Greek  brought  up  at  the  coiu't  of  Byzan- 
tium, the  second  to  a  French  knight,  and  the  third  to  a 
monk.  If  the  two  first  historians,  by  their  manner  of  writ- 
ing and  the  sentiments  they  express,  give  us  a  just  idea  of 
the  Greek  nation  and  the  heroes  of  the  West,  the  last  may 
also  explain  to  us  the  opinfons  and  the  character  of  the 
greater  part  of  tliose  Crusaders,  who  were  constantly  threat- 
ening to  quit  the  army  after  it  had  left  Venice,  and  who, 
perhaps,  were  only  so  mindful  of  tlie  oatli  they  had  made  to 
go  to  the  Holy  Land,  because  the  name  alone  of  Constan- 
tinople filled  them  with  terror.  Th^re  were,  as  may  be 
plainly  seen,  but  very  few  of  these  timid  Crusaders  in  the 
Christian  army,  and  even  these  were  governed  by  the  gene- 
ral spirit  that  animated  the  knights  and  barons.  Other 
crusades  had  been  preached  in  councils,  this  crusade  was 
proclaimed  at  tournaments  ;  thus  the  greater  parts  of  the 
Crusaders  proved  more  faithful  to  the  virtues  aud  laws  of 
chivalry  than  to  the  will  of  the  Holy  See.  These  warriors, 
so  proud  and  so  brave,  were  full  of  respect  for  the  authority 
and  judgment  of  the  pope  ;  but,  governed  by  honour,  placed 
between  their  first  vows  and  their  word  given  to  the  Vene- 
tians, they  often  swore  to  deliver  Jerusalem,  and  were  led, 
without   thiiiking   of   it,    to    the   walls    cf  Constantinople. 


HISTOBT    OF    THE   CRUSADES.  171 

Armed  to  avenge  the  cause  of  Christ,  they  became  subser- 
vient to  the  ambition  of  Venice,  to  which  republic  they 
esteemed  themselves  bound  by  gratitude,  and  overturned 
tlie  throne  of  Crnstantinople  to  pay  a  debt  of  fifty  thousand 
silver  marks. 

The  chivairic  spirit,  one  of  the  p,?culiar  characteristics  of 
this  war,  and  of  the  age  in  which  it  was  undertaken,  kept 
up  in  the  icarts  of  the  Crusadei-s  ambition  and  the  love  of 
glory.  In  the  early  days  of  chivalry,  knights  declared  them- 
selves the  champions  of  beauty  and  innocence ;  at  first  they 
were  appealed  to  for  justice  against  injuries  and  robberies; 
but  soon  princes  and  princesses,  deprived  of  their  rights  by 
force,  came  to  demand  of  them  the  restitution  of  provinces 
and  kingdoms.  The  champions  of  misfortune  and  beauty 
then  became  illustrious  liberators  and  true  conquerors. 

At  the  same  time  that  a  young  prince  came  to  implore 
the  Crusaders  to  assist  him  in  replacing  his  father  upon  the 
throne  of  Constantinople,  a  young  princess,  the  daughter  of 
Isaac,  king  of  Cyprus,  despoiled  by  Hichard  Coeur  de  Lion, 
repaired  to  Marseilles,  to  solicit  the  support  of  the  Cru- 
saders, who  were  embarking  for  Palestine.  She  married  a 
I'lemish  knight,  and  charged  liim  with  the  task  of  recovering 
her  father's  kingdom.  This  Flemish  knight,  whose  name 
history  does  not  mention,  but  who  belonged  ro  the  family  of 
Count  Baldwin,  when  he  arrived  in  the  East,  addressed  him- 
self to  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  demanded  the  kingdom 
of  Cyprus  of  him  ;  he  v/as  supported  in  his  demand  by  the 
chatelain  of  Bruges,  and  the  greater  part  of  his  companions 
who  had  taken  the  cross.  Amaury,  wlio  had  received  from 
the  pope  and  the  emperor  of  Germany,  the  title  of  king  of 
Cyprus,  far  from  yielding  to  such  pretensions,  ordered  the 
Flemish  knight,  John  of  Nesle,  and  their  companions,  to 
quit^  his  dominions.  The  knights  who  had  embraced  the 
cause  of  the  daughter  of  Isaac,  abandoned  the  idea  of  re- 
taking the  kingdom  of  Cyprus,  and  without  stopping  in  the 
Holy  Land,  turned  their  steps  towards  the  banks  of  the 
Euplirates  and  tlie  Orontes,  to  seek  for  other  countries  to 
conquer. 

Before  there  was  a  question  of  attacking  Constantinople, 
we  have  seen  a  daughter  of  Tanci'ed,  the  last  king  of  Sicily, 
espouse  a  French  knight,  and  ti-ansfer  to  him  the  charge  oi 


178  UISTOBT    or    THE    CBUSADES. 

avenging  her  family  and  establishing  her  claims  to  tlie  king- 
ilom  founded  by  the  Norman  knights.  Gauthier  de  Brienne, 
after  his  marriage,  set  out  for  Italy,  furnislied  with  a  tliou- 
sand  livres  tournois,  and  accompanied  by  sixty  knights. 
Having  received  at  Ivorae  the  benediction  of  the  pope,  he 
declared  war  against  the  Germans,  tiien  masters  of  Apulia 
and  Sicily ;  got  possession  of  tlie  principal  fortresses,*  ami 
appeared  likely  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  victories  in  peace, 
when  he  v.as  surprised  in  his  tent,  and  fell,  covered  with 
wounds,  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  He  was  ottered  his 
liberty  upon  the  condition  of  renouncing  his  claim  to  the 
crown  of  Sicily ;  but  he  preferred  tlie  title  of  king  to  free- 
dom, and  allowed  himself  to  die  with  hunger  rather  tluin 
abandon  liis  i-ights  to  a  kingdom  which  -victory  had  bestowed 
upon  him. 

Tliis  spirit  of  conquest,  which  appeared  so  gieneral  among 
the  Icnights,  might  favour  tlie  expetlitiou  to  Constantinople ; 
but  it  was  injurious  to  the  holy  war,  by  turning  the  Cru- 
saders aside  from  the  essential  object  of  the  cru::'ade.  The 
heroes  of  tliis  war  did  nothing  for  the  deliverance  of  Jeru- 
salem, of  wliich  they  constantly  spoke  in  tlieir  letters  to  the 
pope.  The  conquest  of  Byzantium,  very  far  from  being,  as 
trie  knights  believed,  tlie  road  to  the  land  of  Christ,  Avas  but 
a  \vi\\  obstacle  to  the  taking  of  tlie  holy  city  ;  their  impru- 
dent exploits  phxced  the  Christian  colonies  in  greater  peril, 
and  only  ended  in  completely  subverting',  without  replacing 
it,  a  power  which  might  have  served  as  a  bariier  against  the 
Saracens. 

The  Venetians  skilfully  took  advantage  of  this  disposition 
of  the  French  knights  ;  Venice  succeeded  in  stifling  the  voice 
of  the  sovereign  poiititf,wcio  often  gave  the  CrusadpA's  coun- 
s.>ls  dictated  by  tlie  spirit  of  the  gospel.  The  republic  had 
the  greatest  influence  over  the  events  of  this  war,  and  over 
the  minds  of  the  barons  and  knights,  wlio  allowed  tl  emselves 
to  be  governed  by  turns  by  the  sentiments  of  honour  and 

*  Innocent,  to  get  rid  of  the  nei};libourhood  of  the  emperor,  demanded 
of  Philip  Augustas- a  knight  who  might  marry  a  d;iiighter  of  Tancred,  an(' 
po.-sibly  leconquer  Sicily.  The  adventures  and  the  wars  of  Gauthier  di 
Brienne  are  rt-l  ted  b\  C'mr;id,  abbot  of  Usberg,  'vobert  the  .Moi-k 
.■\lht-ri.-,  and,  as  v>  c  h.tvt'  alrea'.iy  ^aid,  by  tlio  author  of  ih.'  ^-Iciv^ 
hiiiucciit . 


HISTOllY    OF    THE    CKVSADES.  179 

by  a  desire  to  win  rich  doniinioiis,  and  thus  exhibited 
throughout  their  conduct  an  inconsistent  mixture  of  gene- 
rosity and  avarice. 

Tlie  inclination  to  enrich  themselves  by  victory  had,  pai'- 
ticidarly,  no  longer  any  bounds  Avlien  the  Crusaders  had 
once  beheld  Constantinople ;  ambition  took  the  place  in 
their  hearts  of  every  generous  sentiment,  and  left  nothin" 
of  that  enthusiasm  which  had  been  the  moving  principle  oi 
other  crusades.  Xo  prodigy,  no  miraculous  apparition  came 
to  second  or  stimulate  tlie  valour  of  knights  to  v\  horn  it  was 
quite  sufficient  to  point  out  the  wealth  of  Grrcece.  In  pre- 
ceding crusades,  the  bishops  and  ecclesiastics  promised  the 
combatants  indulgences  of  the  Church  and  eternal  life ;  but 
in  this  war,  as  the  Crusaders  had  incurred  the  displeasure  ot 
the  head  of  the  faithful,  they  coidd  not  be  supported  in 
their  perils  by  the  hope  of  martyrdom ;  and  the  leaders  who 
were  acquainted  with  the  spirit  that  animated  their  followers, 
contented  themselves  witti  offering  a  sum  of  monev  to 
the  soldier  that  should  first  mount  the  ramparts  of  Con- 
stantinople. V/hen  chey  had  pillaged  the  city,  knights, 
barons,  and  soldiers  exclaimed,  iiv  the  intoxication  of  their 
joy, — Never  was  so  rich  a  hootij  seen  since  the  creation  of  the 
world ! 

We  have  remariied  tliat,  in  the  coiiqiu^st  of  the  provinces, 
every  knigiit  wished  to  obtain  a  principalitv ;  everv  count, 
every  lord,  wished  for  a  kingdom  ;  the  clergy  themselves 
were  not  exempt  from  this  ambition,  and  (Jtcn  complained 
to  the  pope  of  not  having  been  favoured  in  the  division  of 
the  spoils  of  the  Greek  empire. 

To  recapitulate,  in  a  few  words,  our  opinion  of  the  eveiits 
and  consequences  of  this  crusade,  we  nuist  say  that  the 
spirit  of  chivalry  and  the  spirit  of  conquest  at  first  gave 
birth  to  wonders ;  but  that  they  did  not  sufrico  to  maintain 
the  Crusaders  in  their  possessions.  This  conquering  spirit, 
carried  to  the  most  blind  excess,  did  not  allo\\'  them  to  reflect 
that  among  the  greatest  triumphs,  there  is  a  point  at  which 
Vdotory  and  force  themselves  are  powerless,  if  prudence  and 
wisdom  do  not  come  to  the  assistance  of  valour. 

The  Franks,  their  ancestors,  who  set  out  from  tlie  North 
to  invade  the  lichest  provinces  of  the  Roman  empij-e.  wt re 
bettei-  seconded  by  fortune,  but  more  particularly  by  tlieir 


180  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADLS 

own  geni'is.  Hespecting  the  usages  of  tlie  countries  that 
Bubmitt(>d  to  theii*  arms,  they  only  beheld  in  the  conquered, 
fellow-citizens  and  supporters  of  their  own  power ;  they  did 
not  create  a  foreign  nation  in  the  midst  of  the  nations  they 
had  desolated  by  their  victories.  The  Crusaders,  on.  the 
contrary,  evinced  a  profound  contempt  for  the  Greeks,  wlioso 
alliance  and  support  tliey  ought  to  have  been  anxious  to 
seek  ;  they  wished  to  reform  manners  and  alter  opinions, — 
a  much  more  difBcult  task  than  tlie  conquest  of  an  empire, — ■ 
and  only  met  with  enemies  in  a  country  that  might  have 
furnished  them  with  useful  allies. 

AVe  may  add  that  the  policy  of  the  Holy  Sec,  which  at 
rirst  undertook  to  divert  the  Latin  warriors  from  the  expe- 
dition to  Constantinople,  became,  in  the  end,  one  of  the 
greatest  obstacles  to  the  preservation  of  their  conquests. 
The  counts  and  barons,  who  reproached  themselves  with 
having  failed  in  obedience  to  the  sovereign  pontitf,  at  length 
followed  scrupulously  his  instructions  to  procure  .by  their 
arms  ^e  submission  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  only  condition 
on  which  the  holy  father  would  pardon  a  war  commenced  in 
opposition  to  his  commands.  To  obtain  his  forgiveness  and 
approbation,  they  employed  violence  against  schism  and 
heresy,  and  lost  their  conquest  by  endeavouring  to  justify  it 
in  the  eyes  of  the  sovereign  pontiff.  The  pope  himself  did 
not  obtain  that  which  he  so  ardently  desired.  The  union 
of  the  Greek  and  Eoman  churches  could  not  possibly  be 
eftected  amidst  the  terrors  of  victory  and  the  evils  of  war ; 
the  arms  of  the  conquerors  had  less  power  than  the  anathe- 
mas of  the  Church,  to  bring  back  the  Greeks  to  the  worship 
of  the  Latins.  Violence  only  served  to  irritate  men's  minds, 
and  consummated  the  rupture,  instead  of  putting  an  end  to 
it.  The  remembrance  of  persecutions  and  outrages,  a  reci- 
procal contempt,  an  implacable  hatred  arose  and  became 
implanted  between  the  two  creeds,  and  separated  tjiem  for 
ever. 

fliatory  cannot  affirm  that  tlris  crusade  made  great  pro- 
gress in  the  civilization  of  Europe.  The  Greeks  had  pre- 
served the  jurisprudence  of  Justinian  ;  the  empire  possessed 
wise  regulations  upon  the  levying  of  imposts  aiul  the  admi- 
nistration of  the  public  revenues;  but  the  Latins  disdained 


niSTORT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  18^ 

these  monuments  of  human  wisdom  and  of  the  experience 
of  many  ages ;  they  coveted  lujtliing  the  Greeks  possessed 
but  their  territories  and  their  M-ealth.  Most  of  the  knights 
took  a  pride  in  their  ignorance,  and  amongst  the  spoils  of 
Constantinople,  attached  no  value  to  the  ingenious  produc- 
tions of  Greece.  Amidst  the  conflagrations  that  consumed 
the  mansions  and  palaces  of  the  capital,  they  beheld  with 
indifference  large  and  valuable  libraries  given  up  to  the 
flames.  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that,  in  these  great 
disasters  the  Muses  had  not  to  weep  for  the  loss  of  any  of 
the  master-pieces  they  had  inspired.  If  the  conquerors 
knew  not  how  to  appreciate  the  treasures  of  genius,  this 
rich  deposit  was  not  to  be  lost  for  their  descendants.  All 
the  books  of  antiquity  that  were  known  in  the  time  of 
Eustathius  [A.  D.  750,  Teais^s.],  and  of  which  that  learned 
philosopher  made  the  nomenclature  some  centuries  before 
the  fifth  crusade,  enriched  France  and  Italy  at  the  revival  of 
letters. 

We  may  add  that  the  necessity  for  both  conquerors  and 
conquered  of  intercommunication  must  have  contribiited  to 
the  spreading  of  the  Latin  language  among  the  Greeks,  and 
that  of  the   Greeks    among   the   Latins.*     The  people   of 

•  We  cannot  refrain  from  offering  our  readers  a  curious  passage  from 
an  excellent  manuscript  memoir  which  M.  Jourdain  has  communicated 
to  us,  entitled  Recherckes  siir  les  Anciennes  Versions  Latines  d'  Arislote 
employees  par  les  Kcclesiastiqnes  du  Vime  Steele.  "Two  circumstances 
contributed  in  the  thirteenth  century  to  materially  spread  the  knowledge 
of  the  Greek  language  in  the  West.  Baldwin,  who  was  pliced  upon  the 
imperial  throne,  wrote  to  Pope  Innocent  III.  to  beg  of  him  to  send  to 
him  men  distinguished  by  their  piety  and  knowledge,  chosen  from  the 
religious  orders  and  the  Universitv  of  Paris,  to  instruct  his  new  people  in 
the  Catholic  relisiou  and  Latin  letters.  The  pope  wrote  to  seveial  mo- 
nastic orders  and  to  the  University  of  Paris.  About  the  same  time  Philip 
Augustus  founded  at  Pnris.  near  the  mountain  St.  Genevieve,  a  C'oi^stan- 
tinopolitan  college,  destined  to  receive  the  young  Greeks  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished families  of  Constantinople.  The  intention  of  this  prince  was 
tn  extinguish  in  the  hearts  of  these  young  men  the  hatred  they  had  im- 
bibed against  the  Latins,  by  offering  to  ttiem  ail  sorts  of  kind  treatment, 
and  perhaj)s  also  to  secure  hostages  against  the  fickleness  and  bad  faith  of 
the  Greeks.  We  can  conceive  that  this  circumstance  contributed  power- 
fully in  diffusing  the  knowledge  of  Greek,  not  only  in  France  but  in  all 
the  West,  for  Paris  was  then  the  most  celebrated  school,  and  almost  nil 
the  men  to  whom  Latin  tiauslatioas  from  the  Greek  are  attributed,  had 


182  HISTORY    OF    TUi;    CIIUSADES. 

Greece  were  obliged  to  learn  the  idiom  of  the  clergy  of 
lionie  in  order  to  make  their  petitions  and  complaints  known  ; 
the  ecclesiastics  charged  by  the  pope  to  convert  the  Greeks 
could  not  dispense  with  the  stud-y  of  the  language  of  Plato 
and  Demosthenes,  to  teach  the  disciples  of  Photius  the 
truths  of  the  Eoman  Catholic  religion. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  destruction  of  the  master-pieces 
of  sculpture  ;  we  must  admit,  nevertheless,  that  some  of 
them  escaped  the  barbarism  of  the  conquerors.  The  ^Vene- 
tians, more  enlightened  than  the  other  Crusaders,  and  born 
in  a  city  constructed  and  embellished  by  the  arts,  caused 
several  of  the  monuments  of  Byzantium  to  be  transported 
into  Italy.  Four  horses  of  bronze,*  which,  amidst  the  revo- 
lutions of  empires,  had  passed  from  Greece  to  Rome,  from 
Rome  to  Constantinople,  were  sent  to  decorate  the  place  of 
St.  Mark :  many  ages  after  this  crusade,  they  were  doomed 
to  be  carried  away  from  Venice,  in  its  turn  invaded  by  vic- 
torious armies,  and  again  to  return  to  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic,  as  eternal  trophies  of  war,  and  faithful  companions 
of  victory. 

The  Crusaders  likewise  profited  by  several  useful  inven- 
tions, and  transnntted  them  to  their  compatriots  ;  and  the 
fields  and  gardens  of  Italy  and  France  were  enriched  by 
sonae  plants  tdl  that  time  unknown  in  the  West.     Boniface 

studied  in  that  city  :  we  must  also  assign  to  the  same  cause  the  Latin 
versions  of  Aristotle  made  from  the  Greek  and  published  before  St.  Thomas. 
Nevertheless,  if  the  Arabs  had  not  previously  spread  throughout  the  West 
a  taste  for  the  Peripatetic  pliilosophy,  it  is  Vfry  doubtful  whether  the 
relations  established  between  the  East  and  the  West  by  the  inauguration 
of  Baldwin,  would  have  produced  any  desire  to  obtain  it  from  purer 
sources 

*  Since  tueir  restoration  to  Venice,  the  history  of  these  three  celebrated 
horses  has  given  birth  to  three, dissertations.  In  one  {Narrazione  Storica 
dei  Qnairo  Cavalii  di  Bronzo,  Ike),  Cnunt  Cicognaia,  president  of  the 
Royal  Academy  of  Fine  Ai  cs  at  Venice,  pretends  that  this  monument  was  cast 
at  Rome  in  the  reign  of  Nero,  in  comnieuioratinn  of  the  victory  over  Tiri- 
dates.  M.  Schlegt-l  {Leilera  ai  Signuri  Compilatori  della  BihUoteca 
Itaiiana)  reje(;ts  this  opinion  of  the  count,  and  thinks  that  the  four  bronze 
horses  ure  from  the  hands  of  a  Greek  statuary  of  the  time  of  Alc-xander. — 
Dei  Qiiatro  Cavalii  della  Basilica  di  S.  Marco.  Andre  Mustoxidi,  a 
very  learned  young  Greek,  makes  this  superb  group  come  from  Chios, 
which  was  ricli  in  skilful  sculptors,  and  believes  they  were  transmitted  to 
Rome  in  the  time  of  Verres,  and  to  Constantinople  under  Theodosius  tha 
Gieat. 


HISTOllY    OF    THE    CKUSAUKS.  183 

scut  into  liis  marqul.sate  some  seeds  of  maize,  which  had 
never  before  been  cultivated  in  Italy  :  a  .public  document, 
which  still  exists,  attests  the  gratitude  of  the  people  of 
Montferrat.  The  magistrates  received  the  innocent  fruits 
of  victory  with  great  solemnity,  and,  upon  their  altars, 
called  down  a  blessing  upon  a  production  of  Grieece,  that 
would  one  day  constitute  the  wealth  of  tlie  plains  of  Italy.* 

Flanders,  Champagne,  and  most  of  the  provinces  of 
France,  which  had  sent  their  bravest  warriors  to  tlie  cru- 
sade, fruitlessly  lavished  their  population  and  their  treasures 
upon  the  conquest  of  Byzantium.  Vie  may  say  that  our  in- 
trepid ancestors  gained  nothing  by  this  wonderful  war,  but 
the  glory  of  having  given,  for  a  moment,  masters  to  Con- 
stantinople, and  lords  to  Greece.  And  yet  these  distarit 
conquests,  and  this  new  empire,  which  drew  from  Franco  i'"? 
turbulent  and  ambitious  princes,  must  have  been  favourable 
to  the  French  monarchy.  Philip  Augustus  must  have  been 
pleased  by  the  absence  of  the  great  vassals  of  the  cro^^  n,  and 
had  reason  to  learn  \\itli  joy  that  the  count  of  Flanders,  a 
troublesome  neighbour,  and  a  not  very  submissive  vassal, 
had  obtained  an  empire  in  the  East.  The  French  monarchy 
thus  derived  some  advantage  from  this  crusade  ;  but  the  re- 
public of  Venice  profited  much  more  by  it. 

This  republic,  which  scarcely  possessed  a  population  of 
two  hundred  thousand  souls,  and  had  not  the  power  to  make 
its  authority  respected  on  the  continent,  in  the  first  place, 
made  use  of  the  arms  of  the  Crusaders,  to  subdue  cities,  of 
which,  without  their  assistance,  she  could  never  have  made 
herself  mistress.  By  the  conquest  of  Constantinople,  she 
enlarged  her  credit  and  her  commerce  in  the  East,  and 
brought  vuider  her  laws  some  of  the  richest  possessions  of 
the  Greek  emperors.  She  increased  the  reputation  of  her 
liavy,  and  raised  lierself  above  all  tlie  maritime  nations  of 
Europe.  The  Venetians,  tb.ough  fighting  under  the  banners 
of  the  cross,  never  neglected  the  interests  or  glory  of  tlieir 
own  country,  whilst  the  French  knights  scarcely  ever  fought 
for  any  object  but  personal  glory  and  tlieir  own  ambition. 

*  We  find  in  the  first  volame  of  an  Italian  work  entitled  Storia  d'Incisa 
e  del  (jia  celebre  siio  Marchesato,  published  at  Asti,  in  1810,  a  precious 
monument ;  this  is  a  charter  which  proves  the  sending  of  the  seeds  oi 
maize  to  a  city  of  Montfe^rrat.     This  is  a  very  interesting  document. 


184  IIISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

The  republic  of  Venice,  accustomed  to  calculate  the  advan- 
tages and  expenses  of  war,  immediately  renounced  all  con- 
quests the  preservation  of  which  might  become  bui-deusome; 
and  of  her  new  possessions  in  the  East,  only  retained  such 
as  she  judged  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  her  comm.foe, 
or  the  maintenance  of  her  marine.  Three  years  after  the 
taking  of  Constantinople,  the  senate  of  Venice  pullished  an 
edict,  by  which  it  permitted  any  of  the  citizens  to  conquer 
the  islands  of  the  Archipelago ;  yielding  to  them  the  pro- 
prietorship of  all  the  countries  they  might  subdue.  After 
this  there  soon  appeared  princes  of  JSFaxos,  dukes  of  Paros, 
and  lords  of  Mycone,  as  there  had  been  dukes  of  Athens, 
lords  of  Thebes,  and  princes  of  Achaia  ;  but  these  dukes  and 
princes  were  only  vassals  of  the  republic.  Thus  Venice, 
more  fortunate  than  France,  made  the  valour  and  ambition 
of  her  citizens  subservient  to  her  interests. 


BOOK    XII. 

SIXTH   CEUSADE. 

A.D.  1200—1215. 

Ik  the  preceding  books,  the  imposing  spectacle  has  passed 
before  our  eyes  of  the  fall  of  an  old  empire,  and  of  the  rise 
and  rapid  decline  of  a  new  one.  The  imagination  of  man 
loves  to  dwell  upon  ruins,  and  the  most  sanguinary  cata- 
strophes evenoft'er  him  highly  attractive  pictures.  We  have 
reason  to  fear  tliat  our  narration  will  create  less  interest, 
awaken  less  curiosity,  when,  after  the  great  revolutions  we 
have  described,  it  will  be  our  duty  to  turn  oiir  attention  to 
the  petty  states  the  Christians  founded  in  Syria,  for  the 
safety  of  which  the  nations  of  the  West  were  constantly 
called  upon  to  furnish  warlike  assistance. 

At  the  present  day,  we  have  great  difficulty  in  compre- 
hending that  enthusiasm  which  animated  all  classes  for  the 
deliverance  of  the  holy  places,  or  that  powerful  interest  that 
directed  the  thoughts  of  all  to  comitries  almost  forgotten  by 
modern  Eui'ope.*  During  the  height  of  the  fervour  for 
the  crusades,  the  taking  of  a  city  or  town  of  Judea  caused 
more  joy  than  the  taking  of  Byzantium  ;  and  Jerusalem  was 
more  dear  to  the  Christians  of  the  West  than  their  own 
country.  This  entliusiasm,  of  which  our  indifference  can 
scarcely  form  an  idea,  renders  the  task  of  the  historian  diffi- 
cult, and  makes  him  often  hesitate  in  the  choice  of  the 
*n'ents   that   history    has   to   record :    when   opinions  have 

*  It  is  well  worthy  of  remark  that  it  is  verj'  little  more  than  a  quarter 
or  a  century  since  this  sciitence  was  written  ;  and,  in  that  short  period, 
what  has  not  science  effeced  ! — the  East,  of  which  we  were  then  said  to 
be  .■"O  ignorai.t.  i-  bf-tter  known  to  Europeans  than  it  was  at  any  time 
during  iLe  c-rusades. — Trans. 

Vol.   II.— 9 


186  TUSTOKr    OF    TKE    CRUSADES. 

changed,  everything  has  changed  with  them  :  glory  itself 
has  lost  its  splendour,  and  that  \vhich  appeared  great  in  the 
eyes  of  men,  seems  only  fantastical  or  vulgar  ;  the  historical 
epochs  of  our  annals  have  become  the  objects  of  our  most 
sovereign  contempt ;  and  when,  without  due  reference  tf> 
the  ages  of  the  holy  wars,  we  wish  to  submit  these  extraor- 
dinary enterprises  to  the  calculations  of  reason,  we  resemble 
tho?e  modern  travellers  who  have  only  found  a  dribbling 
rivulet  in  the  place  of  that  famous  Scamander,  of  which  the 
imagination  of  the  ancients,  and  still  more,  the  muse  of 
Homer,  had  made  a  majestic  river. 

But  if  we  have  no  longer  the  task  of  describing  the  re\o- 
lutious  and  falls  of  empires,  the  epoch  of  which  we  are 
about  to  trace  the  picture,  will  still  present  to  us  but  too 
many  of  those  great  calamities  with  which  human  life  sup- 
plies history :  whilst  Greece  was  a  prey  to  all  the  ravages 
of  war,  the  most  cruel  scourges  desolated  both  Egypt  and 
Syria. 

The  Nile  suspended  its  accustomed  course,  and  failed  to 
inundate  its  banks  or  render  the  harvests  abundant.  The 
last  year  of  this  century  (1200)  announced  itself,  says  an 
Arabian  author,  like  a  monster  whose  fury  threatened  to  de- 
vour everything.  When  the  famine  began  to  be  felt,  the 
people  were  compelled  to  support  themselves  upon  the  grass 
of  the  fields  and  the  ordure  of  animals,*  the  poor  routed  up 
cemeteries,  and  disputed  with  the  worms  the  spoils  of  coffins. 
When  this  awful  scourge  became,  more  general,  the  popula- 
tion of  the  cities  and  country,  as  if  pursued  by  a  pitiless 
enemy,  fled  away  from  their  homes  in  despair,  and  wandered, 
about  at  hazard  from  city  to  city,  from  \illage  to  village, 
>i-eeting  everywhere  with  the  evil  they  wished  to  avoid ;  in 
no  inhabited  place  could  they  step  a  foot  without  being 
struck  by  the  appearance  of  a  putrifying  carciiss,  or  some 
unhappy  wretch  on  the  point  of  expiring. 

The  most  frightful  effect  of  this  universal  calamity  was, 
that  the  want  of  food  gave  birth  to  the  greatest  crimes,  and 

*  The  account  of  this  famine,  and  the  disasfers  by  which  it  was  follovved, 
is  to  be  found  in  its  details,  in  Les  Relations  de  I  Eyypte,  translated  fr.im 
Abdallatif  by  M.  Letvestre  de  Lacy.  This  Arabian  author  was  a  skilful 
physici.m  and  an  eidightened  man;  and  hi.s  re<'ital,  which  contains  many 
ex' raoi'dinary  facts,  hears  all  the  characters  of  truth. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  1 N 7 

re:i'lered  every  man  the  eiieinv  of  his  fellows.  At  the  fotu- 
mencenicnt  of  tlie  famine  n.  ich  horror  was  expressed  at 
some  being  reduced  to  feed  upon  human  flesh,  but  examples 
of  so  great  a  scandal  increased  M'ith  such  rapidity,  that  it 
was  soon  sp  jken  of  with  indifference.  Men  contending 
with  famine,  which  spared  the  rich  no  more  than  the  poor, 
were  no  longer  sensible  to  pity,  shame,  or  remoi'se,  and  were 
restrained  neither  by  respect  for  the  laws,  nor  by  the  fear  of 
punishment.  They  came  at  last  to  devour  each  other  like 
wild  beasts.  At  Cairo,  thirty  women,  in  one  day,  perislied 
at  the  stake,  convicted  of  having  killed  and  eaten  their  own 
children.  The  historian  Abdallatif  relates  a  crowd  of  bar- 
barous and  monstrous  incidents  which  make  the  blood  run 
cold  with  horror,  and  to  which  we  will  not  give  a  place  in 
our  history,  for  fear  of  being  accused  of  calumniating 
human  nature. 

The  plague  soon  added  its  ravages  to  those  of  famine. 
God  alone,  says  contemporary  history,  knows  the  number  of 
those  that  died  with  famine  and  disease.  The  capital  of 
Egypt,  in  the  space  of  a  few  months,  witnessed  a  hundred 
and  eleven  thousand  funerals.  At  lengtli  it  was  found  im- 
possible to  bury  the  dead,  and  tlie  terrified  survivors  were 
obliged  to  be  satisfied  with  casting  them  over  the  ramparts. 
The  same  mortality  was  experienced  at  Damietl  a,  Kous,  and 
Alexandria.  It  v/as  at  the  period  of  seed-time  that  the 
plague  was  at  its  height ;  they  who  sowed  the  seed  were  not 
the  same  that  had  ploughed  the  ground,  and  they  who  sowed 
lived  not  to  reap  the  harvest.  Tlie  villages  were  deserted, 
and  reminded  travellers  of  those  expressions  of  the  Koran: 
"  JVe  have  mown  them  all  down  and  exterminated  them  ;  one 
cry  was  heard,  and  all  have  jJcrished.^^  The  dead  bodies  that 
floated  on  the  Nile  were  as  numerous  as  the  bulbous  plants 
which,  at  certain  seasons,  cover  the  waters  of  that  river. 
One  fisherman  counted  more  than  four  hundred  that  passed 
before  his  eyes  in  a  single  day  ;  pdes  of  human  bones  were 
met  with  everywhere ;  the  roads,  to  borrow  the  expression 
of  Arabian  writers,  "  Were  like  a  field  sown  ivith  dead 
bodies,  and  the  most  populous  provinces  were  as  a  banqiiet- 
ing-hall  for  the  birds  of  prey.'''' 

Egypt  lost  more  than  a  million  of  its  inhabitants  ;  both 
famine  and  plague  were  felt  as  far  as  Syria,  and  the  Chris- 


1S8  HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSAUES. 

lian  cities  suffered  equally  with  those  of  the  Mussulir.aiis. 
From  the  shores  of  the  lied  Sea  to  the  banlfj  :f  the 
Euphrates  aud  the  Orontes,  the  whole  country  presented 
one  picture  of  desolation  and  mourning.  As  if  the  anger  of 
Heaven  was  not  satisfied,  it  was  not  long  before  a  third 
calamity,  not  less  terrible,  followed  in  the  train  of  the  others. 
A  violent  earthquake  laid  waste  the  cities  and  provinces  that 
famine  and  plague  had  spared  ;*  the  shocks  resembled  the 
motion  of  a  sieve,  or  that  which  a  bird  makes  when  he  raises 
and  lowers  his  wings.  The  rising  of  the  sea,  and  the  agita- 
tion of  the  waves  presented  a  horrible  appearance ;  ships 
were,  on  a  sudden,  carried  far  on  to  the  land,  and  multitudes 
of  fish  covered  the  shore ;  the  heights  of  Libanus  opened 
and  sunk  in  many  places.  The  people  of  Syria  and  Egypt 
believed  it  to  be  the  earthquake  that  is  to  precede  the  day 
of  judgment.  Many  inhabited  places  totally  disappeared  ; 
a  vast  number  of  men  perished ;  the  fortresses  of  Hamath, 
Barin,  and  Balbec  were  thrown  down ;  the  only  part  of  the 
city  of  Naplouse  that  was  left  standing  was  the  street  of  the 
Samaritans  ;  in  Damascus,  all  the  most  superb  edifices  were 
destroyed ;  in  the  city  of  Tyre  only  a  few  houses  escaped, 
and  the  ramparts  of  Ptolemais  and  Tripoli  were  nothing  but 
heaps  of  ruins.  The  shocks  were  felt  with  less  violence  in 
the  territory  of  Jerusalem,  and,  in  the  general  calamity,  both 
Christians  and  Mussulmans  returned  thanks  to  Heaven  I'or 
having  spared  in  its  anger  the  city  of  prophets  and  miracles. 
Such  awful  disasters  ought  to  have  caused  the  treaties  made 
between  the  barons  and  the  infidels  to  be  respected.  In  th(; 
Sfth  crusade,  the  sovereign  pontiff  urged  the  Christians  to 
take  advantage  of  these  calamitous  days  to  in\ade  the 
Mussulman  provinces  of  Syria  and  Egypt :  but  if  the  advice 
of  the  pope  had  been  followed,  if  tlie  Christian  army,  on 
leaving  Venice,  had  directed  its  march  towards  the  counti'ies 
devastated  by  pestilence  and  famine,  it  is  most  probable  tliat 
the  conquerors  and  the  conquered  would  have  perished  to- 
gether. At  that  period,  death,  like  a  formidable  sentinel, 
guarded  all  the  frontiers  of  the  Christians  and  Mussidnians. 
All  the  scourges  of  nature  became  the  terrible  guardians  of 

*  The  cirrumstitnces  of  this  earthq\iMl<e  <nre  related  by  Abdallatif .   the 
Latin  historians  scarcely  name  this  great  calamity. 


HISTORY    OF    TUE    CUUSADES.  18b 

provinces,  and  defended  the  approaches  and  entrances  of 
cities  better  than  the  greatest  armies  could  have  done. 

The  Christian  colonies,  however,  began,  not  to  repair  their 
losses,  but  to  forget  the  evils  they  had  suflered.  Amaury, 
king  of  Jerusalem,  set  his  barons  an  example  of  wisdom  and 
pious  resignation.  The  three  miUtary  orders,  that  had  ex- 
hausted their  treasures  to  support  their  knights  and  soldiers 
during  the  famine,  made  a  strong  appeal,  by  messengers  and 
letters,  to  the  charity  of  the  fuitliful  of  the  West.  The 
Christian  cities  that  had  been  destroyed  by  the  earth cpake 
were  rebuilt,  and  the  sums  amassed  by  Foulque  of  Neuilly^ 
the  preacher  of  the  last  crusade,  were  employed  in  restoring 
the  walls  of  Ptolemais.  As  the  Christians  wanted  labourers, 
they  set  the  Mussulman  prisoners  to  work.  Among  the  pri- 
soners condemned  to  this  service,  history  must  not  pass  by 
the  celebrated  Persian  poet  8aadi,  who  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Franks,  whilst  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.* 
The  author  of  "The  Garden  of  Roses,"  and  several  other 
works,  destined  at  a  future  day  to  obtain  the  admiration  of 
the  East  and  the  AVest,  was  loaded  with  irons,  led  to  Tripoli, 
and  confounded  with  the  crowd  of  captives  employed  iu  re- 
building the  foi-titications  of  that  city. 

The  truce  which  had  been  concluded  with  the  infidels 
still  subsisted;  but  either  pretensions  or  quarrels  daily 
arose  that  were  frequently  followed  by  hostilities.  The 
Christians  were  continually  kept  under  arms,  and  peace  was 
sometimes  as  abundant  in  troubles  and  dangers  as  an  open 
war  would  have  been.  There  likewise  prevailed,  at  this 
time,  great  confusion  among  the  Christian  colonies,  and 
even  among  the  Mussulman  powers.  The  sultan  of  Damas- 
cus was  at  peace  with  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  whilst  the 
count  of  Tripoli,  the  prince  of  Antioch,  with  the  Templars 
and  Hospitallers,  were  at  war  with  the  princes  of  Hamath, 
Edessa  or  some  emirs  of  Syria. t     Every  one,  according  to  his 

*  M.  Latigles  has  furnished  us  with  this  valuable  incident,  which  he 
has  taken  from  the  Persian  biographer  Daulet  Chah.  The  biographer 
adds,  that  a  merchant  of  Aleppo  redeemed  Sandi,  by  paying  the  Clinstiatis 
the  sum  of  ten  golden  crowns,  and  he  likewise  gave  the  poet  another 
hundred  as  the  dowry  of  his  daughter,  whom  he  gave  him  in  marriage. 

t  History  has  great  trouble  in  fallowing  the  events  of  this  period 
through  the  cloud  of  anarchy  which  reigned  everywhere  ;  and  that  which 
increases  the  difficulty  is,  that  the  authors  of  our  old  chronicles  were  only 


100  HISTOKV    Of    TUE    CKUSADES. 

liumour,  took   up  or  laid  down  his  arms,  without  any  powei 
being  sufficiently  strong  to  enforce  respect  tor  treaties. 

Ko  great  battles  were  fought,  but  constant  incursions 
upon  the  territories  of  enemies  were  made  ;  cities  Avere  sur- 
prised, countries  were  ravaged,  and  great  booty  obtained. 
Amidst  these  disorders,  which  were  called  DaifH  of  Truce, 
the  Christians  of  Palestine  had  to  lament  the  death  of  their 
king.  Amaury,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 'faith fu  , 
went  to  Ca'ifa,  during  holy  week,  to  gather  palm  ;  but  fell 
sick  on  his  pilgrimage,  and  returned  to  Ptotemais  to  die. 
Thus  the  sceptre  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  again  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  Isabella,  who  had  neither  the  power, 
nor  the  ability  necessary  to  govern  the  Christian  states. 
At  the  same  time,  one  of. the  sons  of  Bohemond,  prince  of 
Antioch,  fell  under  the  daggers  of  assassins  sent  by  the  Old 
INlan  of  the  Mountains.  Bohemond  the  Third,  at  a  vei-y 
advanced  age,  was  unable  to  avenge  this  murder ;  and,  in 
addition,  before  he  died,  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  war 
break  out  between  his  second  son,  liaymond,  count  of 
Tripoli,  and  liivon,  prince  of  Armenia.  The  order  of  the 
Templars,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Hospitallers,  interested 
themselves  in  this  quarrel,  and  were  opposed  to  each  other. 
The  sultan  of  Aleppo  and  the  Turks  from  Asia  Minor  mixed 
themselves  with  the  dissensions  of  the  Christians,  and  took 
advantage  of  their  divisions  to  ravage  the  territory  of  An- 
tioch.* The  (christian  sta,tes  of  Syria  received  no  more 
succours  from  the  West.  The  remembrance  of  the  e\  ils 
that  had  ravaged  the  countries  beyond  the  seas  had  damped 
the  zeal  and  the  ardour  of  pilgrims;  the  warriors  of  Europe, 
accustomed  to  face  with  coolness  all  the  perils  of  war,  had 
not  sufficient  courage  to  brave  pestilence  and  famine.  A 
great  number  of  the  barons  and  knights  of  Palestine,  them- 
selves  abandoned  a  land  too  long  laid  desolate,  some   to 


acquainted  with  the  kinsdom  of  Jerusalem,  and  knew  notliing  of  what 
WMS  going  on  in  the  interior  of  the  states.  The  Arab  historians,  on  tlie 
conirary,  take  much  more  note  of  the  expeditions  of  the  iiiteiior  tiian  of 
the  events  that  happened  at  Ptolemais,  situated  on  the  seacoast,  anil  in 
some  sort  isola'ed  from  the  rest  of  Syria. 

*  WV  tinil  few  details  upon  this  epoch  in  the  continuator  of  Wiiham  of 
Tu'-'  'It  t!ie  orli'M- liist  riaiis  of  the  middle  ages  who  insution  the  Ghristicn 
coloaics. 


HISTOKV    OF    TUK    <JIi  ij  tSADES.  191 

repair  to  Coustantiiiople,  and  others  to  the  kiugdoms  of  the 
West. 

Innocent,  wlio  had  up  to  this  time  made  vain  efibrts  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places,  and  wlio  could  not  over- 
come his  regret  at  having  scun  great  Christian  armies  fruit- 
lessly dissipated  in  tlie  conquest  of  Greece,  ^tili  did  not 
give  up  his  vast  designs  ;  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
the  sovereign  pontitf  liad  pointed  out  the  Holy  Land  to  the 
Christian  nations,  as  the  road  and  the  way  of  salvation. 
After  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  he  not  only  called 
piety  and  virtue  in  to  the  defence  of  the  Christian  colonies, 
but  remorse  and  repentance.  All  who  came  to  him  to  con- 
fess great  sins,  were  allowed  but  one  means  of  expiating 
theii"  crimes, — crossing  the  sea  to  fight  against  the  infidels. 

Among  the  sinners  condemned  to  this  sort  of  pnnishment 
history  quotes  the  names  of  the  miu'derers  of  Conrad,  bishop 
of  Wurtzburg  and  chancellor  of  the  empire.*  The  guilty 
having  presented  themselves  before  the  pope,  barefooted, 
in  drawers,  and  with  halters  round  their  necks,  swore  in  the 
presence  of  the  cardinals,  to  pass  their  lives  in  the  practice 
of  the  most  austere  mortifications,  and  to  carry  arms  durijig 
four  years  against  the  Saracens.  A  knight,  named  Eobert, 
scandalized  the  whole  court  of  Eome  by  confessing  in  a  loud 
voice,  that,  being  a  prisoner  in  Egypt  during  the  famine,  he 
had  killed  his  wife  and  daugliter,  to  feed  upon  their  fles'i. 
The  pojje  imposed  the  most  rigorous  penances  upon  liobert. 
and  ordered  him,  to  complete  the  expiation  of  so  great  a 
crime,  to  pass  three  years  in  visiting  the  holy  places. 

Innocent  endeavoured  by  such  means  to  keep  iip  the 
devotion  of  pilgrimages,  which  liad  given  birth  to  the  crusades, 

*  This  penitence  and  tliut  which  follows  are  mentioned  by  Fleury,  in 
the  sixteenth  volume  of  his  Ilis'ory  ;  the  guilty  wt-re  condemned,  in  addi- 
tion to  liie  pilgrimage,  to  wear  neither  vair,  grey  squirrel  fur,  ermine,  i  i:r 
coloured  stuff's  ;  they  were  never  to  be  presin;  •y.t  public  gaii:e- ;  after 
becoming  widowers,  were  never  to  marry  a^ain  ;  to  walk  barefnoted  and 
be  clothed  in  woollen,  and  tn  fast  on  bread  and  water  on  Wednesdays, 
Fridays,  Ember-week,  and  Vigils  ;  to  perform  three  Lent  la>ts  in  tlie  cour.-e 
of  the  year,  to  recite  tlie  Pater  Noster  a  hundred  times,  and  ii.ake  a  hundred 
genuflexions  every  day.  When  they  came  to  a  city,  t^ey  were  to  go  to 
the  princ-ip]  chuich  birefooted,  in  drav\ers,  witli  halters  round  their 
ne(rk,-  and  rods  in  tl.eir  hamU,  and  there  receive  from  the  canons  di^c'pline, 
&c.  cS:c. 


192  UISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

and  might  again  revive  the  zeal  and  ardour  for  holy  wars. 
According  to  the  opinion  which  the  sovereign  pontiff 
sought  to  spread  among  the  faithful,  and  by  which  he  him- 
self appeared  penetrated,  this  corrupt  world  had  no  crimes 
for  which  God  would  not  open  the  treasures  of  his  mercy 
provided  the  perpetrators  would  take  the  voyage  to  the 
East.  The  people  1  jwever  were  persuaded  that  the  sins 
and  errors  of  a  perverse  generation  had  irritated  the  God  of 
the  Christians,  and  that  the  glory  of  conquering  the  Holy 
]jand  was  reserved  for  another  and  a  better  age,  to  a  gene- 
ration more  worthy  of  attracting  the  eyes  and  the  blessings 
of  Heaven. 

This  opinion  of  the  nations  of  the  "West  was  very  little  in 
favour  of  the  Christians  of  Syria,  who  were  daily  making 
rapid  strides  towai'ds  their  fall.  Isabella,  who  only  reigned 
over  depopulated  cities,  died  soon  after  her  husband.  A 
son  that  she  had  had  by  Amaury  preceded  her  to  the  tomb ; 
and  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  became  the  heritage  of  a 
young  princess,  a  daughter  of  Isabella  and  Conrad,  marquis 
of  Tyre.  The  barons  and  knights  that  remained  in  Syria 
were  more  sensible  than  ever  of  the  necessity  of  having  at 
their  head  a  prince  able  to  govern  them,  and  immediately 
set  about  choosing  a  husband  for  the  young  queen  of  Jeru- 
salem. 

Their  choice  might  have  fallen  upon  one  of  themselves ; 
but  they  feared  that  jealousy  woukl  give  birth  to  fresh  dis- 
cords, and  that  the  spirit  of  rivalry  and  faction  would  weaken 
the  authority  of  him  that  should  be  called  upon  to  govern 
the  kingdom.  The  assembly  resolved  to  seek  a  king  in  the 
West,  and  to  address  themselves  to  the  country  of  Godfrey 
and  the  Baldwins, — to  that  nation  that  had  furnished  so 
many  heroes  to  the  crusades,  so  many  illustrious  defenders 
oi   the  Holy  Land. 

This  resolution  of  the  barons  of  Palestine  had  not  only 
the  advantage  of  preserving  peace  in  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem, but  also  that  of  arousing  the  spirit  of  chivalry  in 
Europe,  and  of  interesting  it  in  the  cause  of  the  Christians 
of  the  East.  Aimar,  lord  of  Ca>sarea,  and  the  bishop  of 
Ptoleinais,  crossed  the  sea,  and  went,  in  the  name  of  the 
Christians  of  the  Holy  Land,  to  solicit  Pliilip  Augustus  to 
send  them  a  Uniijht  or  a  baron  who  might  save  tlie  little 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CHU8.VDKS.  193 

teat  remaiued  of  the  unfortunate  kingdom  of  Jerusalem. 
The  hand  of  a  young  queen,  a  erowii,  and  the  blessings  of 
Heaven  were  the  rewards  held  out  to  the  bravery  and  de- 
votedness  of  him  who  Avas  willing  to  fight  for  the  heritage 
of  the  Son  of  God.  The  deputies  were  received  with  great 
honours  at  the  court  of  the  king  of  France.  Although 
the  crown  they  oli'ered  was  nothing  but  a  vain  title,  it  not 
the  less  dazzU'd  the  imagination  of  the  French  knights  ; 
their  valorous  ambition  was  seduced  by  the  hope  of  acquir- 
ing great  renown,  and  restoring  the  throne  that  had  been 
founded  by  the  bravery  of  Grodfrey  of  Bouillon. 

Among  the  knights  of  his  court,  Philip  greatly  distin- 
guished John  of  Brienne,*  brother  of  Gauthier,t  who  died 
in  Apulia  witli  the  reputation  of  a  hero  a^^  the  title  of 
king.  In  his  youth,  John  of  Brienne  had  been  destined  for 
the  ecclesiastical  state ;  but,  brought  up  in  a  family  of  war- 
riors, and  less  sensible  to  the  charms  of  piety  than  to  those 
of  glory,  he  refused  to  obey  the  will  of  his  parents ;  and  as 
his  father  was  inclined  to  employ  force  to  constrain  him,  he 
sought  a  refuge  against  paternal  anger  in  the  monastery  of 
Citeaux.  John  of  Brienne  was  mixed  with  the  crowd  of 
cenobites,  and  gave  himself  up,  as  they  did,  to  f:isting  and 
mortification.  The  austerities  of  the  cloister,  however, 
did  not  at  all  assimilate  with  his  growing  passion  for  the 
noble  occupation  of  arms  ;  and  often,  amidst  prayers  and 
religious  ceremonies,  the  images  of  tournaments  and  battles 
would  distract  his  thoughts  and  disturb  his  mind.  One  of 
his  uncles  having  found  him  at  the  door  of  the  monastery 
in  a  state  very  little  suited  to  a  gentleman,  had  pity  on  his 
tears,  took  him  away  with  him,  and  encouraged  his  natural 
inclinations.  From  that  time  the  glory  of  combats  entirely 
occupied  his  thoughts  ;  and  he  who  had  been  destined  to 
the  silence  of  cloisters  and  the  peace  of  altars,  was  not  long 
in  creating  for  himself  by  his  bravery  and  exploits  a  great 
and  widely  spread  renown. 

At  the  period  of  the  last  crusade,  John  of  Brienne  accom- 
panied his  brother  in  his  attempt  to  obtain  the  kingdom  of 

*  Son  of  Erard  II.,  count  of  Brienne  in  Chanpagne,  and  Agnes 
Montheliard. 

t  Thf  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  relates  tliat  the  barons  of  Pales- 
tine themselves  demanded  John  of  Brienne  of  the  king  of  France. 

9* 


194  HISTOAY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

Naples,  and  saw  him  perish  whilst  fighting  for  a  throne  that 
was  to  be  the  reward  of  tlie  victor.  He  had  the  same  foi«- 
tune  to  guide  his  hopes,  and  the  same  dangers  to  encounter, 
if  he  espoused  the  heir  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  He 
accepted  with  joy  the  hand  of  a  young  queen,  for  the  pos- 
session of  whose  states  he  must  contend  with  the  Saracens , 
he  charged  the  ambassadors  to  return  and  announce  his 
speedy  arrival  in  Palestine,  and,  full  of  confidence  in  the 
cause  he  was  about  to  defend,  promised  to  follow  them  at 
the  head  of  an  army. 

When  Aymar  of  Csesarea  and  the  bishop  of  Ptolemais 
returned  to  the  Holy  Land,  the  promises  of  John  of  Brienne 
raised  the  depressed  courage  of  the  Christians,  and,  as  it 
often  hapnens  in  seasons  of  misfortune,  they  passed  from 
despair  to  the  most  extravagant  hopes. 

It  was  given  out  in  Palestine  that  a  crusade  was  in  pre- 
paration, commanded  by  the  niost  powerful  inonarchs  of  the 
West ;  and  the  report  of  such  an  extraordinary  armament 
produced  a  momentary  terror  among  tlie  infidels.  Malek- 
Adel,  who,  since  the  death  of  Al-Aziz,  reigned  over  Syria 
and  Egypt,  dreaded  the  enterprises  of  the  Christians  ;  and 
as  the  truce  made  with  the  Franks  was  on  the  point  of  ex- 
piring, he  proposed  to  renew  it,  offering  to  deliver  up  ten 
castles  or  fortresses  as  a  pledge  of  his  good  faitli  and  his 
desire  for  a  continuation  of  peace.  This  proposal  ought  to 
have  been  welcomed  by  tlie  Christians  of  Palestine  ;  but  the 
hopes  of  assistance  from  the  West  had  banished  all  mode- 
ration and  foresight  from  the  councils  of  the  barons  and 
knights.  The  wiser  part  of  the  Chi'istian  warriors,  among 
whom  was  the  grand  master  of  the  order  of  St.  John,  were 
of  opinion  that  the  truce  should  be  prolonged.  They  re- 
minded their  companions  that  they  had  often  been  promised 
succour  from  the  West,  without  this  succour  ever  lia\ing 
reached  the  Holy  Land ;  and  that  in  the  very  last  crusade, 
a  formidiible  army,  confidently  expected  in  Palestine,  had 
directed  its  march  towards  Constantinople.  They  added, 
that  it  was  not  prudent  to  risk  the  chances  of  war  upon  the 
faith  of  a  vain  promise ;  and  that  they  ought  to  wait  the 
event,  before  thej''  formed  a  determination  upon  which  might 
depend  *lie  safetr'  or  the  ruin  of  the  Christians  of  the  East. 
These  di.  courses  were  full  of  wisdom  and  gcod  sense,  but 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  196 

as  the  Hospitallers  spoke  in  favour  of  the  truce,  l^-e  Tem- 
plars, with  great  warmth,  declared  for  war :  s\ich  was,  like- 
wise, the  spirit  of  the  Christian  warriors,  that  prudeiK;e, 
moderation,  or,  indeed,  any  of  the  virtues  of  peace,  inspii-ed 
them  with  a  sort  of  disdain ;  for  them  reason  was  alwaya 
on  the  side  of  perils,  and  only  to  speak  of  flying  to  arms 
■was  quite  sufiicient  to  win  all  their  suffrages.  The  assembly 
of  barons  and  knights  refused  to  prolong  the  truce  made 
with  the  Saracens. 

This  determination  became  so  much  the  more  fatal,  from 
the  situation  of  France  and  Europe,  which  could  scarcely 
allow  John  of  Brienne  to  entertain  the  hope  of  accomplish- 
ing his  promise  of  raising  an  army  for  the  Holy  Land. 

Grermany  was  still  agitated  by  the  rival  pretensions  of 
Otho  and  Philip  of  Swabia :  John  of  England  laboured 
under  the  curse  of  an  excommunication,  which  interdict 
extended  to  his  kingdom.  Philip  Augustas  was  busily  em- 
ployed in  taking  advantage  of  all  the  troubles  that  were  in 
full  action  around  him ;  on  one  side  by  endeavouring  to  ex- 
tend his  influence  in  Germany,  and  on  tlie  other  by  constant 
efforts  to  weaken  the  power  of  the  English,  who  were  mas- 
ters of  several  provinces  of  his  kingdom.  John  of  Brienne 
arrived  at  Ptolemais  with  the  train  of  a  king,  but  he  only 
brought  with  hiin  three  hundred  knights  to  defend  his  king- 
dom ;  his  new  subjects,  however,  still  full  of  hopes,  looked 
upon  him  no  less  as  a  liberator.  His  marriage  was  cele- 
brated in  the  presence  of  the  barons,  the  princes,  and  the 
bishops  of  Ptolemais.  As  the  truce  was  about  to  expire, 
the  Saracens  resumed  their  arms,  and  disturbed  the  festivi- 
ties of  the  coronation.  Malek-Adel  entered  Palestine  at 
the  head  of  an  army,  and  the  infidels  not  only  laid  siege  to 
Tripoli,  but  threatened  Ptolemais. 

The  new  king,  at  the  head  of  a  small  number  of  faithful 
warriors,  created  great  admiration  for  his  valour  in  the  field 
of  battle ;  but  he  was  not  able  to  deli^'er  the  Christian  pro- 
vinces from  the  presence  of  a  formidable  enemy.  When 
the  defenders  of  Palestine  compared  their  scanty  ranks 
with  the  multitude  of  their  enemies,  they,  sank  at  once  into 
a  state  of  despondency ;  and  even  those  who  so  lately 
scorned  the  thoughts  of  peace  with  the  infidels,  could  uot 
muster  either  strength  or  courage  to  oppose  to  thei/  attacks. 


196  HISTOET   r  THE  CRUSADES. 

Most  of  the  French  knights  that  had  accompanied  the  new 
king,  quitted  the  kingdom  they  had  come  lo  succoui',  and 
returned  into  Europe.  The  dominions  of  Jolin  of  Brienne 
coiifeisted  of  the  city  of  Ptolema'is  alone,  aiid  he  had  no 
army  to  defend  even  that ;  he  then  began  to  perceive  he  had 
undertaken  a  perilous  and  difficult  task,  and  that  he  shouul 
not  be  able  to  contend  for  any  length  of  time  against  the 
united  forces  of  the  Saracens.  Ambassadors  wer^^  sent  to 
Rome  to  inform  the  pope  of  the  pressing  dangers  of  the 
Christian  states  in  Asia,  and  once  more  to  implore  the  sup- 
port of  the  princes  of  Europe,  and,  above  all,  of  the  French 
knights. 

These  fresh  cries  of  alarm  were  scarcely  heard  by  the 
nations  of  the  AVest.  Tlie  troubles  Avhich  agitated  Europe 
at  the  period  of  the  departure  of  John  of  Brienne  for  Pales- 
tine wei'e  far  from  being  allayed,  and  prevented  France 
especially  from  lending  any  assistance  to  the  Christian  colo- 
nies. Languedoc  and  most  of  the  southern  provinces  of  the 
kingdom  \\ere  then  desolated  by  religioiis  wars,  which  fully 
employed  the  bravery  of  the  French  knights  and  nobles. 

A  spirit  of  inqvury  and  indocility,  which  had  arisen  among 
the  faithful,  and  with  which  St.  Bernard  had  reproached  ins 
age,  was  making  alarming  progress  every  day.  The  most 
holy  doctors  had  already  many  times  expressed  their  grief 
at  the  abasement  of  the  holy  word,  of  which  every  one  con- 
stituted himself  judge  and  arbiter,  and  which  was  tre:ited, 
said  Stephen  of  Tournay  in  his  letters  to  tlie  pope,  with  as 
little  discennnent  as  holy  tilings  given  to  dogs,  or  pearls  cast 
at  the  feet  of  sioine.  This  spirit  of  independence  and  pride, 
joined  to  the  love  of  paradox  and  novelty ;  to  the  decline  of 
sovuid  studies,  and  the  relaxation  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  ; 
had  given  birth  to  heresies  which  rent  the  bosom  of  the 
Church. 

Tlie  most  dangerous  of  all  the  new  sects  was  that  of  the 
Albi'njois,*  which  took  its  name  from  the  city  of  Albi,  in 
which  its  first  assemblies  had  been  held.  These  new  sec- 
tarians being  unable  to  explain  the  existence  of  evil  under  a 
just  and  good  God,  as  the  Manicheans  had  done,  adopted 
t'vo  principles.     According  to  their  belief,   God  had  fii'st 

*  As  Gibbon  has  done,  I  have  preferreil  the  real  name  of  tiiis  sc.-l  ta 
the  Latinized  Albiyeiises. — Trans. 


hTstory  of  the  crusades.  197 

c.-onted  Lucifer  and  his  angels ;  Lucifer  having  revolted 
from  God,  was  banished  from  heaven,  and  produced  the 
visible  world,  over  which  he  reigned.  God,  to  re-establish 
crder,  created  his  second  son,  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  the  genius 
of  good,  as  Lucifer  had  beeu  the  genius  of  evil.  ISeveral 
C'inteinporary  writers  represent  the  Albigeois  in  the  most 
odious  colours,  and  describe  them  as  given  up  to  all  kinds  of 
error ;  but  this  opinion  must  not  be  adopted  in  all  its  rigour 
by  impartial  history.  For  the  honour  of  human  nature  we 
feci  bound  to  say,  that  never  did  a  religious  sect  dare  to 
endeavour  to  win  the  approbation  of  mankind  whilst  pre- 
senting an  example  of  depravity  of  morals ;  and  that  in  no 
age,  among  no  people,  has  a  false  doctrine  ever  been  able  to 
lead  astray  any  number  of  men,  without  being  supported  by 
at  least  an  appearance  of  virtue. 

The  wisest  and  most  earnest  Christians  were  at  that 
period  desirous  of  a  reform  in  the  clergy.  "  But  there 
were,"  says  Bossuet,  "  vain  and  proud  minds,*  full  of  bitter- 
ness, which,  struck  by  the  disorders  that  reigned  in  the 
Church,  and  more  particularly  among  its  ministers,  did  not 
believe  that  the  promises  of  its  eternal  duration  could 
possibly  subsist  amongst  these  abuses.  These,  become 
proud,  and  thence  weak,  yielded  to  the  temptation  which 
leads  to  a  hatred  of  the  Church  from  a  hatred  of  those  who 
preside  in  it ;  and  as  if  the  malice  of  man  could  annihilate 
the  work  of  God,  the  aversion  they  had  conceived  for  tlie 
teachers,  made  them  hate  at  tlie  same  time  both  the  doctrine 
they  taught  and  the  authority  they  had  received  from  God." 

Tliis  disposition  of  men's  minds  gave  the  apostles  of  error 
a  most  deplorable  ascendancy,  and  multiplied  the  number  of 
their  disciples.  Among  the  new  sectarians,  the  most  rema.rk- 
able  were  the  Vaudois,  or  I'oor  of  Li/ons,  who  devoted  them- 
selves to  a  state  of  idle  poverty,  and  despised  the  clergy, 
whom  they  accused  of  living  in  luxury  and  voluptuousness  ; 
the  Apostoliques,  who  boasted  of  being  the  only  mystical 
body  of  Jesus  Christ ;  the  Popelicains,  who  abhorred  the 
eucharist,  marriages,  and  the  other  sacraments ;  the  Aymer- 
istes,  whose  teacher,s  .injioraiccd  to  the  world  the  future 

*  Bossuet,  Histoire  des  Vuriat.  vol.  ii.  L'Abbe  Paquet,  in  his  Dic- 
tionnaire  des  Heresies,  and  Fleuiy,  in  his  Histoire  ^cc^^siaslique,  express 
the  same  opinion. 


198  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

establishment  of  a  [)urely  spiritual  worship,  and  denied  the 
existence  of  a  hell  or  a  paradise,  persuaded  that  sin  finds  m 
itself  its  own  punishment,  and  virtue  its  own  rewai'd. 

As  the  greater  part  of  these  heretics  exhibited  a  sovereign 
contempt  for  the  authority  of  the  Church,  which  was  tlie... 
the  first  of  all  authorities,  all  those  v."ho  wished  to  shake  off 
the  yoke  of  divine  laws,  and  those  even  to  whom  their  pas- 
sions rendered  the  restraint  of  human  laws  intolerable,  came 
at  length  to  range  themselves  under  the  banners  of  these 
innovators,  and  were  welcomed  by  a  sect  anxious  to  increase 
and  strengthen  itself,  and  always  disposed  to  consider  as  its 
partisans  and  defenders,  men  whom  society  cast  from  its 
bosom,  who  dreaded  justice,  and  could  not  endure  established 
order.  Thus  the  pretended  reformers  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  whilst  themselves  aftecting  austerity  of  manners, 
and  proclaiming  the  triumph  of  virtue  and  truth,  admitted 
into  theii'  bosom  both  corruption  and  licentiousness,  de- 
stroyed ev  ry  regulation  of  authority,  abandoned  everything 
to  the  caprice  of  the  passions,  and  left  no  bond  to  society, 
no  power  to  morals,  no  check  upon  the  multitude. 

The  new  heresies  had  been  condemned  in  several  councils  ; 
but  as  violence  was  sometimes  employed  in  executing  the 
decisions  of  the  Church,  persecution  only  tended  to  sour 
men's  minds,  instead  of  bringing  them  back  to  truth.  Mis- 
sionaries and  papal  legates  were  sent  into  Languedoc,  to 
convert  the  misled  wanderers  from  the  flock ;  but  their 
preaching  produced  no  fruit,  and  the  voice  of  falsehood 
prevailed  over  the  word  of  Grod.  The  preachers  of  the  faith, 
whom  the  heretics  reproached  with  their  luxury,  their  igno- 
rance, and  the  depravity  of  their  manners,  had  neither 
sufficient  resignation  nor  sufficient  humility  to  support  such 
outrages,  or  otter  them  as  a  sacrifice  to  Jesus  Christ,  whose 
apostles  thej'  were.  Exposed  to  the  scoffs  of  the  sectarians, 
and  gathering  nothing  from  the  labours  of  their  missions  but 
humiliation  and  contempt,  they  accustomed  themselves  to 
view  the  people  they  were  sent  to  convert  as  personal  ene- 
mies ;  and  a  spirit  of  vengeance  and  pride,  which  certainly 
came  not  from  heaven,  made  them  believe  it  was  their  duty 
to  bring  into  the  right  road,  by  force  of  arms, "all  who  had 
denied  their  power  or  resisted  their  eloquence.  The  sove- 
reign pontiff,  whose   mind  was  constantly  bent  upon  the 


UlSTORY    OF    THK    CRUSADES.  190 

Asiatic  war,  hesitated  at  ordering  a  crusade  to  be  preached 
against  the  Albigeois ;  but  he  was  led  away  by  the  opinioua 
of  the  clergy,  perhaps  also  by  that  of  his  age,  and  at  last 
promised  to  all  Christians  who  would  take  up  arms  against 
tlie  Albigeois  the  same  privileges  as  those  granted  to  the 
Crusaders  against  the  Saracens.*     Simon  de  Montfort,  the 

*  Notwithstanding  the  partiality  I  naturally  feel  for  an  author  whose 
work  I  am  translating,  ami  to  which  t  isk  I  was  led  by  my  admiration  of 
it,  I  cannot  allow  such  opinions  of  the  war  against  the  Albigeois  to  pass 
unnoticed.  A  very  sensible  French  historian  says  : — "  The  inhabitants 
of  these  provinces  were  industrious,  intellectual,  and"  addicted  to  com- 
merce, the  arts,  and  poetry  ;  their  numerous  cities  flourished,  governed 
by  consuls  with  forms  appro;iching  to  republican  ;  all  at  once  tliis  beauti- 
ful region  was  abandoned  to  tlie  furies  of  fanaticism,  its  cities  were  ruined, 
its  arts  and  its  commerce  de>troyed,  and  its  language  cast  back  into  bar- 
barism. The  preaching  of  the  first  religious  reform  gave  birth  to  the 
devastation  of  these  rich  countries.  The  clergy  were  not  distinguished 
there,  as  in  France  or  the  northern  provinces,  by  their  aidour  to  improve 
themselves  and  diffuse  knowledge  ;  they  signalized  themselves  by  gross 
disorders,  and  sank  daily  into  greater  contempt.  The  need  of  reform 
ha  I  been  lon^  felt  among  the  people  of  Provence  and  many  reformers 
had  already  appeared.  For  a  length  of  time  associations  had  existed  whose 
aim  it  was  to  purify  the  morals  and  the  doctrines  of  the  Church ;  such 
were  the  Paterins,  the  Catharins,  and  the  Poor  of  Lyons  ;  and  the  greater 
par'  of  these  had  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  popes,  who  cotisidered  them 
HS  so  many  orders  of  monks,  highly  calculated  to  awaken  public  devotion. 
But  the  reforms  ttiat  were  operated  extended  gradually  ;  dogmas  even  were 
attacked,  priests  were  subjected  to  the  insults  of  the  people,  and  the 
domains  of  the  Church  wer;^  invaded.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  when 
the  famous  Innocent  III.,  al;  the  age  of  thirty-nine,  ascended  the  pontifical 
throne  in  1198.  To  his  great  task  he  brought  the  talents  of  an  ambitious, 
and  the  energy  of  a  violent  and  an  inflexitjle  cliaracter.  This  pontiff,  who 
dominated  over  Euiope  by  indulgences  -aui  ezcommunications,  watched 
for  and  punished  with  severity  every  free  exercise  of  thought  in  religious 
matters  ;  he  was  the  fir,-t  to  feel  how  serious  and  threatening  for  the 
Church  of  Rome  that  liberty  of  mind  must  be  that  had  already  degenerated 
into  revolt.  He  saw  with  great  inquietude  a:id  anger  the  :aew  tendency 
of  men's  minds  in  Provence  and  Lansjuedoc,  and  pros('ribed  the  reformers, 
the  most  numerous  of  whom,  and  who  gave  their  name  to  all  the  others, 
were  known  under  the  names  of  Albigeois  and  Vaudois.  Some  among 
them  were  Manicheans,  tliat  is  to  say,  admitted 'the  twt)  j)rinciples  ;  but 
the  greatest  mimber  of  them  professed  doctrines  dij^ering  but  very  little 
from  those  which,  three  centuries  later,  tvere  preached  by  Luther.  They 
denied  transubstantiation  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  rejected  con- 
fession, and  the  pacraments  of  confirmation  and  marriage,  and  taxed  tlie 
worship  of  images  with  idolatry."  In  this  wnr  papacy  put  forth  all  its 
mo.-t  dreaded  powers;  indulgeu'es  to  its  brutal,  mercenary  soldiers' 
heaven  for  wholesale  slaughterers  of  their  fellow-cieatures  ;  hell  for  all 


2UU  HISTOKI    OF    TH3    3RUSADES. 

duke  of  Burgundy,  and  the  duke  of  Nevers  obeyed  the  orders 
of  the  Holy  See :  the  hatred  which  this  new  sect  inspired, 
but  still  more  the  facility  of  gaining  indulgences  from  the 
sovereign  pontiff  without  quitting  Europe,  drew  a  great 
number  of  warriors  to  the  standards  of  this  crusade.  The 
Inquisition  owes  its  birth  to  this  war;  an  institution  at  once 
fatal  to  humanity,  religion,  and  patriotism.  Piles  and  stakes 
appeared  on  all  sides ,  cities  were  taken  by  storm,  and  their 
inliabitanta  ])ut  to  the  sword.  The  violences  and  cruelties 
which  accompanied  this  unfortimate  war  have  been  described 
by  those  even  who  took  a  most  active  part  in  them  ;*  their 
recitals,  which  we  have  great  difficulty  in  believing,  fre- 
quentlv  resemble  the  language  of  falsehood  and  exaggera- 
tion. In  periods  of  vertigo  and  fury,  when  violent  passions 
oome  in  to  mislead  both  opinions  and  consciences,  it  is  not 
rare  to  meet  with  men  who  exaggerate  the  excesses  to  which 

who  dared  to  think  when  they  worshipped,  or  to  breathe  a  word  against 
the  veriest  iion.-ense  of  Romish  rites  :  many  instances  occurred  in  which 
the  odious  doctrine  o^  no  faith  to  bn  observed  with  heretics,  was  unblush- 
ingly  advanced  and  cruelly  acted  upon.  I  will  close  my  notice  of  this 
war  against  men  who  ventured  to  entertain  a  shade  of  difference  in  opinion 
from  their  fellow- Christians  and  the  head  of  the  Church,  by  a  quotation 
tliat  vividly  stamps  its  character.  "  The  Crusaders  precipitiited  theni- 
Sf-Ives  in  a  mass  upon  the  lands  of  the  young  viscount  de  Beziers,  took 
his  castles  and  burnt  all  the  men,  violated  the  women  and  massacred  the 
<-hildren  they  found  in  them  ;  then,  turning  towards  Beziers,  they  carried 
it  ^y  assault.  A  p:'odigious  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  circumjacent 
country  had  taken  refuge  in  this  city  ;  the  abbot  of  Citeaux,  legate  of  the 
pope,  upon  being  consulted  by  the  knights  as  to  the  fate  of  these  unhappy 
beiiigs,  a  part  of  whom  only  were  heretics,  replied  by  these  execrable  and 
ever- memorable  words:  *  Kill  aweri/ .'  kill  awai/ !  God  ivill  take  care  of 
his  own!'"  The  ciusade  against  the  Albigeois  is  one  of  the  blackest 
])at;es  in  the  history  of  mankind,  and  ought  to  bo  described  as  such  by 
every  historian  whose  disaureeable  duty  it  is  to  name  it.  — Trans. 

*  The  abbot  of  Vaux-de-Cernai,  who  signalized  himself  in  the  Ciusade 
againrt  the  Albigeois,  has  left  us  a  history  of  this  period,  in  which  he 
relates  with  an  nir  of  triumph,  facts  which  passed  before  his  eyes,  at  which 
religim  as  well  as  h\iuiaiiity  ought  to  blush.  Whep.  we  have  read  his 
ace  'unt,  we  are  persuaded  of  two  things  :  the  first,  that  he  was  sincere  in 
the  excess  of  his  fanatical  zeal;  the  second,  that  his  age  thought  as  he  did, 
ai.d  did  not  disapprove  of  the  violencen  ami  persecutions  of  which  he  so 
candidly  exposes  the  history.  Le  Pere  Langlois.  a  Jesuit,  has  written,  in 
French,  a  history  of  tlie  crusades  against  the  Albigeois.  The  Histoirt 
Eccldsiastique  of  Fleury,  and  L'Histoire  de  la  Provi^.a  de  Languedof: 
u-slj  be  consulted  with  advantage. 


HISTORY    Of    THE    CRUSADES.  201 

thsy  have  given  tliemselves  up,  and  boast  of  more  evil  thau 
thoy  have  committed. 

For  ourselves,  the  disastrous  war  against  the  Albigeoia 
does  not  enter  into  the  plan  of  this  history,  and  if  we  have 
spoken  of  it  here,  it  was  only  the  better  to  describe  the 
situation  of  France  at  this  period,  and  tlie  obstacles  which 
tlien  opposed  themselves  to  all  enterprises  beyond  sea. 
Amidst  these  constantly  increasing  obstacles.  Innocent  III. 
was  deeply  afflicted  at  not  being  able  to  send  succours  to 
the  Christians  of  Palestine,  his  regret  being  the  greater 
from  the  circumstance  that  at  the  very  time  the  Albigeois 
and  the  count  of  Thoulouse  were  subjected  to  this  frightful 
crusade,  the  Saracens  were  becommg  more  formidable  in 
Spain.  The  king  of  Castile,  threatened  by  an  innumerable 
army,  had  just  called  upon  all  Frenchmen  able  to  bear  arms 
to  come  to  his  assistance.  The  pope  liimself  had  written  to 
all  the  bisho-ps  of  France,  recommending  them  to  exhort  the 
faithful  of  their  dioceses  to  assist  in  a  great  battle  which  was 
to  be  fought  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Moors,  about 
the  octave  of  Pentecost  (1212).  Innocent  promised  the 
warriors  who  would  repair  to  Spain,  the  usual  indulgences  of 
holy  wars ;  and  a  solemn  pi-ocession  was  made  at  Kome,  to 
implore  of  God  the  destruction  of  the  jNIoors  and  Saracens. 
The  archbishops  of  Xarbonne  and  Bordeaux,  the  bishop  of 
Nantes,  and  a  great  number  of  French  nobles,  crossed  the 
Pyrenees,  followed  by  two  thousand  knights  with  their 
squiies  and  serjeants-at-arms.  The  Christian  army  met  the 
Moors  in  the  plains  of  Las  Xavas  de  Tolosa,  and  fought  a 
battle,  jn  which  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  infidels  lost 
either  their  lives  or  their  libert3\  The  conquerors,  loaded 
with  spoils  and  surrounded  by  the  dead,  sang  the  Te  Deu7n 
on  the  field  of  battle :  i;b.e  standard  of  the  leader  of  the 
Aliiioades  was  sent  to  Some  as  a  trophy  of  the  victory 
granted  to  the  prayers  of  the  Christian  Church. 

On  learning  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  Tolosa,  the  sovereign 
pontiff,  amidst  the  assembled  inhabitants  of  Eome,  offered 
up  tha-  ks  to  God  for  having  scattered  the  enemies  of  his 
people ,  and  at  the  same  time  prayed  that  Heaven  in  its 
mercy  would,  in  the  end,  deliver  the  Christians  of  Syria  aa 
it  liad  just  delivered  the  Christians  of  Spain. 

The  head  of  the  Church  renewed  his  exhortations  to  tha 


202  HISTOKT    or   THE    CRUSADBS. 

faitlifu]  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ  ;  b'll 
amidst  tlie  troubles  and  civil  wars  that  he  himself  had  ej- 
cited,  he  could  gain  no  attention  to  the  complaints  of  Jeru« 
salem,  and  shed  tears  of  despair  at  the  indifference  of  th-.- 
nations  of  the  West.  x\bout  this  period  such  a  circumstance 
was  beheld  as  had  never  occurred  even  in  times  so  abound- 
ing iu  prodigies  and  extraordinary  events.  Fifty  thousand 
children,  in  France  and  Germany,  braving  paternal  authority, 
gathered  together  and  pervaded  both  cities  and  countries, 
singing  these  words  : — "  Lord  Jesus,  restore  to  us  your  holy 
cross!"  When  they  were  asked  whither  they  were  going, 
or  wliat  they  intended  to  do,  they  replied,  "  We  are  going 
to  Jernsalem,  to  deliver  the  sepulehi*e  of  our  Saviour." 
Some  ecclesiastics,  blinded  by  false  zeal,  had  preached  this 
crusade ;  most  of  the  faithful  saw  nothing  in  it  but  the 
inspiration  of  Heaven,  and  thought  that  Jesus  Christ,  to 
show  his  divine  powei",  and  to  confound  the  pride  of  the 
greatest  captains,  and  of  the  wise  and  powerful  of  the  earth. 
Lad  placed  his  cause  iu  the  hands  of  simple  and  timid  infancy. 
Many  women  of  bad  character,  and  dishonest  men  insinu- 
ated themselves  amongst  the  crowd  of  these  new  soldiers  of 
the  cross,  to  seduce  and  pluuder  them.  A  great  portion  of 
this  juvenile  militia  crossed  the  Alps,  to  embark  at  tlie  Italian 
ports  ;  whilst  those  who  came  from  the  provinces  of  France, 
directed  their  course  to  Marseilles.  On  the  faitli  of  a 
miraculous  revelation,  they  had  been  made  to  believe  that 
this  year  (1213)  the  drought  would  be  so  great  that  the 
sun  would  dissipate  all  the  watei's  of  the  sea,  and  thus  an 
easy  road  for  pilgrims  would  be  opened  across  the  bed  of 
the  Mediterranean  to  the  coasts  of  Syria.  Many  of  these 
young  Crusaders  lost  themselvea  in  forests,  then  so  abundant 
and  large,  and  wandering  about  at  hazard,  perished  with 
heat,  hunger,  thirst,  and  fatigue ;  others  returned  to  their 
homes,  ashamed  of  their  imprudence,  saying,  tJtei/  reaUi/  did 
not  know  why  they  had  gone.  Among  those  that  embarked, 
some  were  shipwrecked,  or  given  up  to  the  Saracens,  against 
whom  they  had  set  out  to  fight ;  many,  say  the  old  chro- 
nicles, gathered  the  palms  of  martyrdom,  and  offered  the 
infidels  the  ediiying  spectacle  of  the  finnness  and  courage 
the  Christian  religion  is  capable  of  inspirijig  at  the  most 
tender  age  as  well  as  at  th3  more  mature. 


HISTORY    or    THE    CEUSADES.  203 

Sucli  of  tliese  children  as  reached  Ptolemaas  must  liavo 
Ci'eated  terror  as  well  as  astonishment,  by  naking  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  East  believe  that  Europe  had  no  longer  any 
government  or  laws,  no  longer  any  wise  or  prudent  men, 
either  in  the  councils  of  princes  or  those  of  the  Church. 
Nothing  more  completely  demonstrates  the  spirit  of  these 
times  than  the  indifference  with  which  such  disorders  were 
witnessed.  No  authority  interfered,  either  to  stop  or  pre- 
vent the  madness ;  and  when  it  was  announced  to  the  pope 
that  death  had  swept  away  the  flower  of  the  youth  of  France 
and  Germany,  he  contented  himself  with  saying, — "  These 
children  reproach  us  with  having  fallen  asleep,  whilst  they 
were  flying  to  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Land."* 

The  sovereign  pontiff,  in  order  to  accomplish  his  designs, 
and  rekindle  the  enthusiasm  of  the  faithful,  found  it  neces- 
sary to  strike  the  imagination  of  the  nations  vividly,  and  to 
present  a  grand  spectacle  to  the  Christian  world.  Innocent 
resolved  to  assemble  a  general  council  at  Kome,  to  dehberate 
upon  the  state  of  the  Church  and  the  fate  of  the  Christians 
of  the  East.  "  The  necessity  for  succouring  the  Holy 
Land,"  said  he  in  his  letters  of  convocation,  "  and  the  hope 
of  conquering  the  Saracens,  are  greater  than  ever ;  we  renew 
our  cries  and  our  prayers  to  you,  to  excite  you  to  this  noble 
enterprise.  No  one  can  imagine,"  added  Innocent,  "  that 
God  has  need  of  your  arms  to  deliver  Jerusalem ;  but  he 
offers  you  an  opportunity  of  showing  your  penitence,  and 
proving  your  love  for  him.  Oh,  my  brethren,  how  many 
advantages  has  not  the  Christian  Church  already  derived 
from  the  scourges  that  have  desolated  her,  and  desolate  her 
still !  How  many  crimes  have  been  expiated  by  repentance  ! 
How  many  \artues  revive  at  the  fire  of  charity  ,  IIow  many 
conversions  are  made  among  sinners  by  the  complainmg 
voice  of  Jerusalem  !  Bless,  then,  the  ingenious  mercy,  the 
generous  artifice  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  seeks  to  touch  your 
hearts,  to  seduce  your  piety,  and  is  willing  to  owe  to  his  misled 
disciples  a  victory  which  he  holds  in  his  all-powerful  hand."  t 

*  This  crusade  of  the  children  is  related  by  so  great  a  number  of  con- 
temporary authors,  that  we  cannot  entertain  any  doubt  of  it.  We  will 
refer  to  our  Appendix  the  different  versions  of  the  ancient  chronicles  of 
this  singular  event. 

t  Vetus  est  hoc  artificium  Jesus  Christi,  quod  ad  suorum  Siilutenc 
Adelium  diebus  istis  dignatus  est  innovare. — Epist.  Innocent. 


204  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

The  pope  afterwards  compares  Jesus  Christ  banished  from 
his  heritage,  to  one  of  the  kings  of  the  earth  who  might  he 
driven  from  his  dominions.  "  Where  are  the  vassals," 
added  he,  "  who  will  not  risk  their  fortunes  and  their  lives 
to  restore  their  sovereign  to  his  kingdom  ?  Such  of  the 
sulijects  and  servants  of  the  monarch  as  shall  have  done 
nothing  for  his  cause,  ought  they  not  to  be  ranked  with  the 
rebels,  and  be  subjected  to  the  punishment  due  to  revolt  and 
treason  ?  It  is  thus  that  Jesus  Christ  will  treat  those  w  lio 
remain  iudilferent  to  the  insults  heaped  upon  him,  and  refuse 
to  take  up  arms  to  fight  against  his  enemies." 

To  raise  the  hopes  and  the  courage  of  the  Christians,  the 
holy  father  terminated  his  exhortation  to  the  faithful,  by 
saying,  that  "  the  power  of  Mahomet  drew  towards  its  end ; 
for  that  power  was  nothing  but  the  beast  of  the  Apocalypse, 
which  was  not  to  extend  beyond  the  number  of  six  hundred 
years,*  and  already  six  centuries  were  accomplished."  These 
last  words  of  the  pope  were  sustained  by  the  popular  pre- 
dictions which  were  spread  throughout  the  West,  and 
created  a  belief  that  the  destruction  of  the  Saracens  was  at 
hand.t 

As  in  preceding  crusades,  the  sovereign  pontiff  promised 
all  who  should  take  arms  against  the  infidels,  the  remission 
of  their  sins  and  the  especial  protection  of  the  Church. 
Upon  so  important  an  occasion,  the  head  of  the  Christians 
laid  open  the  treasures  of  divine  mercy  to  all  the  faithful,  in 
proportion  to  their  zeal  and  their  gifts.  All  prelates  and 
ecclesiastics,  as  well  as  the  iuhabitauts  of  cities  and  coun- 
tries, w'ere  invited  to  raise  a  certain  number  of  warriors,  and 
support  them  for  three  years,  according  to  their  means.  The 
pope  exhorted  princes  and  nobles  who  would  not  take  the 
cross,  to  second  the  zeal  of  the  Crusaders  in  every  way  in 
their  power ;  the  head  of  the  Church  demanded  of  all  the 
faithful,  pi'ayers  ;  of  the  rich,  alms  and  tributes  ;  of  knights, 
an  example  of  courage  ;  of  maritime  cities,  vessels  ;  he  him- 
self engaging  to  make  the  greatest  sacrifices.     Processions 

*  Tlie  year  1263  answered  to  the  year  602  of  the  Hegyra. 

t  Montesquieu  foretells  the  fate  of  Mahometaiiism  ;  not  as  Innocent 
did,  but  pliildsoiihically.  He  likewise  predicts  "  that  France  will  fall  by 
the  sword  ;"  but  whether  the  sword  will  be  drawn  by  foreigners  or  hei 
own  soii,«,  he  does  not  say. — Trans. 


HTSTOUY    OP    THE    CRtSADES.  20-!^ 

were  to  be  made  every  month  in  all  parishes,  in  order  to 
obtain  the  benedictions  of  Heaven ;  all  the  efibrts,  all  the 
vows,  all  the  thoughts  of  Christians  were  to  be  directed 
towards  the  object  of  the  holy  war.  That  nothing  might 
divert  the  faithful  from  the  expedition  against  the  Saracens, 
the  Holy  See  revoked  the  indulgences  granted  to  those  who 
abandoned  their  homes  to  go  and  fight  against  the  Albi- 
ge(jis  in  Languedoc,  or  the  Moors  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Pyrenees. 

It  is  plain  that  the  sovereign  pontiff  neglected  nothing 
that  could  render  the  success  of  the  holy  enterprise  more 
certain.  A  modern  historian  justly  remarks,  that  he  em- 
ployed every  means,  even  such  as  were  not  likely  to  suc- 
ceed ;  for  he  wrote  to  the  sultan  of  Damascus  and  Cairo, 
inviting  him  to  replace  the  holy  city  in  the  hands  of  the 
servants  of  the  true  God.  Iniiocent  said  in  his  letter,  that 
Crod  had  chosen  the  infidels  as  his  instruments  of  vengeance; 
that  lie  had  permitted  Salndin  to  get  possession  of  Jerusalem, 
in  order  to  punish  the  sins  of  the  Christians;  but  that  the 
day  of  deliverance  v.as  come,  and  that  the  Lord,  disarmed 
by  the  prayers  of  his  people,  was  about  to  restore  the  heritage 
of  Jesus  Christ.  The  sovereign  pontift"  counselled  the  sultan 
to  avoid  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  prevent  the  desolation  of 
his  empire. 

This  was  not  the  first  time  that  the  head  of  the  Church 
had  addi'essed  prayers  and  warnings  to  the  Mussulman 
powers.  Two  years  before  he  had  written  to  the  sultan  of 
Aleppo,  in  the  hope  of  bringing  him  back  to  the  way  of 
evangelical  truth,  and  making  him  a  faithful  auxiliary  of  the 
Christians.  All  these  attempts,  which  ended  in  nothing, 
clearly  prove  that  the  pope  was  perfectly  unacquainted  with 
the  spirit  and  character  of  the  Mussulmans.  The  sovereign 
pontift"  was  not  more  fortunate  when,  in  his  letters,  he  de- 
sired the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  to  use  his  utmost  eiidea- 
vours  to  arrest  the  progress  of  corruption  and  licentiousness 
among  tiie  Christians  of  Palestine.  The  Christians  of  Syria 
made  no  change  in  their  morals,  and  all  the  passions  main- 
tained their  reign  amongst  them ;  whilst  the  Mussulmaii? 
fortified  the  holy  city  that  was  demanded  of  them,  aiul 
employed  themselves  ni  arming  against  the  attacks  of  '.h- 
enemies  of  Islamisra. 


206  niSTOBT   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  ardour  and  activity  of  the  sove- 
reign pontiff.  History  can  scarcely  follow  him,  whilst  seek- 
ing in  every  direction  enemies  against  the  Mussulmans ; 
appealing,  by  turns,  to  the  patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  ^A.n- 
tioch,  and  to  all  the  princes  of  Armenia  and  Syria.  His 
eye  took  in  at  one  view  both  East  and  West.  His  letters 
and  ambassadors  passed  unceasingly  throughout  Europe. 
He  sent  the  convocation  for  the  council  and  the  bull  of  the 
crusade  into  all  the  provinces  of  Christendom ;  and  his 
apostolic  exhortations  resounded  from  the  shores  of  the 
Danube  and  the  Vistula  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  and  the 
Thames.* 

Commissaries  were  chosen  to  make  the  decisions  of  the 
Holy  See  known  to  all  Christians :  their  mission  was  to 
preach  the  holy  war,  and  reform  manners ;  to  invoke  at  the 
same  time  the  knowledge  of  the  learned  and  the  courage  of 
warriors.  In  many  provinces,  the  mission  of  preaching  the 
crusade  was  confided  to  the  bishops  ;  Cardinal  Peter  B-./bert 
de  Cour^on,  who  was  then  in  France,  as  legate  of  the  pope, 
received  great  powers  from  the  Holy  See ;  and  travelled 
through  the  kingdom,  exhorting  Christians  to  take  up  the 
cross  and  arms. 

The  cardinal  de  Cour9on  had  been  in  his  youth  the  dis- 
ciple of  Eoulke  of  Neuilly,  and  had  gained  great  celebrity 
by  his  eloquence.  The  multitude  flocked  from  all  parts  to 
hear  so  distinguished  a  preacher  of  the  Word,  clothed  in  all 
the  splendour  of  Eomish  power.  "  The  legate,"  says  Fleury, 
"  had  the  power  of  regulating  everything  that  was  connected 
with  tournaments  ;  and,  which  wUl  appear  more  singular, 
the  faculty  of  granting  a  certain  indulgence  to  those  who 
were  present  at  the  sermons  in  which  he  preached  the  cru- 

*  Gibbon  says:  "  Some  deep  reasoners  have  suspected  that  the  wliole 
enterprise,  from  the  first  synod  at  Placentia,  was  contrived  and  executed 
by  the  policy  of  Rome.  The  suspicion  is  not  founded  either  in  matter  or 
fact.  The  successors  of  St.  Peter  appear  to  have  followed,  rather  than 
guided  the  impulse  of  manners  and  prejudice."  With  great  respect  for 
our  illustrious  historian,  I  cannot  quite  agree  with  him  ;  the  popes  were  in 
•nany  instances  the  first  to  kindle  the  flame,  and  were  always  anxious  to 
keep  it  burning.  In  the  part  of  our  history  now  before  us,  it  is  plnin  it 
would  have  j;oue  out  but  for  the  great;  exertions  of  Innocent.  The 
crusades  ^> ere  a  powerful  eiigini' in  the  hands  of  the  popes;  they  could 
uot  aff.  rd  to  let  th<;m  go  to  decay. — Tuans. 


illSTCBY    OF    TU£    CRTSaUES.  207 

Slide."  Fiiitliful  to  the  spirit  of  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ, 
the  cardinal  de  Coiir^on  gave  the  cross  to  all  Christians 
wlio  asked  for  it,  ^vithout  reflecting  that  -women,  children, 
old  men,  the  deaf,  the  blind,  the  lame,  could  not  make  war 
against  the  Saracens ;  or  that  an  army  could  not  be  formed 
as  the  Gospel  composed  the  feast  of  the  father  of  the  family. 
Tlius  this  liberty  of  entering  into  the  holy  bands,  accorded 
without  distinction  or  choice,  only  disgusted  the  barons  and 
knights,  and  cooled  the  ardour  of  the  common  soldiers.* 

Among  the  orators  whom  the  pope  associated  with  the 
cardinal  de  Cour9on,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  was  James 
of  Yitri,  whom  the  Church  had  already  placed  in  the  rank 
of  its  celebrated  doctors.  Whilst  he  preached  the  crusade 
in  the  different  provinces  of  France,t  the  fame  of  his  virtues 
and  talents  extended  even  to  the  East.  The  canons  of 
Ptolema'is  demanded  him  of  the  pope  as  their  pastor  and 
bishop ;  and  the  the  wishes  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine 
were  immediately  granted.  James  of  Yitri,  after  having 
excited  the  warriors  of  the  West  to  talve  arms,  became 
afterwards  a  witness  of  their  labours,  and  related  them  in  a 
history  which  has  come  down  to  our  times. 

The  preaching  of  the  holy  war  awakened  everywhere  the 
charity  of  the  faithful.  Philip  Augustus  gave  up  the 
fortieth  part  of  his  territorial  revenues  towar-Is  the  expenses 
of  the  crusade,  and  a  great  number  of  nobles  and  prelates 
followed  his  example. J     As  boxes  had  been  placed  in  aU 

*  The  cardinal  de  Courcoa  was  an  Englishman  by  family.  He  had 
studied  at  the  University  of  Paris,  and  from  that  was  connected  with 
Lothaire,  who  became  pope  under  the  name  of  Innocent  III.  It  is  to 
this  friendship  that  Peter  Robert  de  Courfoii  owed  his  elevation.  There 
is  a  very  long  notice  of  this  person  by  the  late  M.  du  Theil,  in  Les  Notices 
des  Manuscrits,  torn.  vi. 

f  The  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  expresses  himself  thus  : — II  ot 
en  France  un  clerc  qui  prescha  de  la  croix,  qui  avait  nom  niaitre  Jacques 
de  Vitri ;  cil  en  croisa  mult,  la  ou  il  etoit  en  la  [iredication,  I'eslurent 
les  chanoines  d'Acre,  et  manderent  a  I'apostolle  (le  pape)  qu'il  lor  en- 
voyast  pour  estre  evesque  d'Acre  ;  et  sachiez  s'il  n"en  eu*t  le  commande- 
ment  I'apostolle,  il  ne  I'eust  mie  recu,  mais  toutes  voies  passa-t-il  outre- 
mer,  et  fust  evesque  grand  piece,  et  fist  mull  de  biens  en  la  terre  ;  niais 
puis  redgna-t-il,  et  letourna  en  France,  et  jjuis  fut  il  cardinal  de  Rome. 
[As  M.  Michaud  has  placed  this  note  all  in  the  text,  and  has  only  given 
it  to  show  the  curious  mode  of  e.\pression,   I  have  followed  his  example. 

— 1  RANS>.] 

X  Philip  granted  this  foitieth,  without  reference  to  the  future — absque 


208  HISTOKY    OF    XUE    CRCBAlJES. 

churclies  to  receive  the  alms  of  the  charitable,  these  alms 
brought  considerable  sums  into  the  hands  of  the  cardinal 
de  Courcon,  who  was  accused  of  having  appropriated  to 
himself  the  gifts  offered  to  Jesus  Chi-ist.  These  accusations 
were  the  more  eagerly  received,  from  the  legate  having  taken 
upon  him  to  exercise,  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  See,  an 
authority  whicli  was  displeasing  to  both  the  monarch  and 
his  people.  The  cardinal,  without  the  approb?.tion  of  the 
king,  levied  taxes,  eiu-olled  warriors,  forgave  debts,  lavished 
both  rewards  and  punishments,  and,  in  a  word,  usurped  all 
the  prerogatives  of  sovereignty.  The  exercise  of  such  an 
unboundecl  power  was  the  cause  of  trouble  to  all  the  pro- 
's inces.*  To  prevent  disorders,  Pliilip  Augustus  thought  it 
necessary  to  lay  down  regulations  which  should  specify  to 
the  general  council,  the  individual  position  of  the  Crusaders, 
and  the  exemptions  and  privileges  they  were  to  enjoy. 

Whilst  the  cardinal  de  Cour^-on  continued  to  preach  the 
crusade  throughout  the  proxinces  of  France,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  was  earnestly  engaged  in  inciting  the  people 
of  England  to  take  up  arms  against  the  infidels.  During  a 
length  of  time,  the  kingdom  of  England  had  been  troubled 
by  the  violent  contentions  of  th6  commons,  the  barons,  and 
eren  the  clergy,  wlio  had  taken  advantage  of  the  excom- 
municationst  uiujiched  by  the  pope  against  King  John,  to 

comsuetudine ,  and  upon  condition  that  this  voluntary  gift  should  be 
employed  wherever  the  king  of  England  and  the  barons  of  the  two  king- 
doms should  think  best. — See  Le  Rec.  <hs  Ord.  torn.  i.  p.  31. 

*  Tn  the  royal  regul^itions  of  Philip  Augustus,  there  is  an  order  relati\e 
to  the  debts  contracted  by  the  Crusaders  as  members  of  a  commune.  We 
think  our  readers  will  not  be  disple:ised  by  the  purticulars  of  this  order. 
"  As  to  the  CruS'iders,  i.^embers  nf  certain  communes,  we  order,"  says  the 
king,  "  that  if  the  commune  itself  be  churned  wi'h  any  levy,  whether  for 
foot  or  horse  soldiers  (I'ost  et  la  chevauehee),  the  inclosure  of  the  city, 
the  defence  of  the  city  in  the  event  of  a  siege,  or  for  any  debt  that  is 
due.  and  contracted  before  they  took  the  cross,  they  shall  be  held  subject 
to  the  payment  of  their  proportion,  equally  with  tlie  other  inhabitants  who 
have  not  taken  the  cross  ;  but  as  to  the  debts  contracted  after  the  period 
at  which  they  shall  have  taken  the  Cioss,  the  Crusaders  shall  remain 
exempt,  not  only  until  their  approaching  departure,  but  until  their 
retura." — See  the  Recueil  des  Oi-donnances,  Dachery,  and  the  sixth  vol. 
of  the  Notices  des  Manuscrits,  disserlalion  de  M.  du  Theil  sur  Robert 
de  Courcon. 

t  In  the  charter  granted  by  King  John,   that  monarch  expressly  ssijf 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CUU8ADES.  209 

obtain  a  coiifirmatiou  of  their  liberties.  The  English  mo- 
narch, when  subscribing  the  conditions  that  had  been  dictated 
to  hiin,  had  yielded  much  more  to  necessity  and  force,  than 
to  his  own  inclinations ;  he  wished  earnestly  to  retract  what 
he  had  granted,  and  in  order  to  place  his  crown  under  the 
protection  of  the  Church,  he  took  the  cross,  and  swore  to  go 
and  fight  against  the  ISaracens.  The  sovereign  pontiff  placed 
i'aith  in  the  submission  and  promises  of  the  king  of  England  ; 
and  after  having  preached  a  crusade  against  this  prince, 
whom  he  accused  of  being  an  enemy  of  the  Church,  he  em- 
ployed the  whole  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  and  all  the 
thunders  of  religion  in  his  defence. 

King  John  had  no  other  motive  in  taking  the  cross  but  to 
deceive  the  pope,  and  obtain  the  protection  of  the  Church  ; 
tlie  sign  of  the  Crusaders  was  assumed  by  him  oidy  as  a 
means  of  preserving  his  power;  a  false  and  deceitful  policy, 
which  was  soon  unmasked,  and,  without  doubt,  assisted 
much  in  diminishing  the  public  enthusiasm  for  the  holy  war. 
The  barons  of  England,  in  their  turn  excomminiicated  by 
the  pope,  employed  themselves  in  defending  their  liberties, 
and  paid  no  attention  to  the  holy  orators  who  called  upon 
them  to  embark  for  Asia. 

The  empire  of  Germany  was  not  less  disturbed  than  the 
kingdom  of  England.  Otho  of  Saxony,  after  having  been, 
during  ten  years,  the  object  of  all  the  predilections  of  the 
Holy  See,  drew  upon  himself  all  at  once  the  implacable 
hatred  of  Innocent,  by  putting  forth  some  claims  to  certain 
doinains  of  the  Church,  and  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and 
Sicily.  Ivoc  only  was  he  himself  excommunicated,  but  the 
cities  even  that  remained  faithful  to  him  were  plac  -d  under 
an  interdict.  The  sovereign  pontiff  opposed  Frederick  II., 
son  of  Henry  VI.,  to  Otho,  in  the  same  manner  as  he  had 
opposed  Otho  to  Philip  of  Swabia.  Germany  and  Italy 
were  immediately  in  a  state  of  agitation  and  trouble. 
Frederick,  who  was  crowned  king  of  the  liomans  at  Aix  la 
Chapelle,  tooli  the  cross,  from  a  sentiment  of  gratitude,  and 
with  tlie  hope  of  securing  the  support  of  the  Holy  See  in 
ascending  the  imperial  throne. 

Otho  meanwhile  neglected  no  means  of  preserving  the 

that  he  grants  this  charter  by  the  advice  of  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
of  seven  bisliops,  and  the  pope's  nuncio. 

Vol.   li.— 10 


210  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

empire,  and  resisting  tlie  views  and  undertakings  of  the 
court  of  Home.  He  made  war  against  the  pope,  and  allied 
himself  with  all  the  enemies  of  Philip  Augustus,  who  had 
declared  for  Frederick.  A  formidable  league,  composed  of 
the  king  of  England  and  the  counts  of  Flanders,  Holland, 
and  Boulogne,  threatened  France  with  an  invasion.  The 
capital  and  provinces  of  that  kingdom  were  already  shared 
among  the  leaders  of  this  league,  when  Philip  gained  the 
celebrated  battle  of  Bouvines.  Tins  memorable  victory* 
secured  the  independence  and  honour  of  the  French  mo- 
narchy, and  restored  peace  to  Europe.  Otho,  conquered, 
lost  his  allies,  aud  sunk  beneath  the  thunders  o^  the 
Church. 

The  period  was  now  arrived  at  which  the  council  sum- 
moned by  the  pope  was  to  meet.  From  all  parts  of  Europe, 
ecclesiastics,  nobles,  princes,  and  the  ambassadors  of  princes, 
repaired  to  the  capital  of  the  Christian  world.  The  deputies 
from  Antioch  and  Alexandria,  with  the  patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople aud  Jerusalem,  came  to  Rome  to  implore  the 
support  of  the  nations  of  Christendom ;  the  ambassadors  of 
Frederick,  Philip  Augustvis,  and  the  kiiigs  of  England  and 
Hungary,  in  the  names  of  their  sovereigns,  came  to  take 
their  places  in  the  council.  This  assembly,  which  repre- 
sented the  universal  Church,  and  in  which  were  nearly  live 
hundred  bishops  and  archbishops,  and  more  than  a  himdred 
abbots  and  prelates  from  all  the  provinces  of  the  East  and 
West,  took  place  in  the  church  of  the  L:iteran,t  and  \^as 
presided  over  by  the  sovereign  pontiff.  Innocent  opened 
the  council  by  a  sermon,  in  which  he  deplored  the  errors  of 
his  age  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  Church.  After  having 
exhorted  the  clergy  and  the  faitliful,  to  sanctify  hj  their 
morals,  the  measures  he  was  about  to  take  against  heretics 
and  the  Saracens,  he  represented  Jerusalem  as  clothed  in 

*  This  victory  of  Bouvines,  which  had  such  happy  results  for  the  Fren-  h 
monarchy,  will  be  worthily  celebrated  in  the  poem  of  Philip  Auyuste,  by 
M.  Perceval  de  Grand-maison  :  we  cannot  sufficiently  praise  our  poi  ts 
who  take  their  subjects  from  the  greatest  perioils  of  our  anuais 

t   Upon   the  hnhiing  of  this  council,   the   Cl;ronicle  of  Opsberg,  the 
monk  (lodfrey,  Matthew  Paris,  Albert  Stadensis,  the  Chronicle  of  Fassano,  " 
and  particularly  the  collection  of  the  councils,  may  be  consulted.      Fleury 
enter-;  ini')  very  c  jpious  details. — See  the  sixteenth  vol.  of  tne  Hisioire 
Ecclesiastiqne. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  211 

tnourDing,  exhibiting  the  chains  of  her  captivity,  and  calling 
ujiou  all  the  prophets  to  lend  their  voices  to  reach  the  hearts 
of  the  Christians. 

'"Oh!  ye,"  said  Jerusalem  by  the  mouth  of  the  pontiff,  "wlio 
pass  along  the  public  roads,  behold,  and  see  if  ye  have  ever 
witnessed  grief  like  miiie.  Hasten  then  all,  O  ye  that  love 
me,  to  deliver  me  from  the  depth  of  my  miseries  !  I,  who 
was  the  queen  of  all  nations,  am  now  subjected  to  a  tribute  ; 
1,  who  was  formerly  filled  with  people,  am  now  lefc  deso- 
late and  almost  alone  !  The  roads  of  Sion  mom-n,  because 
no  one  comes  to  my  solemnities.  My  enemies  have  crushed 
down  my  head  ;  all  my  sacred  places  are  profaned  ;  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  once  so  splendid,  is  covered  with  disgrace ;  there, 
where  of  late  the  Son  of  God  was  adored,  worship  is  now 
oflered  up  to  the  son  of  perdition  and  hell.  The  children 
of  the  stranger  load  me  with  outrages,  and,  pointing  to  the 
cross  of  Jesus,  say  to  me.  Thou  hast  placed  thy  trust  in  oile 
wood ;  ice  shall  see  whether  this  ivood  can  save  thee  in  the 
hour  of  danger r* 

Innocent  after  having  thus  made  the  mourning  Jerusalem 
eloquent,  conjured  the  faithful  to  take  pity  on  her  misfor- 
tunes, and  arm  for  her  deliverance.  He  terminated  his  ex- 
hortation by  these  words,  whicli  breathe  both  his  gi'ief  and 
his  ardent  zeal : — "  My  beloved  brethren,  I  give  myself  up 
entirely  to  you ;  if  you  think  it  best,  I  promise  to  go  in 
person  with  the  kings,  princes,  and  nations  ;  you  shall  see  if, 
by  my  cries  and  my  prayers,  I  shall  be  able  to  excite  them 
to  fight  for  the  Lord,  to  avenge  the  insults  of  the  crucified, 
whom  oiu"  sins  have  banished  from  the  land  wetted  with  his 
blood,  and  sanctified  with  the  mystery  of  our  redemption." 

The  discourse  of  the  pontiff  was  listened  to  in  religious 
silence ;  but  as  Innocent  spoke  of  several  objects  at  the 
same  time,  and  as  his  oratory  was  full  of  allegories,  he  did  not 
at  all  succeed  in  awakening  the  enthusiasm  of  the  assembly. 
The  fathers  of  the  council  appeared  to  be  not  less  afiected 
by  the  abuses  introduced  into  tlie  Church,  than  by  the  re- 
verses of  the  Christians  of  the  East ;  in  the  first  place  the 
assembly  employed  itself  in  endeavomung  to  find  means  to 

*  The  discourse  of  the  pojie  is  pre-erved  in  its  entirety  in  the  collection 
of  the  councils. — Is'ee  the  fourth  Council  of  the  Lateran. 


212  HISTOBY    or    THE    CRUSADES. 

reform  ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  check  the  progress  of 
heresy. 

In  a  declaration  of  faith,  the  council  explained  the  doc- 
trine of  Christians,  and  recalled  to  their  minds  the  sym- 
bol of  evangelical  belief.  They  opposed  truth  to  error, 
persuasion  to  violence,  and  the  virtues  of  the  Gospel  to.  the 
passions  of  sectarians  and  innovators :  happy  would  it  then 
have  been  for  the  Christian  church,  if  the  pope  had  ibllowed 
this  example  of  moderation ;  and  if,  whilst  defending  the 
"ights  of  religion,  he  had  not  forgotten  the  rights  of  sove- 
reigns and  humanity.  By  an  apostolic  decree,  proclaimed 
amidst  the  council,  Innocent  deposed  the  count  of  Thou- 
louse,  who  was  considered  the  protector  of  heresy,  and  gave 
his  states  to  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  had  fought  against,  or 
rather  slaughtered  the  Albigeois. 

Innocent  could  not  pardon  the  count  of  Tliovdouse  for 
having  provoked  a  war  which  had  agitated  Christendom,  and 
suspended  the  execution  of  his  designs  for  the  Eastern  cru- 
sade. The  violent  policy  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  aimed  at 
striking  terror  into  all  heretics,  and  encouraging  Christians 
to  arm  for  the  cause  of  Jesus  Christ  and  tliat  of  his  vicar 
upon  earth. 

After  having  condemned  the  new  errors,  and  pronounced 
the  anathemas  of  the  Church  against  all  who  strayed  from 
the  way  of  the  faith,  the  pontiff  and  the  fatliers  of  the 
council  gave  their  attention  to  the  Christians  of  the  East, 
and  the  means  of  promptly  succouring  the  Holy  Land.  All 
the  dispositions  expressed  in  tlie  bull  of  convocation  were 
confirmed ;  it  was  decreed  that  all  ecclesiastics  shoukl  pay 
the  twentieth  of  their  revenues  towards  the  expenses  of  tlie 
crusade ;  that  the  pope  and  the  cardinals  should  pay  the 
ter  fch  of  theirs,  and  that  there  should  be  a  truce  of  lour 
years  among  all  Christian  princes.  The  conn  il  launched 
the  tliunders  of  excommunication  against  all  princes  that 
should  molest  the  march  of  pilgrims,  and  against  all  that 
should  furnish  infidels  with  provisions  or  arms :  the  so\'e- 
reign  pontiff  promised  to  direct  tlie  preparations  for  the 
war,  to  contribute  three  thousand  silver  marks,  and  to  sup- 
ply, at  his  own  expense,  several  vessels  for  the  transport  of 
the  Crusaders. 

The  dec  sions  of  the  council  and  the  speeches  of  the  pope 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  21S 

made  a  profound  iinpi-essioii  upon  the  minds  of  the  western 
Christians.  All  the  preachers  of  the  holy  war  were  formally 
directed  to  recall  the  faithful  to  a  sense  of  penitence,  and 
to  prohibit  dances,  tournaments,  and  public  sports ;  to  re- 
foi'm  morals  and  to  revive  in  all  hearts  the  love  of  religion 
and  virtue.  They  were  commanded,  after  the  example  oi 
the  sovereign  pontiff,  to  make  the  complaints  of  Jerusalem 
resoiuid  in  the  palaces  of  princes ;  and  to  earnestly  solicit 
monarchs  and  nobles  to  assume  the  cross,  so  that  the  people 
might  be  induced  to  do  so  likewise. 

The  decrees  concerning  the  holy  wars  were  published  in  all 
the  churches  of  the  West ;  in  several  pro\inces,  particidarly 
in  the  norlli  of  Eiu-ope,  the  prodigiL-is  and  miraculous  appa- 
ritions that  had  excited  enthusiasia  '.t  1  he  period  of  the  first 
crusades,  o^gain  became  common  ;  iamiaous  crosses  appeared 
in  the  beavens,  and  made  the  inhabitants  of  Cologne  and 
the  cities  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Shine  believe  that  God 
favoured  the  holy  enterprise,  and  that  the  divine  power  pro- 
mised the  defeat  and  ruin  of  the  infidels  to  the  arms  of  the 
Crusatlcrs. 

The  orators  redoubled  their  ardour  and  zeal  to  engage 
the  faithful  to  take  a  part  in  the  holy  war.  From  the 
pulpits  imprecations  were  poured  forth  against  the  Saracens, 
always  accompanied  by  a  repetition  of  the  words  of  Christ : 
"  I  am  come  to  establish  war."  The  eloquence  of  prelates, 
bishops,  and  pastors  had  no  other  aim  than  summoning  all 
Christian  warriors  to  arms.  The  voices  of  preachers  were 
not  the  only  trumpet-calls ;  poetry  lierself,  who  had  but  re 
c(;ntly  revived  in  the  southern  provinces  of  France,  chose 
the  holy  expeditions  as  the  themes  of  her  songs ;  and  the 
])rofane  muse  of  the  troubadours  mingled  their  notes  with 
tlie  animated  words  of  the  sacred  orators.  The  Pierrea 
d'Auvcrgne,  tlie  Ponces  de  Capdeuil,  the  Fol(juets  do 
Komano,  ceased  to  sing  the  love  of  ladies  and  the  courtesy 
of  Ivuights,  to  celebrate  in  their  verses,  the  sufferings  of 
Christ  and  the  captivity  of  Jerusalem.  "  The  times  are 
come,"  said  they,  "  in  which  it  will  be  seen  who  are  the  men 
worthy  of  serving  the  Eternal.  God  now  calls  upon  the 
valiant  and  chivalrous  ;  they  shall  be  his  soldiers  for  ever, 
who,  knowing  how  to  sutler  for  their  faith,  and  fight  for  God. 
shall  prove  themselves  frank,  generous,  loyal,  and  brave  ;  let 


214  HISTOET    OF    TUE    CRUSAUKls. 

the  base  lovers  of  life  or  seekers  for  gold  remain  behind ; 
God  now  only  calls  upon  the  good  and  brave.  It  is  his  wiU 
that  his  faithful  servants  should  secure  salvation  by  noble 
feats  of  arms ;  and  that  glory  obtained  in  fight  should  open 
to  them  the  gates  of  heaven."* 

One  of  the  minstrels  of  the  holy  war  celebrates  in  his 
verses  the  zeal,  the  prudence,  and  courage  of  the  head  of  the 
Church ;  and  to  induce  the  faithful  to  assume  the  cross, 
sings :  "  We  have  a  sure  and  valorous  guide,  the  sovereijn 
'pontiff'  Innocent r 

It  then  began  to  be  hoped  that  the  father  of  the  Chris- 
tians would  himself  lead  the  Crusaders,  and  sanctify  the 
Asiatic  expedition  by  his  presence.  The  pope,  in  the  coun- 
cil of  the  Lateran,  had  expressed  a  desire  to  assume  the 
cross,  and  to  go  in  person  to  take  possession  of  the  heritage 
of  Christ ;  but  the  state  of  Europe,  the  progress  of  heresy, 
and,  doubtless,  also,  the  advice  of  the  bishops  and  cardinals, 
prevented  the  accomplishment  of  his  design. 

As  germs  of  dissension  still  subsisted  between  several 
European  states,  these  discords  might  be  prejudicial  to  the 
success  of  the  holy  war ;  and  the  pope  sent  forth  emissaries 
to  act  as  angels  of  peace ;  he  himself  repairing  to  Tuscany, 
to  appease  the  quarrels  that  had  broken  out  between  the 
Pisans  and  Genoese.  His  words  soothed  down  all  angry 
passions ;  at  his  voice  the  most  implacable  enemies  swore  to 
forget  their  disputes,  and  unite  to  combat  against  the  Sara- 
cens. His  most  ardent  wishes  appeared  about  to  be  fulfilled, 
and  the  whole  West,  obedient  to  his  sovereign  will,  was 
ready  to  precipitate  itself  upon  Asia,  when  he  fell  suddenly 
ill,  and  died,  leaving  to  his  successors  the  care  and  honour 
of  fiiiishiug  so  great  an  enterprise. 

Jjike  all  men  who  have  exercised  great  power  amidst  poli- 
tical tempests,  Innocent,  after  his  death,  was,  by  turns, 
praised  and  blamed  with  al!  the  exaggeration  of  love  and 
hatred.  Some  said  he  had  been  summoned  to  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem,  as  God  wished  to  reward  his  zeal  for  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  holy  places ;  whilst  others  had  recourse  to  mira- 

*  M.  rLaynnurd,  who  has  made  profound  researches  into  the  language 
and  poetry  of  the  troubadours,  cotnmutii('ated  to  us  this  piece  of  Pierre  of 
Au\ergni",  with  several  others  which  appear  to  us  of  great  interest,  and 
which  we  will  insert  in  our  Appendix. 


HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  215 

culotis  apparitious,  and  made  saints  speak  in  condemnation 
of  lus  memory  ;  sometimes  be  was  seen  pursued  by  a  dragon, 
wbose  purpose  was  to  inflict  justice  upon  bim ;  and  at 
otbers  he  appeared  surrounded  by  tbe  flames  of  purgatory. 
Europe  bad  been  in  a  constant  state  of  trouble  during  bia 
pontificate  ;  tbei'e  was  scarcely  a  kingdom  upon  wbicb  the 
^rath  of  tbe  pontiff'  had  not  been  poured  out ;  and  so  many 
excesses,  so  many  misfortunes  had  embittered  men's  minds, 
that  it  was  natural  they  should  take  a  pleasure  in  believing 
that  the  vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth  was  expiathig  in  another 
life  the  crimes  of  this.  Innocent,  nevertheless  was  irre- 
proachable in  bis  manners  ;  at  first  he  had  evinced  some 
degree  of  modfration ;  he  loved  truth  and  justice;  but  tbe 
unhappy  condition  of  the  Church,  the  obstacles  of  all  kinds 
wldch  he  met  with  in  his  spiritual*  government,  irritated 
bis  character,  and  di'ove  bim  to  the  excesses  of  a  violent 
policy ;  at  length,  preser\ang  no  propriety  or  self-command, 
he  burst  forth  with  tbe  ever-memorable  and  reprehensible 
words  :  "  Sword,  sword,  spring  from  the  scahbard,  and  sharpen 
thyself  to  kill.'''f  As  he  had  undertaken  far  too  much,  be 
left  serious  embarrassments  to  those  who  might  assume  the 
reins  of  power  after  him  ;  and  such  was  the  situation  in 
which  bis  policy  bad  placed  tbe  Holy  See,  that  bis  succes- 
sors were  obliged  to  follow  up  his  maxims,  and  complete  both 
the  good  and  the  evil  he  had  begun.  From  this  period,  the 
history  of  tbe  crusades  will  be  incessantly  interrupted  by 
the  quarrels  of  popes  and  princes,  and  we  shall  follow  the 
])ilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land  amidst  the  clashing  of  tbe  thun- 
ders l.iunched  by  t!ie  various  beads  of  tbe  Church. 

Censius  Savelli,  cardinal  of  St.  Lucia,  was  chosen  by  the 
conclave  to  succeed  Innocent,  and  governed  tbe  Church 
under  tbe  name  of  Honorius  III.     On  the   day  after  his 

*  In  a  dissertation  upon  the  cardinal  de  Courfon,  ^I.  du  Theil  has 
undertaken  to  make  tlie  apoloiy  of  Innocent  III.  We  have  the  greatest 
re-pect  for  tliis  savant ;  but  he  evinces  too  strong  an  inclination  to  justir'y 
Innocent  in  all  respeiits ;  and  an  application  of  the  common  proverb, 
"  He  tv/io  pivves  too  mucli  proves  7iottii?iff,"  is  quite  in  place  here. 

t  Inno(tent  pronounced  these  words  against  Louis,  the  son  of  Philip 
Augustus,  wliom  lie  had  induced  to  make  war  against  the  king  of  Englaiid  ; 
Hiul  whom  he  afterwards  wished  to  excommunicate,  because  this  prince 
pe  sisted  in  continuing  a  war  begun  by  the  commands  and  advice  of  the 
Holy  See. 


216  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

coronation,  the  new  pope  wrote  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  to 
announce  his  elevation,  and  to  revive  the  hopes  of  the  Chris- 
tians of  Syria.  "  Let  not  the  death  of  Innocent,"  said  lie, 
"  depress  your  courage  ;  although  I  am  lar  from  being  his 
equal  in  merit,  I  will  show  the  same  zeal  for  the  deliverance 
of  the  Holy  Land ;  and  when  the  season  shall  arrive,  will  do 
evt'iything  in  my  power  to  assist  you."  A  pontifical  letter, 
addressed  to  all  bishops,  exhorted  them  to  continue  to 
preach  the  crusade. 

Li  order  to  secure  success  to  the  Oriental  expedition, 
Innocent  had  first  endeavoured  to  re-establish  peace  ia 
Europe ;  and  certainly  the  necessity  in  Avhich  the  popes 
found  tliemselves  at  such  times,  to  promote  concord  among 
nations,  was  one  of  the  greatest  benefits  of  the  holy  wa.-s. 
Honorius  followed  the  example  of  his  predecessor,  and  was 
desirous  of  calming  all  discords,  even  such  as  owed  their 
origin  to  the  pretensions  of  the  Romish  see.  Louis  VIII., 
son  of  Philip  Augustus,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  pontiff,  had 
taken  arms  against  England,  and  was  not  willing  to  renounce 
the  project  of  invading  a  kingdom  so  long  subjected  to  the 
anger  of  the  Church.  The  pope  even  stooped  to  supplica- 
tions to  disarm  the  redoubtable  enemy  of  the  king  of 
England.  He  hoped  that  England  and  France,  after  having 
suspended  their  hostilities,  would  unite  their  efforts  for  the 
deliverance  of  the  holy  places ;  but  these  hopes  were  never 
accomplished.  Henry  III.  ascended  the  throne  of  England 
after  the  death  of  John,  and  took  the  cross  to  secure  the 
favour  of  the  sovereign  pontifi';  but  he  had  no  idea  of 
quitting  his  kingdom.  The  king  of  France,  constantly 
occupied  with  the  war  against  the  Albigeois,  and  perhaps 
also  with  the  secret  designs  of  his  ambition,  satisfied  himself 
with  expressing  tlie  greatest  res]5ect  for  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  See,  but  took  no  part  in  the  crusade.* 

*  I  have  observed  more  tlian  once,  that  our  author  is  so  absorbed  in 
the  history  he  has  undertaken,  that  he  is  somewhat  loose  in  liis  remarks 
upon  that  of  the  nations  nearest  to  him.  It  was  not  likely  that  Henry  III., 
a  boy  ol'  nine  years  old,  should  take  the  cross,  (  r  tt.at  the  prudent  Pem- 
broke and  his  other  cnunsellors  would  allow  the  forces  of  an  unsettled 
kingdom  to  be  wastt-d  upon  such  a  scheme.  Tiie  king  of  Fiance  again, 
".'h')  he  says  was  constantly  occupied  in  the  war  against  ttie  Albiueois, 
had  absolutely  notliing  to  do  with  that  war.  The  soutiiern  ])rovinces 
Bul. iected  to  this  calamity  were  tie  s  of  the  crown  of  Aragon,  and  did  nol 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CHTJSADES.  217 

Most  of  the  bishops  and  prelates  of  the  kingdom,  wliom 
blie  sovereign  poutift'  had  entreated  to  present  an  example  of 
devotedness,  exliibited  much  greater  eagerness  and  zeal  on 
this  occasion  than  the  barons  and  knights ;  many  of  then? 
took  the  cross,  and  prepared  to  set  out  for  the  East.  Frede- 
rick, who  owed  the  imperial  crown  to  the  protection  of  the 
Cliurch,  renewed,  in  two  solemn  assemblies,  his  oath  to  make 
war  against  the  Saracens.  The  example  and  promises  of 
the  emperor,  whatever  doubt  might  be  entertained  of  their 
sincerity,  had  a  powerful  effect  over  the  princes  auJ  people 
of  Gernnny.  The  inhabitants  of  the  banks  of  the  llhiue, 
those  of  Friesland,  Bavaria,  8axony,  and  Norway  ;  the  dukes 
of  Austria,  Moravia,  Brabant,  and  Lemburg ;  the  counts  of 
Juliers,  Holland,  De  Wit,  and  Loo ;  with  the  archbishop  of 
IVfayence  and  the  bishops  of  Bamberg,  Passau,  Strasburg, 
]\lunster,  and  Utreclit,  emulatively  ranged  themselves  under 
the  banners  of  the  cross,  and  prepared  to  quit  the  West. 

Amoi!g  the  princes  who  took  the  oath  to  fight  against  the 
Mussulmans,  was  Andrew  II.,  king  of  Hungary.  Bela,  the 
father  of  the  Hungarian  monarch,  had  made  a  vow  to  go  to 
the  Holy  Land ;  but  not  having  been  able  to  undertake  the 
pilgrimage,  he  had,  on  his  death-bed,  required  his  son  to 
accomplish  his  oath.  Andrevi',  after  having  taken  the  cross, 
was  ibr  a  long  time  detained  in  his  states  by  the  troubles  to 
which  his  ambition  had  given  birth,  and  which  he  had  great 
difficulty  in  suppressing.  Gertrude,  whom  he  had  married 
before  the  fifth  crusade,  made  enemies  of  the  whole  court 
and  nobility  by  her  pride  and  her  intrigues.  This  imperious 
princess*  committed  such  extraordinary  insults  against  the 
magnates  of  the  kingdom,  and  inspired  them  with  so  violent 
a  hatred,  that  they  formed  conspiracies  against  her  life,  and 

belong  at  that  time  to  France  in  any  way.  Whilst  these  wars  were  raging, 
Philip  was  prudently  extending  his  domimons  to  the  north  and  north-east. 
— Trans. 

*  Bonfinius,  the  historian  of  Hungary,  shvs  that  Gertrude  gave  up  the 
wile  of-  Banc,  the  chanci  llor  of  the  kingdom,  to  the  criminal  desires  of 
her  hrother.  He  adds  tliat  Ba<ic  killed  tlie  ([ueen  to  avenge  this  injury; 
but  this  assertion  is  contradicted  by  all  historidns.  The  same  author 
says  thai  the  wife  nf  Andrew  was  assassinated  during  his  voyage  to  the 
Holy  Lniiil  ;  but  this  assertion  is  as  false  as  the  tirst.  Gertrude  was 
assassinated  ou  the  18th  of  September,  1213. — See  Palma,  Notilia  Rer. 
Huny.  t.  i. 

10* 


2!  8  HISTORY    OF    THE    CHU8ADEU. 

introduced  murderers  even  into  her  palace.  Disorders  and 
misfortunes  without  number  followed  these  crimes,  the 
greatest  of  which,  doubtless,  was  the  impunity  of  the  guilty. 

In  such  circumstances  policy  would  certainly  have  pointed 
it  out  to  the  king  of  Hungary,  as  his  duty,  to  remain  in  his 
own  states  ;  but  the  spectacle  of  so  many  unpunished  crimes, 
without  doubt,  alarmed  his  weakness,  and  strengthened  his 
desire  of  getting  at  a  distance  from  a  court  filled  witli  his 
enemies.  Like  his  mother,  the  wndow  of  Bela,*  he  expected 
to  find  in  the  places  consecrated  by  the  sufferings  of  Christ, 
an  asylum  against  the  griefs  which  beset  his  life ;  the  Hun- 
garian monarch  might  likewise  think  that  the  holy  pilgrimage 
would  make  him  more  respected  by  his  subjects',  and  that 
the  Church,  ever  armed  in  favour  of  royal  crusaders,  would 
defend  the  rights  of  his  crown  better  than  he  himself  could. 
He  resolved  at  length  to  perform  the  vow  he  had  made 
before  liis  dying  father,  and  earnestly  set  about  preparations 
for  his  de])arture  for  Syria. 

Andrew  then  reigned  over  a  vast  kingdom, — Hungary, 
Dalmatia,  Croatia,  Bosnia,  Gralicia,  and  the  province  ol 
Lodomira  obeyed  his  laws,  and  paid  him  tribute ;  and 
throughout  all  these  provinces,  so  lately  enemies  to  the 
Christians,  the  crusades  wxre  preached.  Hordes  wandering 
amidst  forests,  listened  to  the  complaints  of  Sion,  and  swore 
to  fight  against  the  infidels.  Among  the  nations  of  Hun- 
gary, who,  a  century  before,  had  been  the  terror  of  the  pil- 
grim companions  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  a  crowd  of  warriors 
eagerly  took  the  cross,  and  promised  to  follow  their  monarch 
to  the  Holy  Land. 

Vessels  and  fleets  for  the  transport  of  the  Crusaders  were 
equipped  in  all  the  ports  of  the  Baltic,  the  ocean,  and  the 
Meditei-ranean  ;  and  yet,  at  the  very  same  time,  a  crusade 
was  being  preached  against  the  inhabitants  of  Prussia,  who 
still  remained  in  the  darkness  of  idolatry.  Poland,  Saxony, 
Norway,  and  Livonia  armed  their  warriors  to  overthrow  the 
idols  of  paganism  on  the  banks  of  the  Oder  and  the  Vistula, 
whilst  the  otlier  nations  of  the  West  were  preparing  to  make 
war  agninst  the  Saracens  in  the  plains  of  Jrdaja  and  Syria. 

The    still    savage  people  of  Prussia,   separated  by  their 

*  Marguerite,  queen  of  Hungary,  set  out  for  Palestine  after  the  death 
of  Hela,  tifr  hu^b-md — See  the  ninth  book  of  this  History. 


HISTOIIY    OF    THE    CUUSADES.  219 

religion  and  their  customs  from  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Europe,  presented  in  the  centre  of  Christendom,  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  a  living  picture  of  ancient  paganism,  and 
of  the  superstitions  of  the  old  nations  of  t1ie  Jforth.  Their 
character  and  their  manners  are  \Aorthy  of  fixing  the  atten- 
tion of  both  the  historian  and  his  readers,  fatigued,  perhaps, 
oy  the  constant  repetition  of  the  preaching  of  holy  wars, 
and  the  distant  expeditions  of  the  Crusaders. 

Much  discussion  has  taken  place  concerning  the  origin  of 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Prussia,  and  we  have  nothing  on 
this  head  but  conjectui'es  and  systems.  The  Prussians  were, 
in  person,  like  the  Germans  ;*  blue  eyes,  a  spirited  and 
lively  look,  ruddy  cheeks,  a  lofty  stature,  a  robust  form,  and 
light  hair :  this  resemblance  to  the  Germans  was  produced 
by  climate,  and  not  by  the  mixture  of  the  nations  ;  the  inha- 
bitants of  Prussia  had  more  affinity  with  the  Lithuanians, 
whose  language  they  spoke,  and  whom  they  imitated  in  their 
dress.  Tliey  lived  by  the  chase,  fishing,  and  the  flesh  of 
their  flocks ;  agriculture  was  not  unknown  to  them ;  their 
mares  tumished  them  with  milk,  their  sheep  with  wool,  their 
bees  with  honey ;  in  commercial  transactions  they  had  very 
little  to  do  with  money :  to  prepare  flax  and  leather,  to  split 
stones,  to  sharpen  their  arms,  and  to  fashion  yellow  amber, 
constituted  the  whole  of  their  industry.  They  marked  time 
by  knots  tied  in  thongs,  and  the  hours  by  the  words  twilight, 
light,  dawn,  sunrise,  evening,  the  first  sleep,  &c.  The 
appearance  of  the  Pleiades  directed  them  in  their  labours. 

The  months  of  the  year  bore  the  names  of  the  productions 
of  the  earth,  and  of  the  objects  presented  to  their  eyes  by 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Peter  Durburg,  a  priest  of  the  Teutonic  order,  may 
be  consulted  on  the  manners  and  religion  of  the  ancient  Prussians.  This 
chronicle,  whose  purpose  is  to  describe  the  conquests  of  the  Teutonio 
knights,  contains  several  historical  dissertations,  which  appear  to  us  to 
have  great  merit  ;  the  most  curious  are.  Dissertatio  de  Diis  Veterujti 
Pruxsorum ;  Disseriatio  de  Sacerdotibus  Veterum  Pmssnrum ;  Dissertatio 
de  CaltuDeurum,  de  Nuptiis,  de  Fimeribiis,  de  Locix  Divino  Cultuidicatis, 
&(:.  &c.  A  Laiin  dis!-ertnti(in,  De  Moribus  Tartararuni,  Lithuanorum, 
et  Muschorum,  may  likewise  be  consulted.  This  work  contains  curious 
details  upon  the  worship  and  manners  of  Lithuania  and  Samogitin,  which 
bore  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  worship  and  manners  of  the  Prussians. 
M.  Kotzbue,  in  his  history  of  the  Teutonic  knigiits,  has  thrown  gieat 
light  upon  the  origin  of  the  legislation,  and  the  customs  and  religija  of 
ilic  ancient  inhabitants  of  Prussia. 


220  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

eaca  season  ;  they  knew  the  month  of  crows,  the  montli  of 
pigeons,  that  of  cuckoos,  of  the  green  birch-trees,  of  the 
linden-trees,  of  corn,  of  tlie  departure  of  the  birds,  of  the 
fall  of  leaves,  &c.  Wars,  the  conflagrations  of  great  forests, 
\iurri(-anes,  and  inundations,  formed  the  principal  epochs  of 
their  history. 

The  people  dwelt  in  huts  built  of  earth,  the  rich  in  houses 
constructed  of  oak  timber ;  there  was  not  a  city  in  Prussia. 
Some  strong  castles  appeared  upon  the  hills.  This  nation, 
though  savage,  recognised  princes  and  nobles ;  he  who  had 
conquered  enemies,  and  he  who  excelled  in  taniing  horses, 
attained  nobility.  The  lords  held  the  right  of  life  and  death 
over  their  vassals  ;  the  Prussians  made  no  wars  for  the  pur- 
pose of  conquering  an  enemy's  country,  but  solely  to  defend 
tl^eir  homes  and  their  gods.  Their  arms  consisted  of  tlie 
lance  and  the  javelin,  which  they  handled  with  much  skill. 
The  warriors  named  their  chief,  who  was  blessed  by  the  high 
priest ;  befoi^e  going  to  battle,  the  Prussians  selected  one  of 
tlieir  prisoners  of  war,  fastened  him  to  a  tree,  and  transfixed 
him  with  arrows.*  They  believed  in  omens-;  the  eagle,  the 
white  pigeon,  the  crow,  the  stork,  the  bustard,  promised 
victory ;  the  stag,  the  wolf,  the  lynx,  the  mouse,  the  siglit  of 
a  sick  person,  or  even  of  an  old  woman,  announced  defeats 
or  reverses  ;  when  presenting  their  hand,  they  oftered  peace  ; 
when  swearing  to  treaties,  they  placed  one  l;and  upon  their 
breast  and  the  other  upon  the  sacred  oak.  When  victorious, 
they  tried  their  prisoners  of  war,  and  the  most  distinguished 
among  them  expired  at  the  stake, — a  sacrifice  to  tlie  gods  of 
the  country. 

Amidst  all  their  barbarous  customs,  the  Prussians  had 
the  reputation  of  respecting  tlie  laws  of  hospitality.  The 
stranger  and  the  shipwrecked  mariner  were  sure  to  find  an 
asylum  and  succour  among  them ;  intrepid  in  war,  simple 
and  mild  in  peace,  j^i;rateful  but  vindictive,  respecting  niisfor- 

*  A  letter  from  Pope  Honorius  to  the  archb'shop  of  Maience,  says  fhat 
there  is  in  Prussia  a  nation  of  barbarians,  of  wliotn  it  is  said  tliat  they  kill 
all  the  girls  but  one  born  of  each  nioiher;  that  they  prostitute  tlieir 
daughters  and  wives,  immolate  captives  to  their  gods,  and  bathe  their 
swords  ui.n  lanc"s  in  the  blood  of  these  victims,  to  bring  them  succt-ss  in 
baf.tib — See  liaynal.  12 IS.  We  refer  our  readers  to  our  Appendix,  foi 
toine  di.ad->  upou  the-  manner^  of  tlie  Prussians. 


HISTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  221 

tune,  they  liad  more  virtues  than  vices,  and  were  only 
corrupted  by  the  excess  of  their  superstition. 

The  Prussians  believed  in  another  life ;  tliey  called  hoU, 
Peckla ;  chains,  tliiek  darkness,  and  fetid  waters  cocstituted 
the  punishment  of  the  wicked.  In  the  Elysiau  fields,  which 
they  called  Eogiis,  beautiful  women,  banquets,  delicious 
drink,  dances,  soft  couches,  and  fine  clothes  were  the  rewards 
of  virtue. 

in  a  place  called  Remove,  arose  a  flourishing  oak,  which 
had  witnessed  the  passage  of  a  hundred  generations,  whose 
colossal  trunk  contained  three  images  of  their  principal  gods  ; 
the  foliage  daily  dripped  with  the  blood  of  immolated  victims; 
there  the  high  priest  had  established  his  abode,  and  there 
administered  justice.  The  priests  alone  ventured  to  approach 
this  holy  place  ;  the  guilty  slunk  from  it  trembling.  Per- 
kunus,  the  god  of  thunder  and  fire,  was  the  first  among  the 
deities  of  the  Prussians  ;  he  had  the  countenance  of  an 
angry  man,  his  beard  was  curled,  and  his  head  was  surrounded 
with  flames.  The  people  called  claps  of  thunder,  the  march 
or  steps  of  Perkunas.  ^'ear  the  grove  of  Eemove,  on  the 
banks  of  a  sulphureous  spring,  an  eternal  fire  burned  in 
honour  of  the  god  of  thunder. 

Near  Perkunas,  Potrunpus  appeared,  in  the  form  of  a 
young  man,  wearing  a  crown  of  wheat-ears  ;  he  was  adored 
as  the  god  of  waters  and  rivers  ;  he  preserved  mankind 
from  the  scourge  of  war,  and  presided  over  the  pleasures  of 
peace.  By  a  strange  contradiction,  they  offered  up  to  this 
pacific  divinity,  the  blood  of  animals,  and  that  of  the  captives 
slaughtered  at  the  foot  of  the  oak  ;  sometimes  children  were 
sacrificed  to  him  ;  the  priests  consecrated  the  serpent  to  him, 
as  synibolical  of  fortune. 

Beneath  the  shade  of  the  sacred  tree,  was  still  another 
idol,  called  Pi/collos,  the  god  of  the  dead  ;  he  bore  the  form 
of  an  old  man,  with  grey  hair,  hollow  eyes,  and  a  pale  coun- 
tenance, his  head  enfolded  in  a  shroud  ;  his  altars  were  heap^ 
of  human  bones ;  the  infernal  deities  were  obedient  to  his 
laws;  he  inspired  both  grief  and  terror. 

A  fourth  divinity,  Cui'ko,  whose  image  ornamented  the- 
branches  of  the  oak  of  Eemove,  furnished  mankind  with  the 
necessaries  of  life.  Every  jear,  at  autumnal  seed-time,  his 
image   was  renewed ;   it  consisted  of  a  goat-skin,  elevated 


222  niSTORT  OF  the  crusades. 

upon  a  pole  eight  feet  high,  croMned  with  b.ades  of  com ; 
the  priest  sacriticed  upon  a  stone,  honey,  milk,  and  the  fruits 
of  the  earth,  whilst  the  youth  of  both  sexes  formed  a  circle 
round  the  idol. 

The  Prussians  celebrated  several  other  festivals  curing 
spring  and  summer,  in  honour  of  the  same  god;  at  tl.« 
spring  festival,  which  took  place  on  the  22nd  of  March, 
they  addressed  Curko  in  these  words :  "  It  is  thou  who  hast 
chafed  away  winter,  and  brought  fair  and  fine  days  back  to 
u«  ;  bv  thee  the  gardens  and  the  fields  rebloom  ;  by  thee 
the  forests  and  the  woods  resume  their  verdure."  Tie  in- 
habitants of  Prussia  had  a  crowd  of  other  gods,  whom  they 
invoked  for  their  fiocks,  their  bees,  the  forests,  the  waters, 
harvest,  commerce,  the  peace  of  families,  and  conjugal  hap- 
piness ;  a  divinity  with  a  hundred  eyes  watched  over  the 
threshold  of  houses  ;  one  god  guarded  the  yard,  another  the 
stable  ;  the  hunter  heard  the  spirit  of  the  forest  howl  amidst 
the  tree-tops  ;  the  inariner  recommended  himself  to  the  god 
of  the  sea.  LaimeJe  was  invoked  by  women  in  labour,  and 
spun  the  lives  of  manltind.  Tutelary  divinities  arrested  the 
progress  of  conflagrations,  caused  the  sap  of  the  birch-trees 
to  flow,  guarded  roads,  and  awakened  workmen  and  labourers 
before  the  dawn  of  day.  The  air,  the  earth,  the  waters  w^ere 
peopled  by  gnomes  or  little  gods,  and  with  ghosts  and 
goblins,  Avhich  they  called  arvans.  It  was  believed  by  all 
that  the  oak  was  a  tree  dear  to  the  gods,  and  that  its  shade 
offered  an  asylum  against  the  violence  of  men  or  the  assaults 
of  destiny.  In  addition  to  the  oak  of  Remove,  the  Prussians 
had  several  other  trees  of  the  same  kind,  which  the  y  con- 
sidered the  sanctuaries  of  their  divinities.  They  consecrated 
also  linden-trees,  firs,  maples,  and  even  whole  forests  ;  they 
held  in  reverence  fountains,  lakes,  and  inountains  ;  they 
adored  serpents,  owls,  storks,  and  other  animals :  in  short, 
in  the  countries  inhabited  by  the  Prussians,  all  nature  was 
filled  with  diviuities,  and,  up  to  the  fourteenth  centuiy,  it 
m'.ght  be  said  of  a  European  nation,  as  Bossuet  said  of 
ancient  paganism,  "  Tlverything  there  was  god,  except  God 
himself. ^^ 

A  long  time  before  the  crusades,  St.  Adalbert  had  left  his 
nnrive  country,  Bohemia,  to  penetrate  into  the  forests  of 
J^i'u-sia,  iiiul   endeavour  to  convert  the  Prussians  to  Chris- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CEUSAUES.  225 

tianity  ;  but  his  eloquence,  his  moderation,  or  his  charity, 
could  not  disarm  the  fury  of  the  priests  of  Perk  ui  ins. 
Adalbert  died,  pierced  with  arrows,  and  received  the  palm 
of  martyi'dom ;  other  missionaries  shared  the  same  fate ; 
their  blood  arose  against  their  murderers,  and  the  report  of 
their  death,  together  with  an  account  of  the  cruelties  of  ;i 
barbarous  people,  everywhere  cried  aloud  upou  the  Christians 
of  the  North  for  vengeance.  The  neighbouring  nations 
were  constantly  entertainiug  the  resolution  to  take  arms 
against  the  idolaters  of  Prussia.  An  abbot  of  the  monastery 
of  Oliva,  more  able,  and  still  further,  more  fortunate  than 
his  predecessors,  imdertook  the  conversion  of  the  pagans  of 
the  Oder  and  the  Vistula,  and  succeeded,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Holy  See,  in  getting  up  a  crusade  against  the  wor- 
shippers of  false  gods  ;  a  great  number  of  Christians  took 
the  cross,  at  the  summons  of  the  pope,  who  promised  them 
eternal  life  if  they  fell  in  fight,  and  lands  and  treasures  if 
they  trium;-;hed  over  the  enemies  of  Christ.  The  knights  of 
Christ  ?nd.  tho  knights  of  the  sword,  instituted  to  subdue 
the  pagr.n?.  of  Livonia,  with  the  Teutonic  knights,  who  in 
Palestine  rivalled  in  power  and  glory  the  two  other  orders 
of  the  Teri:ip!e  and  the  Hospital,  at  the  first  signal  flocked  to 
the  standards  of  the  army  assembled  to  invade  Prussia,  ami 
convert  its  inhabitants :  thi?  war  lasted  more  than  two  cen- 
turies. In  this  sanguinary  ytruggle,  if  the  Christian  religion 
sometimes  inspired  its  combatants  with  its  virtues,  the  leaders 
of  this  long  crui^ade  were  nuich  more  frequently  influenced 
by  vengeance,  ambition,  and  avarice.  The  knights  of  the 
Teutonic  order,  whose  bravery  almost  always  amounted  to 
heroism,  remained  masters  of  the  country  conquered  bv  their 
arms.  These  victorious  monks  never  edified  the  people  thov 
subdued,  either  by  their  moderation  or  their  charitv ;  and 
were  often  accused  before  the  tribunal  of  the  head  of  the 
(Church,  of  having  convei'ted  the  Prussians,  not  to  make  tlieiu 
servants  of  Christ,  but  to  increase  the  number  of  their  own 
subjects  and  slaves. 

We  have  only  spoken  of  the  people  of  Prussia,  and  of  tlie 
wars  made  against  them,  to  exhibit  to  our  readers  a  nation 
and  customs  nlmost  unknown  to  modern  scholars  even;  and 
to  show  how  far  ambition  and  a  thirst  of  conquest  was  able 
to  abuse  the  spirit  of  the  ci'usades :  we  hasten  to  r<^turn  to 


224  IIISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSAPES. 

the  expedition  that  was  being  prepared  against  the 
Saracens. 

Germany  considered  Frederick  II.  as  the  leader  of  the 
wni"  about  to  be  made  in  Asia  ;  but  the  new  emperor,  seated 
en  a  throne  for  a  long  time  shaken  by  civil  wars,  dreading 
the  enterprises  of  the  Italian  republics,  and  perhaps  those 
of  Ihe  popes  their  protectors,  thought  it  prudent  to  defer 
his  departure  for  Palestine. 

The  zeal  of  the  Crusaders,  however,  did  not  abate,  and  in 
their  impatience  they  turned  their  eyes  towards  the  knig  of 
Hungary  to  take  the  command  in  the  holy  war.  Andrew, 
accompanied  by  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  the  duke  of  Austria, 
and  tlie  German  nobles  who  had  taken  the  cross,  set  out  for 
the  East,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army,  and  repaired  to 
Spalatro,  where  vessels  from  Venice,  Zara,  Ancona,  and  other 
cities  of  the  Adriatic,  awaited  the  Crusaders,  to  transport 
them  into  Palestine. 

In  all  the  countries  through  which  he  inarched,  the  king 
of  Hungary  was  followed  by  the  benedictions  of  the  people. 
AVhen  he  approached  the  city  of  Spalo.tro,  the  inhabitants 
and  the  clergy  came  out  in  pro:>ession  to  n^.eet  him,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  their  principal  church,  where  all  the  faithful 
were  assembled  to  call  down  the  mercy  of  Heaven  upon  the 
Christian  warriors.  A  few  days  alter,  tlie  fleet  of  the  Cru- 
saders left  the  port*  of  Spalatro,  and  set  sail  for  the  island 
of  Cyprus,  at  which  place  were  mot  the  deputies  of  the  king 
and  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  of  the  orders  of  the  Temple 
and  St.  John,  and  of  the  Teutonic  knigiits. 

A  crowd  of  Crusaders,  who  had  cinbarked  at  Brindisi,  at 
Genoa,  and  at  INIarseilles,  preceded  the  king  of  Hungary  and 
his  army.  Lusignan,  king  of  Cyprus,  and  the  greater  part 
•S  Ids  barons,  influenced  by  the  example  of  so  many  ilhis- 
trious  princes,  took  the  cross,  and  promised  to  follow  them 
into  tlie  Holy  Land.  All  the  Crusaders  embarked  together 
at  the  port  of  Lemisso,  and  landed  in  triumph  at  Ptolema'is. 

*  Le  Pere  Maiiiibourg  and  most  historians  make  the  king  of  Hungary 
embark  at  Venice;  but  they  are  unacquainted  with  the  Chroniclt-  of 
Thomas,  deacon  of  Spalatro,  wIjo  furnishes  the  fullest  details  of  the  pas-sage 
of  Andrew  11.  Into  tlie  Holy  Land,  and  liis  return  to  his  dominions.  This 
Chronicle,  it  is  true,  contains  many  doubtful  things  concerning  the  crusade, 
and  the  kingdom  of  Hunuary  on  the  return  of  Andrew  ;  but  it  is  quite 
worthy  of  con*"i.     ice  in  all  that  pas.-^ed  at  Spalatro. 


niSTOKT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  225 

An  Arabian  historian  says,  that  since  the  time  of  Saladin 
the  Christians  had  never  had  so  numerous  an  army  in  Syria.* 
Thanks  to  Heaven  were  oftered  up  in  all  the  churches,  for 
the  powerful  aid  it  had  sent  to  the  Holy  Land ;  but  the  joy 
of  the  Cliristiaus  of  Palestine  was  quickly  troubled  by  the 
serious  difficulty  in  which  they  found  themselves  to  procure 
provisions  for  such  a  multitude  of  pilgrims. 

This  year  i_1217)  had  been  baiTen  throughout  the  richest 
countries  of  Syria  ;t  aud  the  vessels  from  the  A\^est  had 
only  been  laden  with  machines  of  war,  arms,  and  baggage. 
Deticiency  of  food  was  soon  felt  among  the  Crusaders,  aud 
led  the  soldiers  to  license  aud  robbery  ;  the  Bnvarians  com- 
mitted the  greatest  disorders;  pillaging  houses  and  mouas 
teries,  and  devastating  the  neiglibouring  country  ;  the  leaders 
had  no  other  means  of  reestablisliing  order  aud  peace  in  the 
army,  but  by  giving  the  signal  for  war  against  the  Saracens ; 
aud,  to  save  the  lands  and  dwellings  of  the  Christians,  they 
proposed  to  their  soldiers  to  ravage  the  cities  aud  territories 
of  the  infidels. 

The  whole  army,  commanded  by  the  kings  of  Jerusalem, 
Cyprus,  and  Hungary,  encamped  on  the  banks  of  tlie  toi'rent 
of  Cison.  The  patriarch  of  the  holy  city,  in  order  to  strike 
the  imagination  of  the  Crusaders,  and  prevent  their  for- 
getting the  object  of  their  enterprise,  repaired  to  the  camp, 
bringing  with  him  a  portion  of  the  wood  of  the  true  cross, 
which  he  pretended  to  have  been  saved  at  the  battle  of 
Tiberias.  The  kings  and  princes  came  out,  barefooted,  to 
meet  him,  and  received  with  respect  the  sign  of  redemptiou. 
This  cez'emony  rekindled  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  of  the 
Crusaders,  whose  ardent  desire  now  was  to  fight  for  Christ. 

*  "This  year,"  614  of  the  Hegyra,  says  the  continuatorof  Tabrtry,  "  the 
Franks  received  succours  by  sea  from  Rome  the  great,  and  other  countries 
of  the  Franks,  both  west  and  north.  It  was  the  chief  of  Rome,  a  prelate 
much  revered  among  the  Christians,  who  directed  them;  he  scut  troops 
from  his  own  country  under  various  commanders,  and  he  ordered  the  other 
Frank  kings  either  to  march  in  jierson  or  send  iheir  troops." 

t  A  letter  from  the  master  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Temple,  addressed  to 
Honorius  III.,  enters  into  several  details  respecting  the  situation  of  the 
Holy  Land  at  this  period.  This  letter  speaks  of  the  scarcity  experienced 
in  Syria  ;  the  master  of  the  Templars  adds,  that  they  could  procure  no 
horses.  "  For  this  reason,"  said  he  to  the  pope,  "exhort  all  who  have 
taken  the  cross,  or  intend  to  take  it,  to  furnish  themselves  with  such 
things  as  they  cannot  procure  here." 


226  uisTOEY  or  the  ckusades. 

The  army  crossed  the  torrent,  and  advanced  towards  tlie 
valley  of  Jesrael,  between  Mount  Harmon  and  Movuit 
Gelboe,  without  meeting  an  enemy.  The  leaders  and  sol- 
diers bathed  in  the  Jordan,  and  passed  over  the  plain  uf 
Jericho,  and  along  the  shores  of  the  great  lake  of  Genesareth., 
The  Christian  army  marched  singing  spiritual  songs  ;  religion 
and  its  remembrances  had  restored  discipline  and  peace 
among  them.  Eveiy  object  and  place  they  beheld  around 
them  filled  them  with  a  pious  veneration  for  the  Holy  Land. 
In  this  campaign,  which  was  a  true  pilgrimage,  they  made  a 
great  number  of  prisoners  without  fighting  a  battle,  and  re- 
turned to  Ptolemais  loaded  with  booty. 

At  the  period  of  this  crusade,  Malek-Adel  no  longer 
reigned  over  either  Syria  or  Egypt.  After  having  mounted 
the  throne  of  Saladin  by  injustice  and  violence,  he  had  de- 
scended from  it  voluntarily  ;  the  conqueror  of  all  obstacles, 
and  having  no  longer  a  wish  to  form,  he  became  sensible  of 
the  emptiness  of  human  grandeur,  and  gave  up  the  reins  of 
an  empire  that  nobody  had  the  power  to  dispute  with  him. 
Melik  Kamel,  the  eldest  of  his  sons,  was  sultan  of  Cairo ; 
and  Corradin*  was  sultan  of  Damascus.  His  other  sons 
had  received,  as  their  shares  of  the  empire,  the  principalitiea 
of  Bosra,  Baalbec,  Mesopotamia,  &c.  Malek-Adel,  relieved 
from  the  cares  of  government,  visited  his  children  by  turns, 
and  preserved  peace  among  them.  All  he  had  reserved  of 
his  past  power  was  the  ascendancy  of  a  great  renown,  and 
of  a  glory  acquired  by  numberless  heroic  exploits  ;  but  this 
ascendancy  held  princes,  people,  and  army  in  subjection.  In 
moments  of  peril,  his  counsels  became  laws :  the  soldiers 
still  considered  him  as  their  leader ;  his  sons  as  their  sove- 
reign arbiter;  and  all  Mussulmans  as  their  defender  and 
support. 

The  new  crusade  had  spread  terror  among  the  infidels, 
but  Malek-Adel  calmed  their  fears  by  assuring  them  that  the 
Christians  would  soon  be  divided  amongst  themselves,  and 
by  telling  them  that  this  formidable  expedition  resembled 
the  storms  which  howl  over  Mount  Libanus,  and  which  dis- 
perse of  themselves :  neither  the  armies  of  Egypt,  nor  the 
armies  of  Syria,  made  their  appearance  in  Judaea ;  and  the 

*  This  prinje  was  named  Cheref-Eddia  Melik  Moaddham, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  227 

Crusaders  assembled  at  Ptolemais  were  astonislicd  at  meet- 
ing no  enemy  to  contend  with.  Tlie  leaders  of  the  Christian 
army  had  resolved  to  direct  their  march  towards  the  banks 
of  theJXile;  but  winter,  which  Avas  aboi  t  to  commeuce, 
would  not  permit  them  to  undertake  so  distant  an  enter- 
prise. To  employ  the  soldiers,  whom  idleness  always  seduced 
into  license,  it  was  determined  to  make  an  attack  iipou 
Mount  Tabor,  where  the  Mussulmans  had  fortilied  them- 
selves. 

Mount  Tabor,  so  celebrated  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment, arises  like  a  superb  dome  amidst  the  vast  plain  of 
Galilee.  The  declivity  of  the  mountain  is  covered  with 
flowers  and  odoriferous  plants ;  from  the  summit  of  Tabor, 
which  forms  a  level  of  a  league  in  extent,  may  be  seen,  tra- 
vellers say,  all  the  banks  of  the  Jordan,  the  Lake  of  Tiberias, 
the  Sea  of  Syria,  and  most  of  the  places  in  which  Christ 
performed  his  miracles. 

A  church,  the  erection  of  which  was  due  to  the  piety  of 
St.  Helena,  stood  on  the  very  spot  where  the  transfiguration 
of  Christ  took  place  in  presence  of  his  disciples,  and  for  a 
length  of  time  attracted  crowds  of  pilgj:'ims.  Two  monas- 
teries, built  at  the  summit  of  Tabor,  recalled  for  centuries 
the  memory  of  Moses  and  Elias,  whose  names  they  bore  ;  but, 
from  the  reign  of  Saladin,  the  standard  of  Mahomet  had. 
floated  over  this  holy  mountain  ;  the  church  of  St.  Helena 
and  the  monasteries  of  Moses  and  Elias  had  been  demolished, 
and  upon  their  ruins  was  raised  a  fortress,  from  which 
the  Mussulmans  constantly  threatened  the  territories  of 
Ptolemais. 

It  was  impossible  to  ascend  Mount  Tabor  without  en- 
countering a  thousand  dangers  ;  but  nothing  intimidated 
the  Christian  warriors :  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  who 
marched  at  their  head,  showed  them  the  true  cross,  and 
animated  them  by  his  example  and  his  eloquent  words. 
Enormous  stones  rolled  from  the  heights  occupied  by  the 
infidels,  who  poured  down  an  endless  shower  of  javelins  and 
arrows  upon  all  the  roads  which  led  to  the  top  of  the  moun- 
tain. The  valour  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  braved  all  the 
efforts  of  the  Saracens  ;  the  king  of  Jerusalem  distinguished 
himself  by  prodigies  of  bravery,  and  killed  two  emirs  with 
his  own  hand.    The  summit  of  the  moimtain  being  attained, 


228  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

tlie  Crusaders  dispersed  the  Mussulmans,  and  pursueu  them 
to  the  gates  of  their  fortress  :  nothing  could  resist  their 
arms.  But  a  1  at  once  several  of  the  leaders  begau  to  enter- 
tain suspicions  regarding  the  intentions  of  the  sultan  of 
Damascus ;  and  the  fear  of  a  surprise  acted  the  more 
strongly  on  their  minds  from  no  one  having  foreseen  it. 
Whilst  the  Mussulmans  retired  filled  vrith  terror  behind 
their  ramparts,  a  sudden  panic  seized  the  conquerors :  the 
Crusaders  renounced  the  attack  of  the  fortress,  and  the 
whole  Christian  army  retreated  without  eftecting  anything; 
as  if  it  had  only  ascended  Mount  Tabor  to  contemplate  the 
spot  rendered  sacred  by  the  transfiguration  of  the  Saviour. 

We  could  scarcely  yield  faith  to  the  account  of  this  pre- 
cipitate flight,  without  the  evidence  of  contemporary  histo- 
rians;* the  ancient  chronicles,  according  to  their  custom, 
do  not  fail  to  attribute  to  treachery  an  event  they  cannot 
comprehend ;  it  appears  to  us,  however,  much  more  natural 
to  suppose  that  the  retreat  of  the  Crusaders  was  produced 
by  the  discord  and  want  of  foresight  which  prevailed  in  all 
their  undertakings. t 

Tliis  retreat  had  most  fatal  results ;  M'hilst  the  leaders  re- 
proached each  other  with  the  disgrace  of  the  army  and  the 
egregious  error  they  had  conunitted,  the  knights  and  sol- 
diers sank  into  a  state  of  discouragement.  The  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem  refused  from  that  time  to  bear  the  wood  of  the 
true  cross  in  the  van  of  the  Crusaders,  as  he  found  the  sight 
of  it  could  neither  revive  tlieir  piety  nor  reanimate  their 
courage.  The  kings  and  princes  who  directed  the  crusade, 
wishing  to  retrieve  so  shameful  a  reverse  before  they  returned 
to  Palestine,  led  the  army  towards  Phoenicia.     In  this  new 

*  It  is  our  duty  to  quote  here  what  is  met  with  in  the  coiitinuator  of 
Tabary,  or  the  false  Tabary,  relative  to  this  expedition  of  the  Christians  : 
'■Tliey  undertook  to  besiege  the  castle  of  Thour  (Tabor),  and  reached 
the  top  of  the  mountain  and  the  foot  of  the  walls.  They  were  very  near 
becoming  masters  of  it ;  but  one  of  their  princes  being  dead,  they  retired, 
after  having  remained  seventeen  days  before  the  fort."  This  account  is 
quite  contrary  to  that  of  the  western  historians,  and  otherwise  bears  no 
mark  of  probability.  It  is  true  that  the  king  of  Cyprus  died  during  this 
campaign  of  the  Crusaders  ;  but  he  died  at  Tripoli,  and  more  than  a  month 
after  the  expedition  of  Mount  Tabor. 

t  According  to  the  chronicles  of  the  times,  and  the  report  of  travellers, 
there  is  no  water  on  Mount  Tabor.  It  is  probable  that  the  want  of  water 
prevented  the  Crusaders  from  undertaking  the  siege  of  the  fortress. 


HISTOKT    OF    THE    CRUSABES.  22S 

campaign  no  exploit  signalized  their  arms  being  winter,  j> 
great  number  of  the  soldiers,  overcome  by  cold,  remained 
abandoned  on  the  roads,  whilst  others  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Bedouin  Ai'abs.  On  Christmas  eve,  the  Crusaders,  who 
were  encamped  between  Tyre  and  Sarphat,  were  surprised 
bv  a  violent  tempest ;  wind,  rain,  hail,  whirl-n-inds,  incessant 
peals  of  thunder  killed  their  horses,  carried  away  their  tents, 
and  scattered  their  baggage.  This  disaster  completed  their 
despondency,  and  created  a  belief  that  Heaven  refused  them 
its  support. 

As  tliey  were  in  serious  want  of  pi-ovisions,  and  the  whole 
army  could  not  subsist  in  one  place,  they  resolved  to  divide 
tliemselves  into  four  different  bodies  till  the  end  of  winter. 
This  separation,  which  was  made  amidst  mutual  complaints, 
appeared  to  be  the  work  of  discord  much  more  than  of 
necessity.  The  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  duke  of  Austria,  and 
tlie  grand  master  of  St.  John  encamped  in  the  plains  of 
Ciesarea ;  the  king  of  Hungary,  the  king  of  Cyprus,  and 
Raymond,  son  of  the  pi-ince  of  Antioch,  retired  to  Ti'ipoli  ;* 
the  grantl  masters  of  the  Templars  and  the  Teutonic  knights, 
and  Andrew  d'Avesnes,  with  the  Flemish  Crusaders,  went 
to  fortify  a  castle  built  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Carmel ;  the 
other  Crusaders  retired  to  Ptolemais  with  the  intention  of 
going  back  to  Europe. 

Tlie  king  of  Cyprus  fell  ill  and  died  just  as  he  was  upon 
the  point  of  embarking  for  his  own  kingdom.  The  king  of 
Hiuigary  was  discouraged,  and  began  to  despair  of  the  suc- 
cess of  a  war  so  unfortunately  commenced.  This  prince, 
after  a  sojourn  of  three  months  in  Palestine,  thought  his 
vow  accomplished,  and  resolved,  all  at  once,  to  return  to  his 
dominions. 

The  AVest  had  doubtless  been  surprised  to  see  Andrew 
abandon  his  kingdom,  torn  by  factions,  to  repair  to  Syria ; 
and  the  Eastern  Christians  were  not  less  astonished  at  see- 
ing this  prince  leave  Palestine  without  having  done  any- 
thing for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places.  The  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem  reproached  him  with  inconstancy,  and  employed 
liis  utmost  etforts  to  retain  him  beneath  the  banners  of  the 

*  The  unimportant  accounts  of  this  period  are  to  be  found  in  the  con. 
tinuator  of  WilUam  of  Tyre  and  in  James  of  Vitri,  who  was  then  bishop 
of  Ptolemais. 


230  niSTOBT    OF   THE    CEUSADES, 

cross ;  but  finding  Andrew  would  not  yield  to  his  prayei  , 
he  had  recourse  to  threats,  and  displayed  the  formidah  e 
train  of  the  weapons  of  the  Church.  Nothing,  however, 
could  shake  the  resolution  of  the  king  of  Hungary,  who 
satisfied  himself  with  not  appearing  to  desert  the  cause  of 
Christ  by  leaving  half  his  troops  under  the  commaud  of  the 
king  of  Jerusalem. 

After  having  quitted  Palestine,  Andrew  remained  for  a 
long  time  in  Armenia,  appearing  to  forget  his  own  enemies, 
as  he  had  forgotten  those  of  Christ.  He  came  back  into 
Europe  through  Asia  MinoJ  and  beheld,  whilst  passing  Con- 
stantinople, the  wreck  of  tlie  Latin  empire,  which  ought  to 
have  roused  him  from  his  pious  indolence,  and  have  reminded 
him  of  his  own  dangers.  The  Hungarian  monarch,  who  had 
left  his  army  in  Syria,  took  back  with  him  a  number  of  relics  ; 
such  as  the  head  of  St.  Peter,  the  right  hand  of  the  apostle 
Thomas,  and  one  of  the  seven  vases  in  which  Christ  changed 
water  into  wine  at  the  marriage  in  Cana :  his  confidence  in 
these  revered  objects  made  him  negligent  of  tlie  means  of 
human  prudence ;  and,  if  we  may  believe  a  contemporary 
chronicle,*  when  he  retunied  into  Hungary,  the  relics 
which  he  brought  from  the  Holy  Land  sufficed  for  the  sup- 
pression of  all  tlie  troubles  of  his  states,  and  caused  peace, 
the  laws,  aiid  justice,  to  flourish  throughout  his  provinces. 
The  greater  part  of  the  Hungarian  historians,  however,  hold 
quite  another  language,t  and  reproach  their  monarch  with 
havuig  dissipated  his  treasures  and  his  armies  in  an  impru- 
dent and  an  unfortunate  expedition  ;  the  nobility  and  people 
took  advantage  of  his  long  absence  to  impose  laws  upon 
him,  and  obtain  liberties  and  privileges  which  weakened  the 
royal  power,  and  scattered  the  germs  of  a  rapid  decay  in  the 
kingdom  of  Hungary. 

*  The  archdeacon  Thomas  describes  with  great  simplicity  the  miracles 
effected  by  the  relics  of  the  king  of  Hungary. 

f  One  of  these  historians,  Palma,  expresses  himself  thus  : — Hsec 
tadem  expeditio  Hierosolymitana  adeo  nervos  omnes  monarchitfi  Hun- 
garicfe  absumpsit,  ut  unius  propemodum  seculi  spatio  ad  pristinam  opu- 
lentiam  viresque  redire  nequiverit.  Another  historian  adds,  that  the 
long  absence  of  Andrew,  and  the  imbecility  of  his  son,  so  completely 
alienated  the  minds  of  his  subjects,  that  his  return  created  no  joy,  and 
that  Benedict,  the  chancellor  of  Queen  Yollande,  had  difficulty  in  per- 
suading a  few  prelates  to  go  out  and  meet  him. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  231 

After  the  departure  of  the  king  of  Hungary,  a  great 
number  of  Crusaders  arrived  from  the  ports,  of  Holland, 
France,  and  Italy.  The  Crusaders  from  Eriesland,  Cologne, 
and  the  banks  of  the  Khine  had  stopped  on  the  coast  of 
Portugal, Avhere  they  had  conquered  the  Moors  in  several  great 
battles,  killed  two  Saracen  princes,  and  mounted  the  ban- 
ners of  the  cross  upon  the  walls  of  Alcazar.  They  described 
the  miracles  by  which  Heaven  had  seconded  their  valour, 
and  the  ap])arition  of  angels,  clothed  in  resplendent  armour, 
■who  had  fought  on  the  banks  of  the  Tagus,  in  the  ranks  of 
tl'.e  soldievr,  of  Christ.*  The  arrival  of  tjiese  warriors,  with 
the  account  of  their  victories,  revived  the  courage  of  the 
Crusaders  who  had  remained  in  Palestine  under  the  com- 
mand of  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria;  with  such  a  powerful 
reinforcement,  nothing  was  talked  of  but  renewing  the  war 
against  the  Mussulmans. 

The  project  of  conquering  the  banks  of  the  Nile  often 
occupied  the  thoughts  of  the  Christians  ;  since  the  idea  of  a 
war  in  Egypt  had  been  put  forth  by  the  pope  himself  amidst 
the  council  of  the  Lateran,  it  had  been  considei'ed  as  an  in- 
spiration from  Heaven  ;  they  only  thought  of  the  advantages 
of  a  rich  conquest,  and  the  perils  of  so  difficult  an  enterprise 
appeared  of  no  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
cross. 

The  Christian  army,  commanded  by  the  king  of  Jerusa- 
lem, the  duke  of  Austria,  and  William,  count  of  Holland, 
embarked  at  the  port  of  Ptolemais,  and  landed  within  sight 
of  Damietta,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  second  mouth  of 
the  Nile.     The  city  of  Damietta,t  situated  at  the  distance 

*  The  register  of  Honorius  in  Rinaldi,  and  particularly  the  letter  written 
by  William  of  Holland  to  the  pope,  may  be  consulted  for  the  details  of 
tliis  campaign  against  the  Moors.  William  asks  permission  of  the  sove- 
reign poniitfto  remain  in  Portugal  a  year;  but  this  permission  was  refused 
him  by  the  Holy  See,  at  that  time  only  interested  in  the  crusade  oeyond 
the  sea.  Some  details  concerning  the  expedition  of  tlie  Crusaders  in 
Portugal  may  be  found  in  James  of  Vitri,  and  in  the  monk  Godfrey. 

t  Savary  has  rectified  an  error  committed  by  several  learned  moderns, 
who  have  confounded  the  city  of  Damietta,  ft'hich  e.\isted  in  the  times  of 
the  crusades,  and  which  is  called  Thanuatis  by  Ste|dien  of  Byzantium, 
with  the  city  of  that  name  which  exists  at  ])resent.  Aboulfeda  informs  us 
that  the  ancient  Damietta  was  set  fire  to  and  demolished  in  the  year  OliJ 
of  the  Hegyra,  after  th?  crusade  of  St.  Louis,  and  that  another  city,  undi? 


232  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

of  a  mile  from  the  sea,  had  a  double  rampart  on  the  riv^er 
side,  and  a  triple  wall  on  the  land  side ;  a  tower  arose  in  the 
middle  of  the  Nile,  and  an  iron  chain,  winch  reached  from 
he  city  to  the  tower,  prevented  the  passage  of  vessels.  The 
city  contained  a  numerous  garrison,  with  provisions  ana 
munitions  of  war  for  a  long  siege.  Damietta  had  already 
several  times  resisted  formidable  attacks  of  the  Christians. 
Roger,  king  of  Sicily,  had  made  himself  master  of  it  in  the 
preceding  century,  but  he  was  not  able  to  retaiji  and  detbnd 
it,  against  the  united  forces  of  the  Mussulmans. 

The  Crusaders  arrived  before  Damietta  early  in  April ; 
having  pitched  their  tents  in  a  vast  plain,  they  hai  behind 
them  lakes  and  pools  abounding  in  fish  of  all  kinds  ;*  before 
them  the  Nile,  covered  with  their  vessels  ;.a  thousand  canals, 
crowned  with  evergreen  papyrus  and  reeds,  intersected  the 
lands,  and  spread  Ireshness  and  fertility  around  theni.  In 
the  fields  which  had  so  lately  been  the  theatre  of  sanguinary 
contests,  no  traces  of  war  were  to  be  seen ;  harvests  of  rice 
covered  the  plains  in  which  Christian  armies  had  perished 
by  famine  ;  groves  of  oranges  and  citrons  loaded  with  flowers 
and  fruit ;  woods  of  palms  and  sycamores,  thickets  of  jas- 
mines and  odoriferous  shrubs,  with  a  crowd  of  plants  and 
wonders,  unknown  to  the  pilgrims,  created  the  image  of  an 
earthly  paradise,  and  made  them  fancy  that  Damietta  must 
have  been  the  first  dwelling  of  man  in  his  state  of  innocence. 
The  aspect  of  a  beautiful  sky  and  a  rich  climate  intoxicated 
them  with  joy,  kept  hope  alive  in  their  hearts,  and  held  out 
to  them  the  accomplishment  of  all  the  divine  promises.  In 
their  religious  and  warlike  enthusiasm,  they  beneved  they 
saw  Providence  prodigal  of  its  miracles  for  the  success  of 
their  arms ;  scarcely  had  they  established  their  camp  on  the 
bank  of  the  Nile,  when  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  covered  the 
horizon  with  darkness ;  and  even  this  phenomenon  inflamed 
their  courage,  as  it  appeared  to  them  a  presage  of  the  greatest 
victories. 

the  same  name,  was  constructed  at  two  leagues  from  the  sea.     The  asser- 
tion of  Aboulfeda  agrees  in  this  point  witli  the  description  of  Macuzi. 

*  James  of  Vitri  gives  a  sufficiently  particular  description  of  Egypt  and 
Its  productions;  this  portion  of  his  history  is  not  unworthy  of  the  perusal 
of  the  learned,  and  may  give  a  just  idea  of  the  knowledge  of  geograj)hy 
and  natural  history  of  the  thirteenth  century. 


niSTORY    OF    TUB    CRUSADES.  233 

The  first  attacks*  were  directed  against  the  tower  built  in 
fclie  middle  of  the  Nile  ;  vessels,  in  which  were  placed  towers, 
ladders,  and  di'awbridges,  approached  the  walls.  The  soldiers 
who  manned  them,  braving  the  arrows  and  murderous 
machines  of  the  Mussidmans,  made  several  assaults ;  but 
prodigies  of  strength,  coin^age,  and  skill  were  useless!.  The 
most  intrepid  of  the  Crusaders,  victims  of  their  own  rash 
bi'avery  and  devotedness,  perished,  swallowed  up  bj  the 
waves,  without  being  able  to  be  succoured  or  avenged  by 
their  companions.  In  all  the  attacks,  nothing  could  equal 
the  impetuous  valour  of  the  AVestern  warriors ;  but  this 
valour  was  not  seconded  by  either  the  prudence  of  the  com- 
manders or  the  discipline  of  the  soldiers ;  each  nation  had 
its  leader,  its  machines  of  war,  its  days  for  fighting  ;  no  order 
governed  either  attack  or  retreat ;  the  soldiers  on  board  the 
vessels  wished  to  manoeuvre  them,  the  sailors  would  fight. 

The  frequent  checks  they  experienced,  at  length,  however, 
tauglit  them  prudence  :  the  lightest  of  their  vessels  ascended 
the  Nile,  and  returning  to  cast  anchor  above  the  tower  built 
in  the  middle  of  the  river,  attacked  and  broke  asunder  the 
bridge  of  boats  which  united  the  tOwer  with  the  city.  In- 
dustry likewise  lent  its  assistance  to  the  bravery  of  the 
Crusaders ;  machines  of  war  were  invented,  of  which  no 
models  had  previously  existed.  An  enormous  wooden  castle, 
built  upon  two  vessels,t  joined  together  by  beams  and  joists, 
was  admired  as  a  miraculous  invention,  and  considered  as  a 
certain  pledge  of  victory.  Upon  this  floating  castle  was  a 
drawbridge,  which  could  be  lowered  upon  the  tower  of  the 
Saracens,  and  galleries  destined  to  receive  the  soldiers  who 
were  to  attack  the  walls.  A  poor  priest  of  'the  church  of 
Cologne,  J  who  had  preached  the  crusade  on  the  banks  of  the 

*  For  particulars  of  the  siege  of  Damietta,  James  of  Vitri,  the  con- 
tinuator  of  William  of  Tyre,  Marin  Siinut,  Matthew  Paris,  the  corre- 
spondence of  Honorius  in  Raifiialdi,  Godfrey,  and  the  Monk  of  Alberic 
may  be  consulted.  We  have  examined  the  account  attributed  to  Olivit-r, 
priest  of  Cologne,  which  may  be  found  in  the  Gesta  Dei  per  Francos,  but 
this  account  is  repeated  by  James  of  Vitri.  The  Arabian  authors  and  the 
Chronicle  of  Ibn-ferat  have  afforded  us  great  assistance  in  our  labours, 
and  have  informed  us  of  very  important  facts  of  which  the  Franks  and 
their  historians  were  ignorant. 

+  Le  Pere  Maimbourg  gives  a  long  account  of  this  machine,  not  neces. 
snrv  to  be  repeated. 

+  This  jjriest,  who  was  named  Olivier,  afterwards  became  bishop  of 
Vol.    II.— 11 


234  HISTORY   OE    THE    CEUSADES. 

Bliine,  and  followed  the  Christian  army  into  Egypt,  was 
charged  with  the  superintendence  of  tlie  erection  of  this 
formidable  edifice.  As  the  popes  in  their  letters  abvays 
advised  the  Crusaders  to  take  with  them  to  the  East  men 
skilled  in  the  mechanical  arts,*  the  Christian  army  was  in 
no  want  of  workmen  to  perform  the  most  difiicult  labours ; 
the  liberality  of  the  leaders  and  soldiers  supplied  all  the 
necessary  expenses. 

The  whole  army  looked  with  impatience  for  the  moment 
at  which  the  enormous  fortress  should  be  brought  near  to 
the  tower  on  the  Nile ;  prayers  were  offered  up  in  the  camp 
for  the  protection  of  Heaven ;  the  patriarch  and  the  king  of 
Jerusalem,  the  clergy  and  the  soldiers,  during  several  days, 
submitted  to  aU  the  austerities  of  penitence, — all  marched 
in  procession  barefooted  to  the  seashore.  The  leaders  had 
fixed  upon  the  festival  of  the  apostle  St.  Bartholomew  as 
the  day  for  the  assault,  and  the  Crusaders  were  filled  with 
hope  and  ardour.  They  vied  with  each  other  in  eagerness  to 
be  of  the  assaulting  party,  for  whicii  the  best  soldiers  of  each 
nation  were  selected,  and  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria,  the 
model  of  Christian  knights,  obtained  the  honour  of  com- 
manding an  expedition  with  which  the  first  success  of  the 
crusade  was  connected. 

On  the  appointed  day,  the  two  vessels  surmounted  by  the 
wooden  tower  received  the  signal  for  moving.  Tiiey  carried 
three  hundred  warriors  fully  armed ;  and  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  Mussulmans  assembled  on  the  walls  contem- 
plated the  spectacle  with  surprise  mingled  with  dread.  The 
two  vessels  pursued  their  silent  course  up  the  middle  of  the 
river,  whilst  all  the  Crusaders,  either  drawn  up  in  battle- 
array  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile,  or  dispersed  over  the 
neighbouring  hills,  saluted  witli  loudest  acclamations  the 
moving  fortress  which  bore  the  fortunes  and  the  hopes  of  the 
Christian  army.  On  drawing  near  to  the  walls  the  two 
vessels  cast  anchor,  and  tlie  soldiers  prepared  for  the  assault. 
Whilst  the  Christians  hurled  their  javelins  and  got  ready 

Paderborn  and  a  cardinal  of  St.  Sabina  ;  it  is  the  same  that  signed  his 
name  to  the  account  we  have  mentioned  in  a  preceding  note. 

*  Gretser,  in  his  treaty  de  Cruce,  says  formally  tiiat  the  popes  required 
the  commanders  of  the  pilgrims  to  take  with  them  both  agriculturists  and 
workmen. 


HTSTOBT   OF   THE    CRUSADES,  233 

tlieii  lances  and  swords,  tlie  Saracens  poured  upon  tliem 
torrents  of  Greek  fire,  and  employed  every  effort  to  make 
tlie  wooden  castle  on  which  then"  enemies  fought  a  prey  to 
the  flames.  The  one  party  was  encouraged  by  the  shouts 
and  applauses  of  the  Christian  army,  the  other  by  the  thou- 
sand times  repeated  acclamations  of  the  inhabitants  of  Da- 
mietta.  Amidst  the  fight,  the  machine  of  the  Crusaders  all 
at  once  appeared  on  fire ;  the  drawbridge  lowered  on  to  the 
■walls  of  the  tower  wavered  and  was  unsteady ;  the  flagstaff 
of  the  duke  of  Austria  fell  into  the  Nile,  and  the  banner  of 
the  Christians  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Mussulmans. 
At  this  sight  the  Saracens  uttered  the  most  extravagant 
cries  of  joy,  whilst  groans  and  sounds  of  grief  were  heard 
along  the  shore  on  which  the  Crusaders  were  encamped  ;  the 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  the  clergy,  the  whole  army,  fell  on 
their  knees,  and  raised  their  supplicating  hands  towards 
heaven. 

But  soon,  as  if  God  had  been  favourable  to  their  prayers, 
tlie  flames  were  extinguished,  the  machine  was  repaired,  the 
drawbridge  was  replaced,  and  the  companions  of  Leopold 
renewed  the  attacic  with  more  ardour  than  ever.  From  the 
top  of  their  fortress  they  commanded  the  walls  of  the  tower, 
and  dealt  mighty  blows  with  sabre,  spear,  battle-axe,  and  iron 
mace.  Two  soldiers  spi-ang  upon  the  platform  upon  which 
the  Saracens  defended  themselves  ;  they  carried  terror  among 
tlie  besieged,  who  descended  tumultuously  to  the  first  stage 
of  the  tower  f  the  latter  set  fire  to  the  floor,  and  endeavoiu-ed 
to  oppose  a  rampart  of  flames  between  themselves  and  the 
enemies  who  rushed  down  in  pursuit  of  them ;  but  these 
List  eftbrts  of  despair  and  bravery  presented  but  a  vain  re- 
sistance to  the  Christian  soldiers.  Tlie  Mussulmans  were 
attacked  in  all  parts  of  the  tower ;  and  their  walls,  shaken 
by  the  machines,  appeared  to  be  sinking  around  them,  and 
about  to  bury  them  beneath  the  ruins :  in  this  hopeless  con- 
dition they  laid  down  their  arms,  and  sued  to  their  conquerors 
for  life. 

After  this  memorable  victory,  the  Christians,  masters  of 
the  tower  of  the  Nile,  broke  the  chain  which  impeded  the 
jiassage  of  vessels,  and  their  fleet  was  able  to  approach  close 
to  the  ramparts  of  the  city. 

About  the  same  time  (September,  1217)  Malek-Adel,  who 


236  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

had  rendered  himself  so  formidable  to  the  Christiani^  M^^d 
in  the  capital  of  Egypt.  He  heard  before  his  death  of  the 
^dcto^y  which  the  Christians  had  gained  at  Damietta  j  and 
the  Crusaders  did  not  fail  to  say  that  he  had  sunk  under  the 
effects  of  despair,  and  that  he  carried  with  him  to  the  tomb 
the  power  and  glory  of  the  Mussulmans. 

The  Christians,  in  their  histories,  have  represented  Malek- 
Adel  as  an  ambitious,  cruel,  and  stern  prince ;  Oriental 
writers  celebrate  his  piety  and  mildness.  An  Arabian  his- 
,  torian  boasts  of  his  love  of  justice  and  truth,*  and  paints,  by 
a  single  trait,  the  moderation  of  the  absolute  monarchs  of 
Asia,  when  he  says,  "  that  the  brother  of  Saladin  listened 
without  anger  to  that  which  displeased  him." 

Historians  unite  in  praising  the  bravery  of  the  Mussulman 
prince,  and  the  ability  he  displayed  in  the  execution  of  all 
his  designs.  No  prince  knew  better  how  to  make  hiuiself 
obeyed,  or  to  give  to  supreme  power  that  brilliant  exterior 
which  strikes  the  imagination  of  nations,  and  disposes  them 
to  submission.  In  his  court,  he  always  appeared  surrounded 
with  the  pomp  of  the  East :  his  palace  was  as  a  sanctuary 
which  no  one  durst  approach  :  he  rarely  appeared  in  public  ; 
when  he  did,  it  was  in  a  manner  to  inspire  fear :  as  he  was 
fortunate  in  all  his  undertakings,  the  Mussulmans  had  no 
difficulty  in  believing  that  the  favourite  of  fortune  was  the 
favourite  of  Heaven  :  the  caliph  of  Bagdad  sent  ambassadors 
to  salute  him  king  of  kings.  Malek-Adei  was  pleased  to  be 
styled  in  camps  Se'if  Eddinf  (the  sword  of  religion),  and 
this  glorious  name,  which  he  had  merited  by  his  contests 
with  the  Christians,  drew  upon  him  the  love  and  confidence 
of  the  soldiers  of  Islainism.  He  astonished  the  East  by  his 
abdication,  as  much  as  lie  had  astonished  it  by  his  victories ; 
the  surprise  he  excited  only  added  to  his  glory  as  well  as  to 
his  power ;  and,  that  his  destiny  might  in  everything  be  ex- 
traordinary, fortune  decreed  that  when  ho  had  descended 

*  Tke  Chronicle  of  Ihn-ferat  collects  the  •udgments  of  all  the  Arabian 
listrrians  upon  Malek-Adel.  These  historians  all  express  themselves  in 
Ihi'  same  manner.  The  cotitinuator  of  William  of  Tyre,  who  appears  to 
D..<ve  lived  in  the  East,  speaks  of  the  pomp  and  of  tne  air  of  majesty  which 
were  remarked  in  the  brother  of  Saladin  :  the  latter  otherwise  treata 
Malek-Adel  with  great  severity. 

t  It  is  under  the  name  of  Sei'f-Eddin,  by  corruption  Saphadin,  that 
Malek-Adel  is  known  in  our  Histories  of  the  Crusades. 


HISTORY    or    TUE    CRUSADES.  237 

from  the  throne,  he  sliould  still  remain  master.  His  fifteeu 
sons,  of  whom  several  were  sovereigns,  still  trembled  before 
him  ;  nations  prostrated  themselves  on  his  passage  ;  up  to  the 
very  hour  in  whicli  he  closed  his  eyes,  his  presence,  his 
name  only,  maintained  peace  in  his  family  and  the  provinces, 
and  order  and  discipline  in  the  armies. 

At  his  depth  the  face  of  everything  began  to  change;  tlie 
empire  of  the  Ayoubites,  which  he  had  sustained  by  his  ex- 
ploits, gave  tokens  of  decline ;  the  ambition  of  the  emirs, 
for  a  long  time  restrained,  broke  out  into  conspiracies 
against  the  supreme  authority  ;  a  spirit  of  license  began  to 
be  apparent  in  the  Mussulman  armies,  and  particularly 
among  the  troops  that  defended  Egypt. 

The  Crusaders  ought  to  have  profited  by  the  death  of 
Malek-Adel,  and  the  consequences  it  was  sure  to  produce, 
by  attacking  the  discouraged  IMussulmans  without  inter- 
mission. But  instead  of  following  up  their  success,  after 
they  had  obtained  possession  of  the  Tower  of  the  Nile,  they 
all  at  once  neglected  the  labours  of  the  siege,  and  appeared 
to  have  fallen  asleep  over  their  first  victories.  A  great 
number  of  them,  persuaded  that  they  had  done  enough  for 
the  cause  of  Christ,  only  thought  of  embarking  to  return 
into  Europe.  Every  vessel  that  left  the  port  recalled  to  the 
pilgrims  remembrances  of  home ;  and  the  beautiful  sky  of 
Damietta,  which  had  inflamed  their  imaginations  at  the  coui- 
mencement  of  the  siege,  was  not  sufticient  to  retain  them  in 
a  country  which  they  began  to  consider  as  a  place  of  exile. 

The  clergy,  however,  warmly  censured  the  retreat  and  de- 
sertion of  tlie  Crusaders,  and  implored  Heaven  to  punish 
the  base  soldiers  who  thus  abandoned  the  standards  of  the 
cross.  Six  thousand  pilgrims  from  Brittany,  who  were  return- 
ing to  Europe,  were  shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  and 
almost  all  perished  ;  and  the  ecclesiastics,  with  the  most 
ardent  of  the  Crusaders,  did  not  fail  to  see,  in  so  great  a  dis- 
aster, a  manifestation  of  divine  anger.  When  the  Crusaders 
of  Friesland,  after  having  deserted  the  banners  of  the  Holy 
Land,  had  returned  into  the  West,  the  ocean  all  at  once 
broke  through  the  dykes,  and  overflowed  its  customary  boun- 
daries ;  the  richest  provinces  of  Holland  were  submerged, 
and  a  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  with  whole  cities,  dis- 
appeared beneath  the  waters.     Many  Christians  attributed 


238  HISTOKT    OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

this  calamity  to  the  culpable  retreat  of  the  Friesoii  and 
Dutch  Crusaders. 

The  pope  beheld  with  pain  the  return  of  the  pilgrim  de- 
serters from  the  cause  of  Christ.  Honorius  neglected  notliing 
to  secure  the  success  of  a  war  he  had  preached  ;  and  he 
every  day,  both  b}'  prayers  and  threats,  pressed  the  departure 
of  those  who,  after  having  taken  the  cross,  delayed  the 
accomplishment  of  their  vow. 

According  to  the  usual  cust6m  of  navigators,  two  periods 
of  the  year  were  fixed  upon  at  which  it  was  best  to  cross  the 
sea.  The  pilgrims  almost  always  embarked  in  the  month  of 
March  and  in  the  month  of  September,  whether  to  repair  to 
the  East  or  to  return  to  Europe ;  which  caused  them  to  be 
compai'ed  to  those  birds  of  passage  that  change  their  climate 
at  the  approach  of  a  new  season,  and  towards  the  end  of 
fine  weather.*  At  each  passage,  the  Mediterranean  was 
covered  with  vessels  which  transported  Crusaders,  some  re- 
turning to  their  homes,  others  going  to  fight  the  infidels. 
At  the  very  moment  the  Christians  were  deploring  the  loss 
of  the  Erieson  and  Dutch  warriors,  theu^  spirits  were  restored 
by  seeing  Crusaders  from  Germany,  Pisa,  Genoa,  Venice,  and 
several  provinces  of  Erance,  arrive  in  the  camp  at  Damietta. 

Among  the  Erench  warriors,  history  names  Herve,  covuit 
of  Nevers  ;  Hugh,  count  de  la  Marche ;  Miles  de  Bar-sur- 
Seine ;  the  lords  John  of  Artois  and  Ponce  de  Crancey; 
Ithier  de  Thacy,  and  Savary  de  Mauleon  ;  they  were  accom- 
panied by  the  archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  the  bishops  of 
Angers,  Autun,  Beauvais,  Paris,  IMeaux,  Noyon,  &c.  Eng- 
land also  sent  the  bravest  of  her  knights  into  Egypt.  Henry 
III.  had  taken  the  cross  after  the  council  of  the  Lateran  ; 
but  as  he  could  not  quit  his  dominions,  at  that  time  a  prey 
to  civil  wars  and  torn  by  discord,  the  earls  of  Harcourt, 
Chester,  and  Arundel,  with  Prince  01iver,t  were  honoured 
with  the  charge  of  acquitting,  in  his  name,  the  vow  he  had 
taken  to  fight  in  the  East  for  the  cause  of  Christ. 

At  the  head  of  the  pilgrims  who  arrived  at  that  time  in 
Egypt  were  two  cardinals,  whom  the  pope  had  sent  to  the 

*  A  Latin  dissertation,  by  Boeder,  entitled  De  Passagiis,  may  be  coa- 
Bulttd  on  this  subject. 

t  '  cannot  make  out  who  this  Prince  Oliver  was. — TR.'VNa. 


uisToitr  oir  the  ciujsades.  23& 

Cliristian  army.  Robert  de  Cour^on,  one  of  tlie  prcachcra 
of  tlie  crusade,  was  charged  with  the  mission  of  inculcating 
the  moral  precepts  of  Christ  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders, 
ind  animating  the  zeal  and  devotion  of  the  soldiers  by  his 
eloquence.  Cardinal  Pelagius,  bishop  of  Albano,  was  in- 
vested with  the  entire  confidence  of  the  Holy  See ;  he 
brouglit  with  him  the  treasures  that  were  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war ;  the  Crusaders  from  Eome  and  several 
other  cities  of  Italy  marched  under  his  orders,  and  recognised 
him  as  their  military  leader. 

Cardinal  Pelagius,  by  his  position,  was  endowed  with 
great  authority  in  the  Christian  army,  and  his  naturally 
imperious  character  led  him  to  assume  even  more  power  than 
he  had  received  from  the  Holy  See.  In  whatever  allair  he 
was  employed,  he  acknowledged  no  equal,  and  would  not  en- 
dure a  superior.  He  had  been  known  to  oppose  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  in  the  bosom  of  the  conclave  ;  he  would  have 
resisted  the  most  powerful  monarchs,  even  in  their  own 
councils.  Cardinal  Pelagius,  persuaded  that  Providence 
meant  to  make  use  of  him  to  accomplish  great  designs,  be- 
lieved himself  fit  for  all  works,  and  appointed  to  all  kinds  of 
glory  ;  when  he  had  formed  a  determination,  he  maintained 
it  with  invincible  obstinacy,  and  was  influenced  by  neither 
obstacles  nor  perils,  nor  even  by  the  lessons  of  experience. 
If  Pelagius  originated  any  advice  in  council,  he  supported  it 
with  all  the  menaces  of  the  court  of  Eome,  and  often  gave 
cause  for  -a  belief  that  the  thunders  of  the  Church  had  only 
been  confided  to  his  hands,  that  he  might  secure  the  triumph 
of  his  own  opinions. 

Pelagius  had  scarcely  arrived  in  Eg^^pt,  when,  as  legate  of 
the  pope,  he  disputed  the  command  of  the  army  with  John 
of  Brienne.  To  support  his  pretensions,  he  asserted  that 
the  Crusaders  had  taken  up  arms  at  the  desire  of  the  sove- 
reign pontiff";  that  they  were  the  soldiers  of  the  Church, 
and  ought  to  recognise  no  other  head  than  the  legate  of  the 
Holy  See :  these  assumptions  gave  great  offence  to  the 
barons  and  principal  leaders.  Prom  that  time  it  was  easy  to 
foresee  that  discord  would  be  introduced  by  him  whose 
mission  it  was  to  establish  peace ;  and  that  the  envoy  of  the 
pope,  charged  to  preach  humility   among    Christians,  was 


2-10  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

about  to  ruin  everything  by  liis  mad  presumption.*  Cardinal 
dc  Courcon  died  shortly  after  his  arrival. 

The  coutinuator  of  William  of  Tyre,  whilst  deploring  the 
death  of  this  legate,  who  had  been  remarkable  for  his  mo- 
deration, characterizes,  by  a  single  word,  the  conduct  Df 
Pelagius,  and  the  consequences  that  might  be  expected  from 
it,  by  saying  :  "  Then  died  Cardinal  Peter,  and  Pelagius  lived, 
which  was  a  great  pity." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  approach  of  danger  had  reunited 
the  Mussulman  princes.  The  caliph  of  Bagdad,  whom  James 
of  Vitrit  styles  the  poj^e  of  the  infulcls,  exhorted  the  nations 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  Christians.  All  the  sons  of 
Malek-A.del,  w'ho  reigned  over  the  provinces  of  Syria  and  of 
Yemen,  prepared  to  march  to  the  assistaiice  of  Egypt.  The 
sultan  of  Damascus,  after  having  made  several  incursions 
into  the  territories  of  Ptolemais,  gathered  together  his  whole 
army,  and  resolved  to  go  and  defend  Damietta.  As  he  had 
reason  to  fear  the  Christians  might  take  advantage  of  his 
absence  to  seize  Jerusalem  and  fortify  themselves  in  it,  he 
caused  the  ramparts  of  the  holy  city  to  be  demolished.  Pie 
also  ordered  the  fortress  of  Tabor,  and  all  those  that  th6 
Mussulmans  held  along  the  coasts  of  Palestine,  to  be  de- 
stroyed ;  a  vigorous  measiu-e  that  afflicted  the  infidels,  but 
Avas  calculated  to  afflict  the  Christians  still  more  ;  as  it  proved 
to  them  that  they  had  to  contend  with  enemies  animated  by 

*  In  the  letter  by  which  Konorius  announced  to  the  leaders  of  the 
crusade  the  powers  he  had  given  to  Cardinal  Pelagius,  his  holiness  ex- 
presses himself  thus  :  Ut  exeicitum  Domini  cum  humiliiate  prsecedens, 
Concordes  in  concordia  foveat,  et  ad  pacem  revocet  iropacatos. 

f  dalifas  papa  ipsorum.  The  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  calls  the 
faliph  tl'.e  Apustle  of  tfie  Miscreants.  The  same  historian  adds  : — "  Apres 
manda  ;^le  S'  udan  du  Caire)  au  calife  de  Baudac,  qui  apostoille  etait  des 
Sarrasins,  et  par  Mahomet  qu'il  le  seccurut,  et  s'il  ne  le  seccurait,  il  per- 
•Irait  la  terre.  Car  Tapostolle  de  Rome  y  envoyait  tant  de  gent,  que  ce 
n'etait.  mie  conte  ne  mesure,  et  qu'il  fait  preschier  par  Payennisme  ainsi 
comme  faisaient  |  ar  Chretiente,  et  envoyiit  au  soudain  grant  seccurs  de 
gent  jiar  son  preschement." — "  The  sultan  of  Cairo  afterwards  sent  to  the 
caliph  of  Bagdad,  who  was  the  apostle  of  tlie  Saracens,  and  implored  him, 
in  the  name  of  Maliomet,  to  assist  him,  assuring  him  that  if  he  did  not 
assist  him,  he  should  lo.'-e  his  dominions.  For  the  apostle  of  Rome  i-ent 
so  many  j)eople  that  they  were  beyond  all  count  or  measure,  and  that  the 
culipti  must  order  preaching  throughout  Paganism  as  was  practised  in 
Christeiidom,  and  he  might  send  the  sultan  great  assistance  in  cuusequcuca 
of  his  preachings." 


HISTOKY    OF    THE    CKUSADE3.  241 

despair,  and  disposed  to  sacrifice  everything  to  seciu'e  their 
own  safety. 

Tlie  sultan  of  Cairo  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  Damietta, 
where  he  awaited  the  princes  of  his  famil3^  The  garrison 
of  the  city  received  every  day  provisions  and  reinforcements, 
and  was  in  a  condition  to  resist  the  Chinstian  army  for  a 
length  of  time.  The  preparations  and  the  approach  of  the 
Mussulmans  at  length  roused  the  Ci-usaders  from  their  state 
of  inaction.  Animated  by  their  leaders,  but  more  by  the 
appearance  of  danger  and  the  presence  of  a  formidable 
enemy ;  still  led  by  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  resisted 
the  pretensions  of  Pelagius,  the  Christian  soldiers  resumed 
the  labours  of  the  siege  and  made  several  assaults  upon  the 
city  on  the  river  side.  The  winter,  which  had  just  set  in, 
did  not  at  all  prevent  their  attacks  ;  nothing  could  equal  the 
heroic  constancy  with  which  they  braved,  during  several 
months,  cold,  rain,  hunger,  all  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  all 
the  rigours  of  the  season.  A  contagious  malady  committed 
great  ravages  in  the  Christian  army :  a  frightful  storm, 
which  lasted  three  days,  carried  away  the  tents  and  the 
baggage  of  both  le&.3ers  and  soldiers ;  but  nothing  dimi- 
nished the  fury  of  the  contests,  which  were  incessantly 
renewed. 

At  length  the  Christians,  having  become  masters  of  all 
the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  determined  to  cross  the  river, 
and  attack  the  city  on  the  land  side.  The  passage  was 
difficult  and  dangerous ;  the  sultan  of  Cairo  had  fixed  his 
camp  on  the  opposite  shore  ;  the  plain  on  which  the  Crusa- 
ders wished  to  pitch  their  tents  was  covered  with  Mussul- 
man soldiers  ;  an  unexpected  event  removed  all  obstacles. 

AYe  have  spoken  of  the  seditious  spirit  of  the  emirs,  who, 
since  the  death  of  Malek-Adel,  had  openly  shown  their  am- 
bitious designs  and  sought  to  introduce  divisions  into  the 
Mussidman  armies.  The  most  remarkable  among  these 
emirs,  was  the  leader  of  a  troop  of  Curds,  named  Emad- 
eddiu,*  who  had  taken  a  part  in  all  the  revolutions  of  Egypt 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Ibn-feiat,  from  which  we  have  drawn  that  which  we 
relate,  says  that  Emad-eddin  was  the  son  of  Seif-Eddin-aboul-Hassan- 
Ali-ben-Ahmed  Alhekari,  surnamed  Ibn-almachtoub  (son  of  the  Scarred), 
on  account  of  a  wound  which  had  marked  his  f^ce.  The  same  chronicle  adds 
that  the  emir,  the  son  of  the  Scarred,  despised  the  futile  things  of  kings, 

11* 


242  HISTOEY    OF    THE    CEUSADES. 

mid  Syria.  Associated  with  the  destinies  of  t.ie  sons  of 
Ayoub,  this  emir  had  witnessed  the  rise  and  fall  of  several 
Mussulman  dynasties,  and  held  in  contempt  the  powers  of 
which  he  knew  both  the  source  and  the  origin.  An  intrepid 
soldier,  a  faithless  subject,  always  ready  to  servo  his  sove- 
reigns in  fight  or  betray  them  in  a  conspiracy,  Emad-eddin 
could  not  er.dure  a  prince  who  reigned  by  the  laws  of  peace, 
or  recognise  a  power  which  was  not  the  fruit  of  his  intrigues 
or  of  a  revolution.  As  fortune  had  always  favoured  his 
audacity,  and  as  all  his  treacheries  had  been  well  rewarded, 
every  fresh  revolt  augmented  his  credit  and  his  renown  ;  an 
enemy  to  all  acknowledged  authority,  the  hope  of  all  who 
aspired  to  empire,  he  was  almost  as  redoubtable  as  the  Old 
Man  of  the  Mountain,  whose  menaces  made  the  most 
powerful  monarchs  tremble.  Emad-eddin  resolved  to  change 
the  government  of  Egypt,  and  conceived  the  project  of  de- 
throning the  sidtan  of  Cairo,  and  replacing  him  by  another 
of  the  sons  of  Malek-Adel. 

Several  emirs  were  drawn  into  this  conspiracy.  On  the 
day  appointed,  they  were  to  enter  the  tent  of  Melic-Kamel, 
and  compel  him,  by  violence,  to  renounce  the  supreme 
authority.  The  sultan  was  warned  ot  the  plot  prepared 
against  him,  and  on  the  eve  of  the  day  on  which  it  was  to 
be  carried  into  elTect,  he  left  his  camp  in  the  miadle  of  the 
night.  The  next  day,  at  dawn,  the  conspirators  were  made 
aware  that  their  designs  had  been  discovered  ;  they  endea- 
voured in  vain  to  draw  the  soldiers  into  a  revolt ;  the  greatest 
confusion  prevailed  throughout  the  camp  ;  among  the  emirs, 
some  gathered  around  Emad-eddin,  and  swore  to  follow  his 
fortunes  ;  others,  doubtful  of  the  success  of  his  enterprise, 
i-emained  silent ;  many  took  an  oath  to  defend  Melic-Kamel. 
Amidst  these  debates,  the  Mussulman  army,  conscious  that 
tliey  were  without  a  leader,  feared  they  might  be  surprised 
by  the  Christians.  A  panic  terror  all  at  once  seized  upon, 
the  soldiers,  wlio  abandoned  their  tents  and  their  baggage, 
and  rushed  in  the  greatest  disorder  in  the  traces  of  their 
fugitive  sultan. 

This  retreat,  of  v.'hich  the  Christians  coidd  not  imagine 
tlie  cause,  and  which  their  historians  explain  by  a  mii'acle 

and  th-it  most  extraordinary  circumstances  were  related  of  his  rcvoJts 
Bgainst  sovereigns. 


HISTORY.  OF    THE    CRUSADES.  243 

from  'aeavcn,*  opened  to  them  the  passage  of  the  Nile.  The 
army  hastened  to  cross  the  river,  took  possession  of  the 
Mussulman  camp,  made  an  immense  booty,  and  drew  near 
to  the  ivalls  of  Damietta. 

The  panic,  however,  which  had  put  the  Mussulman  troops 
to  flight,  had  not  at  all  communicated  itself  to  the  garrison 
of  the  city  :  this  intrepid  garrison  offered  the  most  vigorous 
resistance,  and  gave  the  army  of  Melic-Kamelf  time  to  re- 
cover from  its  fright.  The  sultan  of  Damascus  soon  joined 
his  brother  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  Emad-eddin  and  the  other 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy  were  arrested  and  loaded  with 
cliains.  Order  and  discipline  were  reestablished  among  the 
Saracens,  and  the  Christian  army  had  to  contend  with  all 
the  united  forces  of  the  infidels,  impatient  to  repair  thejr 
check,  and  recover  the  advantages  they  had  lost. 

The  burning  days  of  summer  were  approaching:  the 
Nile,  increased  by  the  rains  of  the  tropics,  began  to  issue 
from  its  bed.  The  Christian  army  was  encamped  under  the 
walls  of  Damietta,  having  the  lake  Menzaleh  in  its  rear. 
The  Saracens  came  and  pitched  their  tents  at  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  camp  of  the  Christians,  who,  oppressed  by 
the  consuming  heat  of  the  season  and  the  climate,  were 
subject  every  day  to  the  spirited  attacks  of  the  infidels.  In 
one  of  these  conflicts,  the  Mussulmans  got  possession  of  a 
bridge  which  the  Crusaders  had  thrown  over  the  Nile ;  the 
banks  of  the  river  were  covered  with  dead,  and  the  Christian 
army  only  owed  its  safety  to  the  heroic  bravery  of  the  duke 
of  ii.ustria,  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  grand  masters  of 
St.  John  and  the  Temple.  Soon  after,  another  battle  was 
fought  still  more  bloody  than  the  first.  In  this  fight,  as  it 
is  described  by  James  of  Vitri,  an  ocular  witness,  not  a  per- 
son among  the  Christians  was  idle  :  the  clergy  were  at  pray- 
ers or  attending  the  womided ;  whilst  the  women  and  chil- 
dren carried  water,  wine,  food,  stones,  and  javelins,  to  the 
combatants.  Whirlwinds  of  scorching  dust  arose  in  the  air, 
and  enveloped  the  two  armies.  The  cries  of  the  woimded 
and  the  dying,  the  sound  of  the  trumpets,  and  the  clashing 

*  All  the  Christian  historians  of  the  middle  ages,  anl  Maimbourg  after 
them,  appear  persuaded  that  Providence,  by  a  miracle  of  its  will,  put  tha 
Saracens  to  flight. 

t  Our  historians  of  the  crusades  name  this  prince  Meledin. 


244  IlISTORV    OTT    THE    CEUSADES. 

of  arms  resounded  from  the  neigliboiu-ing  hills  aud  from  both 
shores  of  the  Nile.  Sometimes  the  Saracens  were  put  to 
flight,  and  whole  battalions,  says  James  of  Vitri,  disappeared 
submerged  in  the  Nile,  as  formerly  the  armies  of  Pharaoh 
perished  i  i  the  Bed  Sea.  Sometimes  the  Christians  were 
repulsed  in  their  turn,  and  left  a  great  number  of  their  war- 
riors on  the  field  of  battle  :  the  carnage  lasted  Auring  the 
whole  day,  without  either  side  being  able  to  claim  the  vic- 
tory, AVhilst  the  two  armies  were  contending  with  such 
fury  on  the  banks,  the  Genoese  and  the  Pisans,  on  board 
their  vessels,  made  an  attack  upon  the  ramparts  of  the  city. 
Several  of  their  ships  were  consumed  by  the  Greek  fire,  aud 
the  bravest  of  their  soldiers  were  crushed  beneath  the  beams 
aud  stones  hurled  from  the  top  of  the  walls.  At  the  approach 
of  night  the  Crusaders  returned  to  their  tents,  despairing  of 
ever  being  able  to  subdae  the  Saracens,  and  reproaching 
each  other  with  want  of  courage  in  this  unfortunate  day. 

On  the  morrow  fresh  disputes  arose  between  the  horse 
and  foot  soldiers,*  each  of  which  bodies  accused  the  other 
with  having  been  the  cause  of  the  losses  the  army  had  ex- 
perienced. These  debates  became  so  warm  that  at  length 
the  foot  and  the  horse  both  demanded,  with  loud  cries,  to 
be  led  again  to  battle,  and  rushed  tumultuously  out  of  the 
camp,  to  give  convincing  proofs  of  their  bravery  ;  the  leaders 
could  neither  restrain  nor  direct  the  ardour  and  impetuosity 
of  their  soldiers,  who  fought  in  disorder,  and  were  repulsed 
by  the  Saracens  after  a  horrible  carnage. 

At  this  period  a  holy  person,  named  Francis  of  Assise, 
made  hid  appearance  in  the  Christian  army,  whose  reputa- 
tion for  piety  was  spread  throughout  the  Christian  world, 
and  had  preceded  him  into  the  East.  Prom  his  earliest 
youth,  Francis  had  left  the  paternal  roof  to  lead  a  life  of 
edification.  One  day,  whilst  present  at  mass  in  a  church  in 
Italy,  he  was  struck  with  the  passage  of  the  Gospel  in  which 
our  Saviour  says,  "  Take  with  you  neither  golc;  nor  silver, 
nor  other  moneys  ;  neither  scrips  for  the  joiu'ney,  nor  sandals, 

*  Tlip  infantry  must  have  rendered,  during  the  siege,  greater  services  than 
the  cavalry,  in  defending  the  intrenchments,  mounting  to  the  assault,  or 
fighting  on  board  the  ships.  This  dispute  alone  proves  that  the  infantry 
liad  m;ide  great  progress  ;  for  till  that  time  they  would  not  have  dared  to 
compare  thenjselves  with  the  cavalry. 


HISTOET    OF    Tifi;   C'UUSADES.  2-io 

nor  staff."  'From  that  period  Francis  had  held  in  contempt 
all  the  riches  of  this  world,  and  had  devoted  himself  to  the 
poverty  of  the  apostles ;  he  travelled  through  countries  an.:" 
cities,  exhorting  all  people  to  penitence.  The  disciples  who 
followed  him  braved  the  contempt  of  the  multitude,  and 
glorified  themselves  with  it  before  God  :  when  asked  wlience 
they  came,  they  were  accustomed  to  answer,  "  We  are  poor 
penitents  from  Assise." 

Francis  was  led  into  Egypt  by  the  fame  of  the  crusade, 
and  by  the  hope  of  there  effecting  some  great  conversion. 
Tlie  day  preceding  the  last  battle,  he  had  a  miraculous  pre- 
sentiment of  tlie  defeat  of  the  Christians,  and  imparted  his 
prediction  to  the  leaders  of  the  army,  who  heard  him  with 
indifference.  Dissatisfied  with  tlie  Crusaders,  and  devoured 
by  the  zeal  of  a  mission  from  God,  he  then  conceived  the 
project  of  securing  the  triumph  of  the  faith  by  his  eloquence 
and  the  arms  of  the  Gospel  alone.  He  directed  his  course 
towards  the  enemy's  camp,  put  himself  in  the  way  of  being 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Saracen  soldiers,  and  was  conducted 
into  the  presence  of  the  sultan.  Then  Francis  addressed 
Melic-Kamel,*  and  said  to  hhn,  "  It  is  God  who  sends  me 
towards  you,  to  point  out  to  you  the  road  to  salvation." 
After  these  woi'ds,  the  missionary  exhorted  the  sultanf  to 

*  The  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  speaks  at  length  of  the  interview 
between  .St.  Francis  and  his  companion  and  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  St. 
PVaiicis  at  first  proposed  to  the  sultan  to  renounce  Mahomet,  under  pain 
of  eternal  damnation. 

t  Li  Soudan  di?t  qu'il  avait  archevesques  et  evesques  de  sa  loi,  et  sans 
eux  ne  pouvoit-il  crier  ce  qu'ils  diraient.  Les  clercs  lui  respondirent  : 
"Mandez  les  guerre  ;"  et  ils  vinrent  a  lui  en  sa  tente.  Si  leur  conta  ce  que 
li  clercs  li  avaient  dist ;  ils  re-pondirent :  "  Sire,  tu  es  epee  de  la  loi.  Nous 
nous  te  commandons,  de  par  Mahomet  que  tu  lor  fasse  la  teste  couper.'' 
A  tant  puient  conge,  si  s'en  allerent.  Li  soudan  demora  et  li  dist  clercs, 
dont  vint  li  soudan,  si  lors  dist,  "  Seignors,  ils  m'ont  commande,  de  par 
JIahomet,  et  de  par  la  loi,  que  je  vous  fasse  les  testes  couper  ;  mais  j'irai 
en  centre  le  commandement,"  &c.  &c.  (The  sultan — we  translate  our  old 
historian — said  he  had  archbishops  and  bishops  of  the  law,  and  without 
them  he  could  not  listen  to  what  they  had  to  say.  The  clerks,  St.  Francis 
and  his  companion,  answered  him,  "  Send  for  them  here" — and  they 
came  to  him  in  his  tent.  He  then  related  to  them  what  the  clrrks  had 
Baid,  and  they  answered  :  "  Sire,  thou  art  the  sword  of  the  law.  We  com- 
mand you,  by  Mahomet,  to  order  their  heads  to  be  cut  off."  They  then 
made  ti.eir  obeisance  and  went  away.  The  sultan  and  the  said  clerkg 
remaintid.  Then  the  sultan  came  towards  them,  and  said,  "  Seignors,  thef 


246  niSToiiT  OP  the  crusades. 

embrace  the  Gospel ;  ]  e  challenged  in  his  presence  all  the 
doctors  of  the  law,  and  to  confound  imposture  and  prove  the 
t.ru.iL)  of  tlie  Christian  religion,  oflered  to  cast  himself  into 
toe  midst  of  a  burning  funeral-pile.  The  sultan,  astonished, 
ordered  the  zealous  preaclier  from  his  presence,  who  ob- 
tained neither  of  the  objects  of  his  wishes,  for  he  did  not 
convert  the  sultan,  nor  did  he  gather  the  palm  of  mar- 
tyrdom. 

After  this  adventure,  St.  Prancis  returned  to  Europe, 
where  he  founded  the  religious  order  of  the  Cordeliers,  who 
at  first,  possessing  neither  churches,  monasteries,  lands,  nor 
Jlocks,  spread  themselves  throughout  the  West,  labouring 
for  the  conversion  of  penitents.  The  disciples  of  St.  Francis 
sometimes  carried  the  word  of  God  among  savage  nations ; 
some  went  into  Africa  and  Asia,  seeking,  as  their  master 
liad  done,  errors  to  confute  and  evils  to  endure ;  they  fre- 
quently planted  the  cross  of  Christ  upon  the  lands  of  the 
infidels,  and  in  their  harmless  pilgrimages,  constantly  re- 
peated the  scriptural  words.  Peace  he  ivith  you;  they  were 
only  armed  with  their  prayers,  and  aspired  to  no  glory  but 
tliat  of  dying  for  the  faith. 

Tlie  Crusaders  had  been  encamped  seventeen  months 
before  tlie  walls  of  Damietta,  and  not  a  single  day  had  passed 
without  a  murderous  conflict.  The  Mussidmans,  although 
they  had  obtained  some  advantages,  began  to  lose  all  hope  of 
triumphing  over  an  enemy  proof  against  the  evils  of  war 
and  an  unhealthy  climate.  Keport  proclaimed  the  approach- 
ing arrival  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  who  had  taken  the 
cross,  and  this  news,  whilst  it  sustained  the  courage  of  the 
Christians,  made  the  Mussulmans  tremble  at  the  idea  of 
having  to  contend  with  the  most  powerful  of  the  monarchs 
of  the  West.  The  sultan  of  Damascus,  in  the  name  of  all 
the  princes  of  his  family,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  camp  of 
the  Crusaders  to  ask  for  peace.  He  offered  to  abandon  to 
the  Franks  the  city  and  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  and  only  to 
reserve  to  themselves  the  places  of  Krak  and  Montreal,  for 
which  they  proposed  to  pay  a  tribute.     As  the  ramparts  and 

have  commanded  me,  by  Mahomet,  to  order  your  heads  to  be  cut  off;  but 
I  shall  act  contrary  to  the  commandment,"  &c.  &c.  The  historian  adds, 
that  the  sultan  offered  them  presents,  which  they  refused — he  ordered 
them  refreshment,  and  sent  them  back  to  the  Christian  army. 


lIISTOnY    OF    TITE    CTtrSADES.  247 

tourers  of  the  holy  city  liad  been  recently  destroyed,  the 
Mussulmans  engaged  to  pay  two  hundred  thousand  dinars 
to  re-establish  them ;  they  further  agreed  to  give  up  all 
Christians  made  prisoners  since  the  death  of  Saladin. 

The  principal  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  were  called 
together  to  deliberate  upon  the  proposals  of  the  Mussidmans. 
The  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  French  barons,  the  English, 
Dutch,  and  Germans,  were  of  opinion  that  the  terms  should 
be  acceded  to,  and  the  peace  accepted :  the  Icing  of  Jerusa- 
lem would  regain  his  kingdom,  and  the  barons  of  the  West 
w^ould  see  the  happy  end  of  a  war  that  had  detained  them 
so  long  from  their  homes. 

"  By  accepting  the  peace  they  attained  the  object  of  the 
crusade, — the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places.  The  Christian 
warriors  had  besieged  Damietta  during  seventeen  months, 
and  tlie  siege  might  be  still  prolonged.  Many  Crusaders 
daily  returned  to  Europe  ;  whilst  crowds  of  Mussulman  war- 
riors as  constantly  joined  the  standards  of  the  sultans  of 
Cairo  and  Damascus.  If  they  should  take  Damietta,  they 
would  be  but  too  happy  to  exchange  it  for  Jerusalem.  The 
Mussidmans  offered  to  give,  before  victory,  quite  as  much  as 
they  could  demand  after  having  subdued  them.  It  was  not 
wise  to  refuse  that  which  fortune  offered  to  bestow  upon 
them  without  conflicts  or  perils.  The  effusion  of  blood 
should  be  avoided,  and  they  ought  to  reflect,  that  victories 
purchased  by  the  death  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross,  were  such 
vs  were  most  acceptable  to  the  God  of  the  Christians." 

The  king  of  Jerusalem  and  most  of  the  barons  spoke  thus, 
and  endeavoured  to  bring  to  their  opinion  the  Italian  nobles 
and  the  body  of  the  prelates,  whom  Cardinal  Pelagins  led  in 
an  opposite  direction.  The  legate  of  the  pope  regarded 
himself  as  the  head  of  this  war,  and  he  wished  it  to  continue, 
in  order  to  prolong  his  power  and  to  procure  for  him  addi- 
tional renown.  "  He  could  see  nothing  in  the  proposals  of 
the  enemy  but  a  new  artifice  to  delay  the  capture  of  Da- 
mietta, and  gain  time.  The  Saracens  offered  nothing  but 
desert  countries  and  demolished  cities,  which  would  fall  again 
into  their  power.  Their  only  object  was  to  disarm  the 
Christians,  and  furnish  them  with  a  pretext  for  returning 
into  the  West.  Things  had  gone  too  far  to  allow  them  to 
retreat  without  dishonoiu'.     It  was  disgraceful  for  Christians 


248  HisTOET  or  the  chusades. 

to  renounce  the  conquest  of  a,  city  they  had  besieged  seyen- 
teen  months,  and  which  could  hokl  out  no  longer.  Tliey 
anust  take  possession  of  it  first,  and  then  they  should  know 
what  was  best  to  be  done — once  masters  of  Damietta,  the 
Crusaders  might  conclude  a  glorious  peace,  and  reap  all  the 
advantages  of  victory." 

The  motives  alleged  by  Cardinal  Pelagius  were  not  un- 
reasonable, but  the  spirit  of  party  and  faction  reigned  in  the 
council  of  the  leaders  of  the  crusade.  As  it  always  happens 
in  similar  circumstances,  every  one  formed  his  opinion  not 
upon  that  which  he  behoved  to  be  useful  and  just,  but  upon 
that  which  appeared  most  favourable  to  the  party  he  liad 
embraced  ;  some  advised  tliat  the  siege  should  be  prosecuted, 
because  the  king  of  Jerusalem  had  oftered  a  contrary  opinion  ; 
others  wished  the  proposed  capitulation  should  be  accepted, 
because  this  capitulation  was  rejected  by  the  legate  of  the 
pope.  The  Christian  army  exhibited  a  strange  spectacle. 
On  one  side,  John  of  Brienne  and  the  most  renowned  war- 
riors were  advocates  for  peace ;  on  the  other,  the  legate  and 
most  of  the  ecclesiastics  demanded  with  g':"eat  warmth  the 
continuation  of  the  war :  they  deliberated  during  several 
days  without  a  chance  of  bringing  the  two  parties  to  an 
agreement ;  and  whilst  the  discussions  became  more  intem- 
perate,  hostilities  were  renewed :  then  all  the  Crusaders 
uuited  to  prosecute  the  siege  of  Damietta. 

The  sultan  of  Cairo  employed  every  means  to  throw  suc- 
cours into  the  city,  and  keep  up  the  courage  of  the  garrison 
and  the  inhabitants.  Some  Mussulman  soldiers,  taking 
advantage  of  the  darkness  of  night,  attempted  to  effect  an 
entrance  into  the  place ;  a  few  were  able  to  gain  and  pass 
through  the  gates,  but  by  far  the  greater  number  were  sur- 
prised and  massacred  by  the  Crusaders,  who  kept  constant 
and  close  watch  around  the  walls. 

The  news  which  the  sultan,  Melic-Tvamel,  received  from 
Damietta,  became  every  day  more  alarming  the  Mussulman 
army,  not  daring  to  succour  the  besieged,  remained  inactive, 
and  confined  themselves  to  the  defence  of  their  own  in- 
trenchmeuts.  Communication  was  soon  entirely  cut  off 
between  the  place  and  the  camp  of  tlie  infidels  ;  some  divers 
crossed  the  IS'ile  tlirougli  the  Christian  fieet,  attained  Da- 
mietta, and  returned  to  inform  the  sidtan  that  pestilence. 


niSTORT    or    THE    CRUSADES.         •  248 

famine,  and  despair  reigned  throughout  the  city.  The  Mus- 
sulmans had  recourse  to  all  sorts  of  stratagems  to  convey 
food  to  the  garrison ;  sometimes  they  filled  leather  sacks 
with  provisions,  which,  being  abandoned  to  the  stream  of 
the  Nile,  floated  under  the  ramparts  of  the  city ;  at  others, 
they  concealed  loaves  in  the  sheets  that  enveloped  dead 
bodies,  v.'hich,  being  borne  on  by  the  waters,  were  stopped  in 
their  course  by  the  besieged.  It  was  not  long  before  these 
stratagems  were  discovered  by  the  Christians,  and  then 
famine  began  to  make  horrible  ravages ;  the  soldiers,  over- 
come by  fatigue  and  weakened  by  hunger,  had  not  the 
strength  to  fight  or  guard  the  towers  and  ramparts.  The 
inhabitants,  given  up  to  despair,  abandoned  their  houses, 
and  fled  from  a  city  that  presented  nothing  but  images  of 
death :  many  came  to  implore  the  pity  of  the  Crusaders. 
The  commander  of  Damietta,  whose  name  history  has  not 
preserved,  in  vain  endeavoured  to  keep  up  the  courage  of 
the  people  and  the  soldiers.  To  prevent  desertion,  he  caused 
the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  walled  up ;  and  from  that  period, 
neither  tlie  sultan  of  Cairo  nor  the  Crusaders  were  able  to 
know  what  was  passing  in  the  besieged  place,  in  which  a 
dismal  silence  reigned,  and  which,  according  to  the  expres- 
sion of  an  Arabian  author,  ivas  no  longer  anytliing  hut  a 
closed  sepulchre. 

The  Christians  had  placed  their  machines  at  the  foot  of  a 
tower,  and  as  they  saw  no  one  defending  it,  the  legate,  at 
the  head  of  the  Italian  Crusaders,  took  advantage  of  a  dark 
and  stormy  night  to  penetrate  within  the  first  inclosure  of 
the  walls.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  other  leaders 
resolved  at  the  same  time  to  make  an  assault  and  enter  the 
city,  sword  in  hand.  As  soon  as  day  appeared,  the  boldest 
ascended  into  the  tower,  which  they  found  deserted,  and 
called  aloud  upon  their  companions  to  join  tliem.  The 
Christian  army  applauded  their  success,  and  answered  by 
shouts  of  joy  ;  the  soldiers  flew  to  arms,  and  instantly  put 
the  rams  in  motion.  The  walls  were  scaled,  the  gates  were 
beaten  to  pieces,  and  a  passage  openeu  ;  the  eager  Crus.'iders 
rushed  forward  with  naked  swords  and  ready  lances  to  en- 
coiuiter  tlie  enemy  ;  but  when  they  penetrated  into  tup 
Bti'eets,  a  pestilential  odour  enveloped  them,  and  a  frightful 
spectacle  made  them  recoil  with  horror !     IMie  public  pl^u'es. 


250  niSTORY    OF    TUE    CRUSADES. 

the  mosques,  the  houses,  the  whole  city,  were  strewed  with 
dead  !  *  Old  age,  infancy,  ripened  manhood,  maiden  beauty, 
matronly  grace — all  had  perished  in  the  horrors  of  the  siege ! 
At  the  arrival  of  the  Crusaders,  Damietta  contained  seventy 
thousand  inhabitants ;  of  these  only  three  thousand  of  the 
most  robust  remained,  who,  ready  to  expire,  glided  like  pale, 
fading  shadows  among  tombs  and  ruins. 

This  horrible  spectacle  touched  the  hearts  of  the  Cru- 
saders, and  mingled  a  feeling  of  sadness  with  the  joy  their 
victory  created.  The  conquerors  found  in  Damietta  immense 
stores  of  spices,  diamonds,  and  precious  stuffs.  AVhen  they 
had  pillaged  the  city,  it  might  have  been  believed,  says  an 
historian,  that  the  warriors  of  the  West  had  conquered 
Persia,  Arabia,  and  the  Indies.  The  ecclesiastics  launched 
the  thunders  of  excommunication  against  all  who  secreted 
any  part  of  the  booty  ;  but  these  menaces  had  no  effect  upon 
the  cupidity  of  the  soldiers :  all  the  wealth  brought  to  the 
public  stock  only  produced  two  hundred  thousand  crowns, 
which  were  distributed  among  the  troops  of  the  victorious 
army. 

Damietta  boasted  a  celebrated  mosque,  ornamented  by  six 
vast  galleries  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  columns  of  marble, 
surmounted  by  a  supei'b  dome,  which  towered  above  all  the 
other  edifices  of  the  city.  This  mosque,  in  which,  on  the 
preceding  evening,  Mussulmans  had  lifted  their  imploring, 
tearful  eyes  to  their  prophet,  was  consecrated  to  the  virgin 
mother  of  Christ,  and  the  whole  Christian  army  came  thither 
to  offer  up  thanks  to  Heaven  for  the  triumph  granted  to 
tueir  arms.     On  the  following  day  the  barons  and  prelates 

*  Ingredientibus  nobis  foctor  intolerabilis,  spectus  miserabilis  ;  mortul 
71V0S  occiderunt ;  vir  et  uxor,  dominus  et  servus,  pater  et  filius,  se  mutuis 
foetorihus  interemerunt.  Non  solum  plateai  erant  tnoriuis  plenae,  sed  in 
domibus  et  cubiculis  et  lectis  jaceoant  defuncti  ;  extincto  viro,  mulier 
impotens  surgere,  sublevandi  carer.s  subsidio  vel  sclatione,  putritudinem 
non  ferens  expiravit.  Filius  ju-Kta  patrem,  vel  e  converso  ;  ancilla  juxta 
domitiam,  vel  vice  vers&,  languore  deificiens  jaoebat  extincta  ;  parvuii 
petierunt  panem,  et  non  erat  qui  frangeret  eis.  Infantes  ad  ubera  matrum 
j)endentes,  inter  aniplexus  morieutiuin  vocitaoant ;  delicati  divites,  inter 
acervos  tritici  interierunt  fame ;  deficientibus  cibis,  in  quibus  erant 
nutriti,  pepones  et  allia,  cepas  et  alitilia,  pisces  et  vola'ilia,  et  fructus 
arborum,  et  olera  fnistra  desidcrantes.  Multitudo  vulgi  contracta  vel 
moles ,Ji3  diutius  feitigata  deficiens  aruit. — /.  Vitr.  Hist.  Or.  I.  iii. 


niSTOET    OF    THE  CKUSADES.  251 

assembled  in  the  same  place,  to  deliberate  upon  their  con- 
quest ;  and,  by  a  unanimous  resolution,  the  city  of  Damietta 
was  assigned  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem.  They  then  turned 
tlieir  attention  to  the  fate  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants 
who  had  escaped  pestilence  and  famine.  James  of  Vitri, 
wlien  describing  the  miseries  of  Damietta,  and  speaking  of 
the  horrible  famme  wliicli  swept  away  so  many  families 
during  the  siege,  sheds  tears  over  the  little  children  who  in 
vain  asked  their  dead  parents  for  bread.*  The  fate  of  sv.ch  of 
those  as  remained  alive  inspired  the  virtuous  bishop  of 
Ptolemais  with  pity,  and  he  purchased  many  of  them,  in 
order  to  have  them  baptized  and  brought  up  in  the  Christian 
religion.  The  pious  charity  of  the  prelate,  however,  could 
only  procure  them  eternal  life,  for  they  almost  all  died  after 
having  been  baptised.  All  the  Mussulmans  who  had  suffi- 
cient strength  to  work  received  liberty  and  bread,  and  were 
employed  in  cleansing  and  purifying  the  city.  Whilst  the 
leaders  were  thus  watching  over  a  mourning  city,  and  gave 
their  anxious  attentions  to  prevent  new  calamities,  the  spec- 
tacle that  Damietta  presented,  and  the  empoisoned  air  tliey 
breathed  within  its  walls,  obliged  the  Christian  army  to 
return  to  their  camp,  and  wait  for  the  time  at  which  the 
conquered  city  might  be  inhabited  without  danger. 

When  the  news  of  the  taking  of  Damietta  was  spread 
through  Syria  and  Upper  Egypt,  the  Mussiilman  nations, 
seized  with  terror,  flew  to  their  mosques  to  implore  the 
intenention  of  their  prophet  against  the  enemies  of  Islam- 
ism.  The  sidtans  of  Cairo  and  Damascus  sent  ambassadors 
to  tlie  caliph  of  Bagdad,  conjuring  him  to  exhort  all  true 
believers  to  take  arms  to  defend  the  religion  of  Mahomet. 
The  caliph  contemplated  with  grief  the  calamities  about  to 
fall  upon  the  princes  of  the  family  of  Saladin ;  but  other 
dajigers  threatened  him  more  nearly.  Tartar  hordes  had 
issued  from  their  mountains,  invaded  several  provinces  of 
Persia,  and  were  advancing  toAvards  the  Euphrates.  The 
caliph,  far  from  being  able  to  assist  the  Mussulmans  of  Syria 

*  IM.  Michmul  is  accused  by  some  French  critics  of  beisig  too  rhetorical 
—in  this  instance  he  has  not  made  his  story  so  etlective  as  he  might  have 
done.  If  the  reader  will  turn  to  the  extract  from  James  of  Vitri,  at  the 
foot  of  the  last  page,  he  nill  find  the  old  chronicler  much  more  powerful 
thiQ  the  modern  historian  — Trans. 


252  HISTORY    OP    THE    CEITSADES. 

and  Egj^Dt  by  his  prayers  and  exhortatic  ns,  invoked  their 
succour  to  defend  his  capital,  and  tiu-n  aside  the  storm  ready 
to  burst  over  the  whole  East.  When  the  Mussulman  am- 
bassadors returned  to  Damascus  and  Cairo,  their  accounts 
added  new  alarms  to  those  which  the  conquests  of  the 
Christians  had  already  inspired. 

The  Ayoubite  princes,  however,  did  not  delay  endeavouring 
to  unite  all  their  efforts  against  the  Crusaders,  postponing,  to 
a  more  favourable  moment,  the  defence  of  the  head  of 
Islamism.  The  INIussulman  nations  hftd  a  much  greater 
dread  of  the  invasion  of  the  Christians  than  of  the  irrup- 
tions of  the  hordes  of  Tartary.  The  conquerors  whom 
nations  fear  the  most,  are  those  that  desire  to  change  the 
laws  and  religion  of  the  conquered  country.  The  Tartars, 
wliose  habits  and  manners  were  not  formed,  easily  complied 
witli  those  of  the  people  they  subdued ;  the  Christians,  on 
the  contrary,  only  made  war  to  destroy  all  and  enslave  all. 
Already  rich  cities,  great  provinces,  were  in  their  power : 
everything  had  changed  its  form  under  their  domination. 
Thus  the  Mussulman  princes  and  people,  from  the  Euphrates 
to  the  Eed  Sea,  forgot  or  neglected  tlie  storm  which  growled 
over  Persia  and  was  advancing  slowly  towards  Syria,  and  re- 
solved to  take  arms  against  the  Crusaders,  who  were  masters 
of  the  Nile. 

After  the  taking  of  Damietta,  the  Mussulman  soldiers 
who  defended  Egypt  were  struck  with  such  excessive  fear, 
that,  during  several  days,  not  one  of  them  durst  face  a  Chris- 
tian soldier.  The  Egyptian  warriors  who  guarded  the  for- 
tress of  Tannis,  built  beyond  the  lake  Menzaleh,  abandoned 
tlieir  ramparts  at  the  approach  of  a  few  Crusaders,  and  thus 
one  of  the  lirmest  bulwarks  of  the  Mussulman  empire  fell 
without  defence  into  tlie  hands  of  the  Eranks.  Erotn  that 
time,  the  Christians  had  reason  to  believe  they  had  no  more 
enemies  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile ;  and,  during  the  rigours 
of  winter,  many  of  the  pilgrims  returned  to  Europe.  Half 
the  army  took  advantage  of  tlie  March  passage  to  quit 
Egypt ;  such  as  remained  under  the  banners  of  the  crusade 
forgot  the  labours  and  perils  of  war,  and  gave  themselves  up 
to  indulgence  and  voluptuousness,  to  all  the  pleasure  which 
tlie  approach  of  spring,  and  the  fine  climate  and  beautifiiJ 
hky  of  Damietta  inspired. 


HISTOllY    or    THE    CXIUSADES.  253 

During  the  leisure  of  peace,  the  divisions  which  had  so 
often  interrupted  the  course  of  the  war,  soon  revived  ;  the 
taking  of  Damietta  had  inflamed  the  pride  of  Cardinal 
Pelagius,  who,  in  the  Christian  army,  spoke  as  a  conqueror 
and  commanded  as  a  master.  ^The  king  of  Jerusalem  was  so 
dissatisfied,  that  he  abandoned  a  city  that  had  been  given  to 
him,  and  quitted  an  army  of  which  he  was  the  head,  to 
retire  to  Ptolemais. 

New  Crusaders,  however,  eager  to  signalize  their  valour 
against  the  Mussulmans,  arrived  daily.  The  duke  of  Bavaria, 
with  four  hundred  German  knights  aud  barons,  sent  by 
Frederick  II.,  landed  on  the  banks  of  the  JNTile.  A  short 
time  afterwards,  the  Christian  army  received  into  its  ranks 
Crusaders  from  Milan,  Pisa,  and  Genoa,  and  prelates  and 
archbishops  conducted  a  crowd  of  defenders  of  the  cross, 
who  came  from  the  vainous  provinces  of  Germany,  and  from 
Prance  and  Italy.  The  sovereign  pontifi"  had  neglected 
nothing  to  seciu'e  the  success  of  the  holy  war ;  he  sent 
to  Cardinal  Pelagius  provisions  for  the  army,  and  a  con- 
siderable sum  of  money,  partly  from  his  own  treasury,  and 
partly  from  the  charity  of  the  faithful  of  the  West.*  The 
legate  was  desirous  of  profiting  by  the  succours  he  had  just 
received,  and  proposed  to  follow  up  the  war,  and  march 
directly  against  the  capital  of  Egypt.  The  clergy  adopted 
the  advice  of  Pelagius,  but  such  of  the  Crusaders  as  saw 
with  disgust  a  prelate  at  the  head  of  warriors,  refused  to 
take  up  arms.  The  duke  of  Bavaria  and  the  barons  aud 
knights  would  acknowledge  no  leader  but  the  king  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  the  legate  Pelagius  was  obliged  to  send  deputies  to 
John  of  Brienne,  who,  pressed  by  the  pope  himself,  was  at. 
length  prevailed  upon,  and  consented,  after  an  absence  of 
several  months,  to  come  back  and  take  the  command  of  the 
army. 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  remained  thus  in  inaction,  all  the 
Mussulmans  were  flying  to  arms  :  the  sultans  of  Damascus 
and  Aleppo,  the  princes  of  Hamah,  Balbec,  and  of  Arabia, 
assembled  fresh  armies.  After  the  taking  of  Damietta,  the 
Bultan  of  Cairo  had  retired,  with  his  troops,  to  the  spot  where 

*  Two  letters  which  Honorius  wrote  to  Pelagius,  when  sending  him  the 
money,  are  still  extant-  they  appear  to  us  to  be  very  curious,  and  merit  i 
place  in  our  Appendix. 


254  HISTORY    OF    THE    CEUSADE3. 

tlie  two  eastern  brandies  of  the  Nile  separate  :  there  he  daily 
beheld  troops  of  Mussulman  warriors  join  his  standard,  and, 
awaiting  a  favourable  opportunity,  he  constructed  a  palace  in 
the  centre  of  his  camp,  surrounded  by  walls. 

Tlie  Mussulmans  tiiere  built  houses,  baths,  and  bazaar*?, 
and  the  camp  of  the  sultan  became  a  city,  called  Mansourah, 
which  was  destined  to  be  celebrated  in  history  by  the  defeat 
and  ruin  of  the  Christian  armies. 

As  soon  as  the  king  of  Jerusalem  returned  to  Damietta, 
the  leaders  of  the  Crusaders  assembled  in  council,  to  de- 
liberate upon  what  they  had  to  do :  the  legate  of  the  pope 
was  the  lirst  to  ofier  his  opinion,  and  proposed  to  march 
against  the  capital  of  Egypt.  "  We  must  attack  the  evil  at 
its  source,  and,  in  order  to  conquer  the  Saracens,  destroy  the 
foundation  of  their  power.  Egypt  supplies  them  with  sol- 
diers, provisions,  and  arms.  By  taking  possession  of  Egypt, 
we  should  cut  oft'  all  their  resources.  At  no  period  were  the 
soldiers  of  the  cross  animated  by  more  zeal ;  never  were  the 
infidels  more  depressed.  To  lose  such  an  opportunity  was 
to  betray  the  common  cause.  AVhen  a  great  empire  was 
attacked,  prudence  comma^'ded  the  assailants  not  to  lay  down 
their  arms  tdl  they  had  subdued  it ;  by  stopping  after  the 
first  victory,  they  exhibited  more  weakness  than  moderation. 
The  eyes  of  the  whole  Christian  world  were  upon  the 
army  of  the  Crusaders  ;  it  was  not  only  the  deliverance  of 
the  holy  places  that  was  looked  for  from  their  valour,  but  the 
death  of  all  the  enemies  of  Christ,  the  destruction  of  every 
nation  that  had  imposed  a  sacrilegious  yoke  upon  the  city  of 
God." 

The  bishops,  the  prelates,  and  most  of  the  ecclesiastics 
were  loud  in  their  applause  of  the  speech  of  the  legate ;  but 
John  of  Brienne,  who  did  not  at  all  partake  of  their  opinion, 
arose,  and  protesting  his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Christ, 
began  by  appealing  to  the  assembly,  if  any  one  could  be  more 
interested  in  the  conquests  of  the  Christians  in  the  East, 
than  the  man  who  had  the  honour  to  be  king  of  Jerusalem.. 
Ke  tlien  pointed  out  how  imprudent  it  woidd  be  to  go  up 
the  iSile  at  the  very  moment  at  which  that  river  was  begin- 
ning to  overflow,  and  would  most  lilvcly  inundate  the  roada 
which  led  to  Cairo.  "Mark,"  said  he,  "  all  the  perils  of  the 
expedition  proposed  to  you.     We  are  to  march  into  an  uik« 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CllUSAHES.  2o5 

known  lajid,  tlirougli  the  midst  of  an  enemy's  eouDiiy :  it 
conquered,  there  can  be  no  place  of  asylum  for  us  ;  if  con- 
querors, our  victories  will  only  weaken  our  army.  However 
easy  it  may  be  for  us  to  conquer  provinces,  it  will  be  almost 
impossible  for  us  to  defend  them.  The  Crusaders,  always 
eager  to  return  to  Europe,  are  incalculably  more  serviceable 
in  gaining  battles  than  in  securing  the  possession  of  con- 
quered countries.  Nobody  can  suppose,  that  with  the  brave 
bauds  that  surround  us,  we  entertain  any  fear  of  the  Mussul- 
man armies  which  are  gathering  together  from  all  parts  ;  but 
in  order  to  secure  our  safety,  we  must  not  only  subdue  our 
enemies,  we  must  destroy  them — we  have  not  to  deal  with 
an  army,  but  with  an  entire  nation  animated  by  despair, 
The  whole  Mussulman  race  are  about  to  become  so  many 
intrepid  soldiers,  impatient  to  shed  their  blood  in  the  field  of 
battle.  But  what  do  I  say  ?  we  shall  have  much  less  to  dread 
from  their  courage  than  from  their  timid  prudence.  They 
will  not  fail  to  shun  tlie  fight,  and  will  wait  imtil  diseases, 
want,  fatigue,  discord,  the  inconstancy  of  men's  minds,  the 
overflowmg  orf  the  Nile,  and  the  heat  of  the  climate  shall 
have  triumphed  over  our  eflbrts '  and  secured  the  failure  of 
all  our  enterprises." 

John  of  Brienne  strengthened  his  opinion  by  other  mo- 
tives, with  wdiich  his  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war  supplied 
him,  and  terminated  his  speech  by  saying,  "  That  Damietta 
and  Taimis  were  powei'fid  enough  to  restrain  the  people  of 
Egypt ;  that  it  was  necessary  to  recapture  the  cities  they 
had  lost,  before  they  thought  of  conqueruig  countries  that 
had  never  been  in  their  possession ;  and  that,  in  short,  they 
bad  not  assembled  under  the  banners  of  the  cross  to  besiege 
Thebes,  Babylon,  or  Memphis,  but  to  deliver  Jerusalem, 
which  opened  its  gates  to  the  Christians,  and  which  they 
could  fortify  against  all  the  attacks  of  the  infidels." 

This  moderate  and  pacific  language  would  well  have  be- 
come the  mouth  of  an  envoy  of  the  pope ;  but  Pelagius 
listened  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem  with  the  most  evident  im- 
patience :  he  answered,  that  weakness  and  timidity  screened 
themselves  behind  the  veil  of  moderation  and  prudence  ; 
that  Christ  did  nut  sunmion  to  his  defence  such  wise  and 
far-sighted  soldiers,  but  warriors  who  sought  for  battle 
?athcr  than  for  reasons,  and  who  could  see  the  glory  of  an 


256  HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES. 

enterprise,  and  be  blind  to  its  dangers.  The  legOjte  added 
several  more  reasons  to  those  he  had  already  advanced,  and 
expressed  them  with  great  bitterness  ;  at  length,  led  away 
by  the  heat  of  the  discussion,  he  threatened  all  those  who 
did  not  partake  of  his  opinions  with  excommi,mication. 
Most  of  the  leaders,  and  the  king  of  Jerusalem  himself, 
fearing  to  be  excommunicated,  but  dreading  much  more  tc 
sre  the  least  suspicion  cast  upon  their  bravery,  at  length 
yielded  to  the  obstinate  will  of  Pelagius  :  the  council  of  the 
barons  and  the  bishops  decided  that  the  Christian  army 
should  leave  Damietta,  and  march  against  the  capital  of 
Egypt. 

This  army,  composed  of  more  than  seventy  thousand  men, 
advanced  up  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  A  numerous  fleet,  laden 
with  provisions,  arms,  and  machines  of  war,  ascended  the 
river  at  the  same  time.  The  Christian  army  passed  through 
Farescour  and  several  other  villages,  that  had  been  abandoned 
by  their  inhabitants  ;  all  fled  away  at  the  approach  of  the 
Crusaders,  who  began  to  believe  they  should  meet  with  no 
obstacle  to  their  victories,  and  celebrated,  beforehand,  the 
conquest  of  Memphis  and  Cairo.  The  legate  of  the  pope 
exulted  in  the  resolution  he  had  dictated  to  the  Christian 
army  ;  and,  full  of  confidence  in  a  prediction  that  had  been 
made  concerning  him  in  his  youth,  the  presumptuous  cardinal 
flattered  himself  that  he  was  about  to  overthrow  the  worship 
of  Mahomet ;  and  indulged  in  the  most  insulting  railleries 
against  those  who  had  been  opposed  to  the  war.  Without 
fighting  a  single  battle,  the  Christians  gained  the  extremity 
of  tlie  Delta,  at  the  angle  formed  by  the  arm  of  the  river 
which  descends  towards  Damietta  and  the  canal  of  Almon, 
whose  waters  flow  into  the  sea  on  the  eastern  side.  The 
Saracens  were  encamped  in  the  plain  of  Mansourah,  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  river :  the  Crusaders  halted  on  the 
hither  shore,  and  their  fleet  cast  anchor  as  near  to  them  as 
possible. 

The  sultan  of  Damascus,  and  the  princes  of  Aleppo, 
Balbec,  Hamah,  and  Bosra,  had  united  their  troops  with 
those  of  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  The  Nile,  whose  bank  was 
covered  with  intrenchments,  presented  a  barrier  veiy  diffi- 
cult to  be  overeime.  But  Melic-Kamel  did  not  dare  to 
mat(!l\   himself  with    the  Crusaders ;    dreading   their   raah 


niSTOKV    OF    TUB    CnTTSADES.  267 

braver^',  so  accustomed  to  sport  with  perils  and  triumph  over 
all  obstacles.  Reports  of  the  arrival  of  Frederick,  and  of 
the  approach  of  the  Tartars,  kept  the  Mussulmans  in  a  con- 
tinual state  of  alarm,  and  made  them  anxious  to  terminate  a 
war  which  exhausted  their  resources,  consumed  their  strength, 
and  did  not  promise  tliem,  even  in  victory,  a  compensation 
for  so  many  eftorts  and  so  many  sacrifices. 

Ambassadors  were  sent  to  propose  peace  to  the  leaders  of 
the  Christian  army  :  the  Mussulmans  offered  their  enemies, 
if  they  would  consent  to  an  entire  cessation  of  hostilities,  to 
give  up  to  them  Damietta  and  its  territories,  and  to  restore 
Jerusalem,  with  all  the  places  of  Palestine  that  had  be3ii 
conquered  by  Saladin. 

These  conditions  assured  to  the  Christians  all  the  advan- 
tages of  both  war  and  peace.  The  king  of  Jerusalem,  and 
most  of  the  barons,  who  saw  the  difficulties  and  perils  of  the 
expedition  they  had  entered  upon,  listened  with  as  mucii- 
surprise  as  joy  to  the  proposals  of  the  infidels,  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  accept  them  ;  but  they  had  absolutely  no  power 
in  the  army.  The  legate,  who  exercised  an  arb'trary  authority, 
and  who  was  constantly  dreaming  of  conquests,  persisted  in 
thinking  that  these  pacific  proposals  were  only  the  effects  of 
fear,  and  that  the  enemy  who  sued  for  peace  was  the  one 
with  whom  war  should  be  prosecuted  with  most  spirit. 

The  ambassadors  returned  to  the  camp  of  the  Mussulmans, 
to  announce  that  the  Christians  refused  the  peace  :  their 
account  excited  indignation,  and  indignation  roused  courage. 
When  the  Ayoubite  princes  proposed  peace,  they  were  in 
possession  of  ample  means  to  carry  on  the  war  with  advan- 
tage ;  they  every  day  received  reinforcements,  and  their 
camp  rapidly  assumed  a  more  formidable  aspect ;  but  soon  a 
terrible  auxiliaiy,  against  whose  attacks  Pelagius  had  no  de- 
fence, came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Mussulmans,  and  pro 
cured  them  a  complete  triumph  without  either  battles  oi 
danger. 

The  Christian  warriors,  who  flattered  themselves  they 
had  now  only  to  deal  with  a  conquered  enemy,  were  satisfied 
with  surrounding  their  camp  with  a  ditch  and  a  wall ;  the 
army  remained  for  several  days  in  this  position,  without 
making  an  eflbrt  either  to  attack  the  Saracens  or  pass  the 
.N^ile.  Pelagius,  who  was  constantly  promising  victoiy  to 
Voi,.  II.— 12 


258  HISTORY   OF   THE    >  xlTJSADES. 

Ills  soldiers,  remained,  nevertheless,  in  a  state  of  inacti  -ity 
in  bis  tent.  During  tliis  period,  many  of  the  Crusaders 
grew  weary  of  a  war  in  which  no  battles  were  fought ;  some 
fancied  that  the  cause  no  longer  stood  in  need  of  their 
assistance  ;  whilst  others,  with  more  foresight,  feared  coming 
reverses :  more  than  ten  thousand  Crusaders  abandoned  the 
camp  and  returned  to  Damietta. 

The  Christian  army  had  been  for  more  than  a  month  in 
face  of  the  enemy,  always  in  expectation  of  the  victories 
that  had  been  promised  to  them.  At  length,  the  overflowing 
of  the  Nile,  in  a  most  alarming  manner,  disturbed  their 
imagined  secui'ity.  The  Saracens  opened  the  sluices,  and 
filled  all  the  canals  of  Lower  Egypt.  The  Mussulman  fleet, 
wliich  had  not  been  able  to  ascend  the  Nile  by  Damietta,  took 
advantage  of  the  canals,  and  came  up  with  the  Christian  ships. 
In  a  single  engagement,  the  vessels  of  the  Crusaders  were 
?.hnost  aU  dispersed  and  consumed  by  the  Greek  fire :  from 
that  moment  terror  seized  upon  the  Christians,  for  they  were 
in  want  of  provisions,  and  had  neither  means  nor  hopes  of 
obtaining  any.  The  Saracens,  after  having  crossed  the  Nile 
on  bridges,  occupied  all  the  circumjacent  hills.  The  Chris- 
tian soldiers  wandered  about  the  fields  at  hazard,  pursued  by 
tlie  waves  of  the  rising  river,  and  by  the  Mussulmans,  whose 
bravery  they  had  so  lately  held  in  contempt.  The  whole 
army  was  on  the  point  of  being  submerged  or  perishing  with 
hunger,  and  had  no  hope  but  in  the  clemency  of  an  enemy 
with  whom  they  had  recently  refused  to  make  peace. 

In  this  extremity,  the  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  principal 
leaders  of  the  Christians  sent  several  of  their  knights  to  offer 
the  .Saracens  battle  ;  but  the  latter  were  neither  sufiiciently 
imprudent,  nor  sufiiciently  generous  to  accept  a  proposal 
dictated  by  despair.  The  Crusaders  were  exhausted  witii 
hunger  and  fatigue ;  the  cavalry  sunk  into,  and  encumbered 
by  mud  and  slime,  could  neither  advance  nor  retreat ;  tiie 
foot-soldiers  cast  away  their  arms ;  the  baggage  of  the  army 
floated  away  upon  the  waters,  and  nothing  was  heard  but 
groans  and  lamentations.  "  When  the  Christian  warriors,'' 
says  an  Arabian  historian,  "  saw  nothing  before  them  but 
death,  their  minds  sank  into  a  state  of  despondency,  and 
their  backs  bent  beneath  the  rod  of  God,  to  wlicm  he  aVi 
firaise .'" 


HI8T0RT   OF   THE    CEUS.i.DES.  259 

Pelagius  must  then  have  been  sensible  of  the  fitll  extent  of 
his  error :  his  project  of  marching  to  Cairo  had,  doubtless, 
something  great  in  it,  if  it  could  have  been  executed ;  but 
the  presumptuovis  legate  disdained  all  counsels,  all  lessons  of 
experience,  and  foresaw  none  of  the  obstacles  he  was  certain 
to  meet  with  on  his  route  ;  he  conducted  an  army  tilled  with 
discontent ;  the  soldiers  had  neither  that  confidence  nor  that 
enthusiasm  that  leads  men  to  brave  dangers  or  cheerfully 
encounter  fatigue.  Tlie  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  duke  of 
Bavaria,  and  a  great  number  of  the  barons  were  his  personal 
enemies,  and  took  very  little  interest  in  the  success  of  an 
enterprise  of  which  they  had  disapproved. 

Amidst  the  cries  and  lamentations  of  an  army  to  which  he 
had  promised  victory,  Pelagius  was  obliged  to  negotiate  for 
peace,  and  his  pride  humbled  itself  so  far  as  to  implore  the 
clemency  of  the  Saracens.  Christian  ambassadors,  among 
whom  was  the  bishop  of  Ptolemais,  went  to  propose  a  capi- 
tulation to  the  conquerors  ;  they  offered  to  give  up  the  city 
of  Damietta,  and  only  asked  for  the  Christian  army  liberty 
to  returu  to  Ptolemais. 

The  Mussulman  princes  assembled  in  council  to  deliberate 
upon  the  proposals  of  the  Crusaders.  Some  were  of  opinion 
they  should  be  accepted ;  others  declared  that  all  the  Chris- 
tians ought  to  be  made  prisoners  of  war.  Among  those  who 
proposed  the  harshest  measures,  the  sultan  of  Damascus,  an 
implacable  enemy  of  the  Franks,  was  conspicuous.  "  'No 
treaty  can  be  made,"  said  he,  "  with  warriors  without 
humanity  and  without  faith.  We  should  remember  their 
barbarities  in  war  and  their  treachery  in  peace.  They  armed 
themselves  to  ravage  provinces,  to  destroy  cities,  and  over- 
throw the  worship  of  Mahomet.  Since  fortune  lias  placed 
these  most  cruel  enemies  of  Islainism,  these  devastators  of 
the  East,  in  the  hands  of  the  true  believers,  we  ouglit  to  im- 
molate them  to  the  safety  of  the  Mussulman  nations,  and 
take  an  advantage  of  our  victory  that  will  create  a  terror 
among  the  people  of  the  West  for  ever." 

Most  of  the  princes  and  emirs,  animated  by  fanatici.sm 
and  vengeance,  applauded  this  violent  speech.  The  sultan  of 
Cairo,  more  moderate,  and,  doubtless,  more  prescient  thaji 
the  other  leaders,  dreading  likewise  the  arrival  of  Frederick 
and  the  invasion  of  the  Tartars,  combated  the  opinion  of 


260  HISTOKY    OF    THE    CfiUSADES. 

the  sultan  of  Damascus,  and  advised  that  the  capitulation  of 
the  Franks  should  be  accepted.  "  All  the  Franks  were  not 
comprised  in  this  army  now  in  their  power  ;  oth^r  Crusaders 
guarded  Damietta,  and  might  be  able  to  defend  it ;  the 
Mussulmans  had  sustained  a  siege  of  eight  months,  the 
Christians  might  hold  out  as  long.  It  was  more^  advan- 
tageous for  the  princes  of  the  family  of  Saladin  to  return  to 
their  cities  than  to  retain  a  few  of  their  enemies  in  chains. 
If  they  destroyed  one  Cliristian  army,  the  West,  to  avenge 
the  defeat  of  its  warriors,  was  able  to  send  numberless 
legions  into  the  East.  They  ought  not  to  forget  that  the 
Mussulman  armies  had  lost  a  portion  of  that  spirit  of 
obedience  and  discipline  that  was  the  sole  guarantee  of  vic- 
tory ;  that  they  were  worn  out  with  fatigue,  and  sighed  for 
repose.  Other  enemies  than  the  now  disarmed  Christians, 
other  perils  than  those  tliey  had  just  escaped,  might  soon 
hang  over  both  Syria  and  Egypt.*  It  was  wise  to  make 
peace  at  this  moment,  in  order  to  prepare  for  fresh  contests, 
for  new  w^ars,  perhaps  much  more  cruel  than  that  which  they 
had  now  an  opportunity  of  termhiating  with  so  much  glory 
to  the  jMussulman  arms." 

The  speech  of  Melik-Kamel  brought  back  tlie  princes  of 
his  family  to  sentiments  of  moderation. f  The  capitulation 
was  accepted ;  the  sultan  of  Cairo  sent  his  own  son  to  the 
camp  of  the  Christians  as  a  pledge  for  his  word.  The  king 
of  Jerusalem,  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  the  legate  ot  the  pope, 
and  the  principal  leaders  repaired  to  the  camp  of  the  Sara- 
cens, and  remained  as  hostages  till  the  accomplishment  of 
the  treaty. 

When  the  deputies  of  the  imprisoned  army  came  to  Da- 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Ibn-ferat  gives  some  details  of  this  council  of  the 
Mussuhnan  princes.  The  Western  historians  say  nothing  of  it.  It  is  a 
pity  that  James  of  Vitri,  who  was  sent  to  the  camp  or'  tlie  Saracens  to 
propose  the  capitulation,  should  have  preserved  a  profound  silence  upon 
so  important  a  circumstance.  We  have  several  times  reinarked  that  the 
Arabian  historians,  wlien  tlie  Mussulmans  experience  reverses,  content 
themselves  with  saying,  "  God  is  great ;  may  God  curse  the  Christians  !" 
We  find  the  same  inconvenience  in  the  Western  historians,  who  are  almost 
always  silent  when  the  Chriatians  are  conquered. 

f  We  cannot  refrain  from  observing  tliat  the  deliberations  of  the  Mus- 
sulmans generally  end  in  resolutions  of  moderation  and  mercy;  and  that 
those  of  the  Crusaders  have,  as  often,  a  very  dirtereat  result. — Trans 


IIISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  2G1 

tnietta  and  aunoiinced  the  disasters  and  captivity  of  the 
Christians,  their  account  drew  tears  from  the  crowd  of 
Crusaders  who  at  -that  time  arrived  from  the  West.  When 
these  same  deputies  informed  them  that  the  city  must  be 
given  up  to  the  infidels,  the  most  intrepid  of  the  Fi-anka 
could  not  restrain  their  indignation,  and  refused  to  recog- 
nise a  tre.ity  so  disgraceful  to  the  soldiers  of  the  cross.  The 
greatest  tumult  prevailed  throughout  the  city.  Some,  filled 
witli  despair,  determined  to  return  to  Europe,  and  prepai^ed 
to  desert  the  banners  of  the  cross ;  othei's  ran  towards  the 
ramparts,  and  getting  possession  of  the  towers,  swore  to 
defend  them. 

A  few  days  after,  fresh  deputies  arrived  to  declare  that  the 
king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  otlier  leaders  of  the  army  would 
be  obliged  to  give  up  Ptolemais  to  the  Mussidmans  if  they 
refused  to  surrender  Damietta.  In  order  to  overcome  the 
obstinate  resistance  of  those  who  wished  to  defend  the  city, 
and  who  reproached  the  imprisoned  army  with  disgracing 
the  Christians,  they  added,  that  this  army,  though  defeated, 
had  obtained  a  piize  worthy  of  then-  former  exploits,  for  the 
Saracens  had  engaged  to  restore  to  them  the  true  cross  of 
the  Savioiu",  which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Saladin  at 
the  battle  of  Tiberias.  The  fear  of  losing  Ptolemais,  the 
hope  of  regaining  the  cross  of  Christ,  together  with  the 
speeches  of  the  deputies,  brought  back  the  spirit  of  peace 
and  resignation  to  the  minds  of  the  most  ardent  of  the 
Crusaders,  and  disposed  them  to  the  performance  of  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Christian  army  having  lost  their 
tents  and  then-  baggage,  passed  many  days  and  many  nights 
hi  a  plain  covered  with  the  waters  of  the  Nile.  Hunger, 
disease,  and  inundation  threatened  their  entire  destruction. 
The  king  of  Jerusalem,  then  in  the  camp  of  the  Saracens, 
upon  being  informed  of  the  horrible  distress  of  the  Chris- 
tians, went  to  conjure  Melik-Kamel  to  have  pity  on  his 
disarmed  enemies.  The  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre, 
who  is  our  guide  in  this  part  of  our  history,  rejx)rts,  in  his 
old.  quaint  language,  the  touching  interview  between  John 
of  Brienne  and  the  sultan  of  Egypt.  "  The  king  sat  down 
before  the  sultan,  and  began  to  weep  ;  tlie  sultan,  on  seeing 
the  king  weep,  said,  'Sire,  why  do  jou  weep  r"     '  Sii'e,  I 


262  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

have  good  cause,'  replied  the  king,  '  for  I  behold  the  people 
whom  God  has  confided  to  me  perishi7ig  amidst  the  waters, 
and  dying  with  hunger.'  The  sultan  felt  great  pity  at  seeing 
the  Icing  weep,  and  he  wept  also ;  then  he  sent  thirty  thou- 
sand h)aves  to  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich;  and  sent  the 
same  quantity  daily  during  four  days."  * 

Melilf-Kamel  caused  the  sluices  to  be  closed,  and  the 
waters  rapidly  retired  from  the  plain;  as  soon  as  Damietta 
was  surrendered  to  the  Mussulmans,  tlie  Christian  army 
began  its  retreat.  The  Crusaders,  who  owed  their  liberty 
aud  lives  to  the  mercy  of  the  Saracens,  passed  through  the 
city  which  had  cost  them  so  many  conllicts  and  so  muoh 
labour ;  and,  weeping,  quitted  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  where 
so  short  a  time  before  they  had  sworn  to  nialve  the  cause  of 
Christ  triumphant.  They  bore  away  in  sadness  the  wood  of 
the  true  cross,  the  identity  of  which  they  had  reason  to 
suspect,  since  it  no  longer  performed  miracles,  and  was  not 
for  them  now  tlie  signal  of  victory.  The  sultan  of  Egypt 
caused  them  to  be  accompanied  by  his  son,  who  had  orders 
to  provide  for  all  their  wants  on  their  route.  Tlie  Saracen 
leaders  were  impatient  to  get  rid  of  an  army  that  had  threat- 
ened their  empire  ;  they  could  scarcely  give  credit  to  their 
own  triumph,  and  some  little  appr^ihension  was,  no  doubt, 
mingled  with  the  pity  with  which  their  conquered  enemies 
inspired  thein. 

Great  rejoicings  had  been  made  at  Ptolemais  for  the  vic- 
tories obtained  by  the  Christians  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile ; 
they  believed  that  they  already  saw  the  holy  places  delivered, 
and  the  empire  of  the  Saracens  destroyed.  Consternation 
took  place  of  their  joy  on  seeing  the  army  return.  As  in 
all  the  other  reverses  which  their  arms  had  met  with,  the 
Christians  mutually  reproached  each  other  vnth  their  defeat; 
they  accAised  the  leaders  of  ambition,  and  the  king  of  Jeru- 
salem of  weakness  ;  the  Templars  and  Hospitallers,  who  had 

*  As  translation  can  scarcely  do  justice  to  this  touc'aing  little  morceau, 
I  subjoin  the  original. — Trans.  Le  roi  s'assit  devant  le  soudan,  et  se 
mist  a  |)lorer;  le  soudan  regarda  le  roi  qui  ploroit,  et  lui  dist  :  "Sire, 
pourquoi  plorez  vous  .'"  "  Sire,  j'ai  raison,"  reponditle  roi,  "  carje  vois  le 
p<'uple  dont  Dex  m'a  chargic,  perir  au  milieu  de  I'eve  et  mourir  de  faim." 
Le  soudan  eut  pitie  de  ce  qu'il  vit  le  roi  plorer,  si  plora  aussi ;  lors  eiivoya 
trente  mille  pains  as  pauvres  et  as  riches ;  aiiisi  leur  envoya  quatre  jourj 
d«  suite. 


HIS'IOEY    OF    THE    CUUSADE8,  2(»2 

on  all  occasions  set  an  example  of  'ourage  and  tlie  most 
generous  devotedness,  were  obliged  tc  make  a  public  apology 
for  their  conduct.  When  it  became  known  in  the  West  that 
Daniietta  had  fallen  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracens,  all 
the  taitliful  were  aftec<ted  by  the  deepest  grief,*  and  sought, 
by  their  prayers,  to  mitigate  the  auger  of  Heaven.  Violent 
murmiu-s  arose  against  the  legate  Pelagius,  and  represented 
him  to  the  sovei*eign  pontift"  as  the  author  of  all  the  disasters 
of  the  crusade ;  but  Honorius  was  not  willing  to  condemn 
his  minister,  and  reproached  Frederick,  who  had  three  times 
renewed  his  vow  to  tight  against  the  infidels,  with  ha\dng 
remained  an  idle  spectator  of  an  unfortunate  war,  and  with 
having  neglected  to  succour  his  brethi-en  of  the  East. 

Frederick,  who  had  sent  vessels,  provisions,  and  soldiers 
to  the  holy  v/ar,  thought  that  he  had  fully  performed  his  part 
m  the  crusade,  and  was  at  first  much  astonished  at  the 
reproaches  of  the  Holy  See.  When  the  pope  threatened 
him  with  the  anger  of  Heaven  and  the  thunders  of  Rome, 
he  could  not  restrain  his  indigjiatiou ;  in  his  letters  the 
emperor  complains  bitterly  of  the  tyranny  of  both  Innocent 
and  Honorius,  and  talks  of  opposing  war  to  war,  and  ven- 
geance to  injustice.  After  this,  Honorius,  who  acted  less 
from  the  dictates  of  his  own  mind  than  after  the  policy  of 
his  predecessors,  changed  his  tone,  attempted  to  justify  both 
Innocent  and  himself,  and,  employing  prayers  instead  of 
menaces,  conjured  Frederick  to  have  pity  on  the  Church  of 
the  East. 

This  paternal  language  appeased  Frederick ;  in  an  inter- 
view which  he  had  with  the  pope  at  Veroli,  the  emperor  of 
Germany  repeated  his  vow  to  repair  to  Palestine  at  the  head 
of  an  army.  In  another  assembly,  which  was  held  some 
time  afterwards  at  Verona,  the  pope  endeavoured  to  engage 
Frederick,  on  account  of  his  own  interests ;  he  proposed  to 
him  to  espouse  Yolande,  daugliter  of  John  of  Brienne,  and 
heir  to  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The  grand  mastei's  of 
the  Templars,  the  Hospitallers,  and  the  Teutonic  order,  with 
the  patriarch  and  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  all  summoned  to 
Italy  to  deliberate  on  the  affiiirs  of  the  crusade,  approved  of 
a  union  which  would  secure  them  the  assistance  of  a  powerful 

*  Muratori  has  preserved  a  little  elegaic  poem  in  Latin,  upon  the 
taking  or  Damietta. — See  Script.  Rer.  Hal.  vol.  vii.  p.  992. 


204  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

monarch.  Frederick  accepted  a  kingdom  which  he  promised 
to  defend,  and  consented  o  undergo  excommunication  if  he 
failed  in  his  promises. 

After  the  conference  of  Verona,  King  John  of  Brienne 
visited  the  principal  states  of  Europe,  for  the  purpose  of 
soliciting  aid  for  the  Holy  Land.     At  the  time  of  John's 

'  ari"iva]  in  France,  the  French  were  mourning  the  death  of 
Philip  Augustus.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  assisted  at  the 
funeral  ceremonies  of  his  master  and  benefactor,  who,  at  his 
death,  had  bequeathed  three  thousand  silver  marks  to  the 
defenders  of  Palestine.  After  having  paid  the  last  duties 
to  PhJiip,  John  went  fii'st  to  England,  and  afterwards  to 
Germany,  in  both  of  which  countries  his  presence  and  his 
discourses  strongly  moved  Christians  with  the  misfortunes 
of  the  Holy  Land. 

The  emperor  Frederick,  on  his  part,  made  all  the  requisite 
preparations  for  an  expedition  which  he  was  to  lead  in  per- 
son ;  he  ordered  vessels  to  be  constructed  in  all  the  ports  of 
iSicily  for  transporting  the  Crusaders.  "  Heaven  and  earth," 
V.  rote  he  to  the  pope,  "  are  witnesses  that  I  desire  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Christian  arms  with  my  whole  soul,  and  that  I 
will  neglect  nothing  that  can  assist  in  securing  the  success 
of  the  holy  enterprise."  In  all  his  letters  Frederick  ex- 
horted the  sovereign  pontiff  to  employ  every  means  to  aug- 
ment the  numbers  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  Become,  all 
at  once,  more  zealous  for  the  crusade  than  the  pope  himself, 
he  reproached  the  court  of  Pome  witli  being  sparing  in  in- 
dulgences, and  with  confiding  the  preaching  of  the  crusade 
to  vulgar  orators  ;  he  advised  the  pope  to  redt  able  his  efforts 
to  appease  the  quarrels  of  Christian  princes,  and  to  compel 
tlie  kings  of  France  and  England  to  sign  a  peace,  in  order 
that  the  nobles  and  people  of  these  two  kingdoms  nri»:^ht 

-take  {)art  in  the  crusade.  Frederick  not  being  able  to  go 
into  Germany,  sent  thither  the  grand  master  of  the  Teu- 
tonic order,  with  directions  to  exhort  the  landgrave  of 
Thuringia,  the  duke  of  Austria,  the  king  of  Hungary,  and 
tlie  other  princes  of  the  empire,  to  take  the  oath  to  fight 
against  the  infidels.  He  undertook  to  furnish  the  Crusaders 
with  vessels,  provisions,  arms,  and  everything  necessary  for 
ttie  expedition  beyond  the  sea;  in  short,  he  displayed  so 
much  activity,  and  shoved  so  much  ardour  and  zeal,  that  all 


HISTOET    OF    THE    CRrSADES.  2G£ 

tlie  attention  of  the  Christians  was  directed  towards  him, 
and  he  was  considered  as  the  soul,  the  moving  principi'.',  and 
tlie  head  of  the  holy  enterprise. 

The  Christians  of  Palestine  placed  aL  their  hopes  in  him  ; 
the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  in  a  letter  to  the  pope,  said  that 
th?y  looked  for  the  emperor  of  Germany  on  the  banks  of  the 
Nile  and  the  Jordan,  as  formerly  tlie  saints  had  looked  for 
the  coming  of  the  Messiah  or  Saviour  of  the  world.  The 
pali'iarch  spoke  with  grief  of  the  oppression  and  servitude 
that  had  been  inflicted  upon  the  Christians  established  in 
Egypt  since  the  last  invasion  of  the  Crusaders.  The  unfor- 
tunate disciples  of  Christ  were  not  allowed  to  keep  in  their 
dwellings  either  arms  or  horses,  nor  even  to  bear  a  crucifix 
at  the  I'lmeral  precessions  of  their  relations  ;  a  hundred  and 
fifteen  of  their  churches  had  ':een  destroyed  since  the  con- 
quest of  Damietta.  Oppressed  by  tributes,*  condemned  to 
disgraceful  labours,  banished  from  their  homes,  wandering 
around  their  temples  and  their  altars,  they  invoked  the 
mercy  of  Heaven  and  the  valour  of  the  warriors  of  the  West 
for  tlieir  deliverance. 

The  report  of  Frederick's  preparations  was  spread  even 
to  the  remote  nations  of  Georgia ;  and  the  queen  of  that 
country  wrote  to  the  head  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  that  the 
constable  of  her  kingdom  and  a  great  number  of  warriors 
only  waited  for  the  arrival  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  to 
fly  to  the  assistance  of  Palestine.  The  oreorgians  had  the 
reputation  of  being  a  warlike  people,  and  were  dreaded  by 
the  Mussulmans ;  their  pilgrims  enjoyed  the  privilege  of 
entering  Jerusalem  without  paying  the  tribute  imposed 
ipon  other  Christians.  When  the  sultan  of  Damascus 
caused  the  ramparts  of  the  holy  city  to  be  destroyed,  the 
warriors  of  Georgia  swore  to  avenge  the  outrage  committed 
jn  the  city  of  God ;  but  an  invasion  of  the  Tartars  pre- 
vented them  from  leaving  their  own  territories.f     Since  that 

*  See  the  letter  of  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  in  the  Appendix.  The 
patriarch,  at  the  end  of  his  letter,  gives  the  i^iope  some  remarkable  opinions 
upon  tlie  manner  in  which  the  emperor  and  tRe  Crusaders  were  to  arrive 
in  E^vpt. 

t  The  letter  of  the  queen  of  Georgia  is  to  be  found  in  the  continuator 
of  Baronius,  under  the  year  1224.  Curious  details  of  the  manners  of  the 
Georg'ans  in  the  thirteenth  century  may  likewise  be  found  in  J;.me8  oi 
Vitri,  Wst.  Orient. 

12* 


200  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

period,  tlio  hordes  of  Tartary  having  directed  cheir  ravages 
towards  other  countries,  the  Crusaders  of  Caucasus  and  the 
sliores  of  the  Caspian  Sea  promised  to  unite  themselves  in 
the  phiins  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  with  the  Crusaders  from  the 
banks  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube. 

Frederick,  however,  was  not  yet  in  a  position  to  perform 
his  so  often  repeated  promises ;  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  and 
Naples  contained  germs  of  discord  and  rebellion ;  the  re- 
publics of  Lombardy  were  openly  opposed  to  the  emperor 
of  Germany  ;  and  the  Holy  See,  which  observed  with  anxiety 
the  ambitious  projects  of  Frederick  upon  Italy,  encouraged 
all  the  enemies  of  a  power  of  which  it  dreaded  the  too  close 
neiglibourhood.  Thus,  the  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome, 
the  revolts  of  Sicily,  and  the  enterprises  of  the  Italian 
republics,  would  not  allow  the  emperor  to  lead  his  armies 
into  Asia.  Frederick  demanded  of  the  pope  the  indulgence 
of  a  delay  of  two  years  for  the  performance  of  his  vow ; 
founding  Ins  request  upon  the  length  of  time  required  for 
assembling  his  armies,  and  declared  that  he  was  not  willing 
to  begin  the  war  before  the  expiration  of  the  truce  made 
with  the  Mussulmans  ;  thus  showing  much  more  respect  for 
treaties  with  infidel.s,  than  had  till  that  time  been  common 
among  Christians,  indeed,  more  respect  than  he  had  himself 
shown.  The  pope,  although  much  dissatisfied,  could  not 
refuse  the  delay  the  emperor  demanded;  he,  however,  dis- 
sembled his  anger,  and  contented  himself  with  requiring 
fresh  promises,  which  were  made,  as  all  the  rest  had  been, 
Avith  the  greatest  solemnity. 

The  new  vows  of  Frederick  were  strengthened  by  his 
marriage  with  the  heir  of  the  king  of  Jerusalem.  The  mar- 
riage was  celebrated  at  Rome,  amidst  the  benedictions  of  the 
clergy  and  the  acclamations  of  the  people  ;  all  the  Christians 
of  th(>  West  heard  of  it  with  joy,  and  this  union  appeared 
to  tliem  to  be  the  most  certain  pledge  of  the  victories  the 
Crusaders  would  gain  over  the  infidels.  John  of  Brienne, 
who  assisted  at  the  ceremony,  congratulated  hiirself  upon 
having  obtained  an  emperor  for  a  son-in-law  and  a  supporter  ; 
hut  his  joy  was  not  of  long  duration.  Frederick,  after  his 
marriage,  only  saw  in  him  the  brother  of  that  Gauthier  de 
J'rieinie,  avIio  had  borne  the  title  of  king  of  Xaples  and 
Sicilj  ;  ho  considered  him  as  an  enemy  to  his  power,  a  dan« 


niSTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  267 

giTOus  rival,  and  he  disputed  the  possession  of  the  kinf^dom 
of  Jerusalem  with  him.  The  pope  was  secretly  pleased  at 
this  claim  or  pretension,  as  he  hoped  it  would  promote  the 
interests  of  the  crusade.  Honorius  was  delighted  to  see  the 
ambition  of  the  empei-or  mix  itself  up  with  the  great  designs 
for  tlie  execution  of  which  he  was  so  anxious.  Frederick 
was  therefore  acknowledged  king  of  Jerusalem.  Thus  John 
of  Brienne,  who  had  always  proved  himself  the  most  ardent 
apostle  of  the  holy  war,  deprived  of  his  crown,  and  from 
that  time  a  stranger  to  the  atlairs  of  Palestine,  was  obliged 
to  wait  in  I'etirement  and  silence  for  a  favourable  opportunity 
to  avenge  himself  on  his  son-in-law,  and  recover  his  kingdom. 

Frederick  carried  on  his  preparations  for  the  holy  war, 
and  appeared  more  than  ever  disposed  to  set  out  for  the 
East.  The  crusade  was  preached,  in  the  name  of  the  head 
of  the  Church,  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Eiu"ope  ;  the  sovereign 
pontitf  wrote  to  the  princes  to  exhort  them  to  suspend  their 
divisions  and  occupy  themselves  solely  with  the  war  beyond 
the  sea. 

As  hostilities  had  just  been  renewed  between  England  and 
France,  Honorius  ordered  Louis  VIII.  to  lay  dow^l  his  arms, 
and  threatened  him  with  excommunication,  if  he  did  not 
immediately  make  peace.  The  king  of  France,  before  he 
obeyed  the  orders  of  the  pope,  was  desirous  of  completing 
the  conquest  of  Poitou ;  and  whilst  the  thunders  of  Rome 
were  growling  over  his  head,  the  people  and  clergy  were 
returning  Heaven  thanks  for  his  victories,  in  «.  very  church 
of  his  kingdom. 

The  war  against  the  English  was  not  the  only  obstacle  to 
the  departure  of  the  French  Crusaders  for  the  Holy  Land ; 
the  exterminating  crusade  against  the  Albigeois  was  stiU 
going  on,  and  Louis  VIII.  took  a  more  active  interest  in  it 
than  his  father  Philip  had  done.  When  Louis  VIII.  had 
concluded  a  truce  with  England,  he  at  length  resolved  to 
take  the  cross,  and  made  a  vow,  not  to  go  and  fight  against 
the  Saracens  in  Asia,  but  against  the  heretics  in  Languedoc. 
In  this  crusade  the  king  of  France  had  the  double  advantage 
of  scarcely  going  out  of  his  own  territories,  and  of  making 
conquests  that  might  some  day  enlarge  his  kingdom.  The 
lords  and  barons  followed  Louis  into  the  southern  provinces, 
a.nd  thought  no  more  about  the  deliverance  of  J<;rusalem. 


268  HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES.     - 

At  the  same  time  the  envoys  of  the  pope  and  the  empoi'or 
were  busy  in  exhorting  the  nations  of  Grermany  to  succour 
the  Christians  of  Palestine.  Their  orations,  which  at  first 
had  great  success,  ended  by  diminishing  both  confidence  and 
enthusiasm.  As  the  pope  had  recommended  the  preachers 
to  be  prodigal  of  the  indulgences  of  the  Church,  the  people 
beheld  with  astonishment  the  greatest  criminal^  take  the 
cross,  and  swear  to  expiate  their  sins  by  the  holy  pilgrimage. 
They  remembered  that  St.  Bernard  had  called  thieves  and 
murderers  to  the  defence  of  Christ ;  but  opinions  and 
morals  began  to  change,  and  that  which  had  succeeded  in 
the  preceding  century  was  now  only  a  source  of  reproach. 
The  monk  of  Upsbei'g,  a  contemporary  author,  informs  us 
that  the  facility  granted  to  the  most  vicious  of  mankind  to 
redeem  their  crimes  by  taking  up  arms  and  the  cross,  only 
served  to  increase  great  oftences,  and  cool  the  zeal  of  the 
true  defenders  of  Christ.* 

The  orators  who  preached  the  crusade  in  England  gathered 
more  fruit  from  their  labours,  but  owed  great  part  of  their 
success  to  celestial  phenomena,  which  came  very  opportunely 
to  second  their  eloquence.  A  luminous  crucifix,  with  the 
marks  of  the  five  wounds  of  the  Saviour,  appeared  suddenly 
in  the  heavens.  This  mii*aculous  spectacle  greatly  inflamed 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  people ;  and,  if  we  may  believe  Mat- 
thew Paris,  more  thaa  sixty  thousand  English  took  the 
oath  to  arm  themselves  for  the  deliverance  of  the  tomb  of 
Christ. 

Spain  was  constantly  the  seat  of  a  sanguinary  war 
between  the  Moors  and  the  Chi'istians ;  the  one  party  sup- 
ported by  warriors  from  Africa,  the  other  by  knights  and 
soldiers  from  the  provinces  of  France,  fought  battles  every 
day  without  destroying  their  means  of  either  attack  Oj. 
defence :  amidst  such  wars,  in  which,  by  turns,  Mahomet 
and  Christ  were  invoked,  Spain  was  not  likely  to  hear  or 
attend  to  the  complaints  and  appeals  of  Jerusalem. 

Another  enthusiasm  than  that  of  the  crusades, — an  ardent 
desire  for  liberty, — then  agitated  the  finest  countries  of  Italy, 
The  greater  part  of  the  cities,  acted  upon  by  jealousy  and 

•^  The  Chronicle  of  Upsberg  attributes  the  murder  of  the  respectable 
Engelbcrt,  archbishop  of  Maience,  to  this  indulgence  of  the  preachers  of 
the  cru.-ude. 


HISTOBT    OF    THE    CUJSADES.  2GS 

i.he  other  passions  of  republ'cs,  were  all  at  war  among  them- 
selves ;  fighting  sometimes  for  territory,  and  sometimes  foi 
independence.  In  all  these  small  states,  parties  attacked  and 
pursued  each  other  with  fury,  and  disputed  the  exercise  ol 
power,  sword  in  hand.  Some  of  the  cities,  principalities, 
and  baronies  invoked  the  authority  of  the  pope,  others  that 
of  the  emperor  of  Germany  ;  the  factions  of  the  Guelphs 
and  the  Ghibellines  troubled  every  city,  and  created  divisions 
in  most  families.  These  discords  and  civil  wars  naturally 
turned  the  attention  of  Christian  nations  from  the  crusades. 
The  cities  of  Lombardy  had  formed  a  powerful  confe- 
deracy, which  gave  Frederick  continual  cause  of  inquietude, 
and  detained  him  in  the  West ;  llonorius  employed  every 
means  in  his  power  to  re-establish  peace,  and  direct  men's 
minds  towards  his  darling  object ;  and  at  last  succeeded  in 
getting  the  Lombard  republics  to  join  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many for  the  deliverance  of  tlie  holy  places. 

Altliough  the  people  had  lost  some  portion  of  their  enthu- 
siasm for  the  holy  war,  it  was  still  possible  to  form  a  redoubt- 
able army,  by  gathering  together  all  the  warriors  that  had 
taken  the  cross  in  the  various  countries  of  Europe ;  and  the 
new  Crusaders  were  ordered  to  meet  at  the  port  of  Brindisi, 
where  vessels  were  being  prepared  to  transport  them  to  tlie 
East.  On  their  arrival  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  the  em- 
peror of  Germany  supplied  them  with  provisions  and  arms ; 
everything  was  ready,  and  the  pope  was  about,  at  length,  to 
see  his  wishes  accomplished,  and  receive  the  reward  of  all 
his  labours  and  preachings,  when  inexorable  death  deprived 
(yhristendom  of  its  head. 

Gregory  IX.,  who  succeeded  him,  had  all  the  abilities,  the 
virtues,  and  the  ambition  of  Innocent  III.  In  the  executiou 
of  his  designs,  he  feared  neither  difficulties  nor  perils;  the  most 
violent  measures  had  no  terrors  for  his  obstinacy  or  audacity, 
when  the  triumph  of  his  will  was  in  question.  Gregory  had 
scarcely  ascended  the  pontifical  throne,  when  the  preparations 
for  the  holy  war  engrossed  all  his  thoughts,  and  became  the 
pmicipal  object  of  his  active  solicitude. 

The  Crusaders  assembled  in  Apidia  had  much  to  suft'er 
from  the  influences  of  the  climate  and  the  season ;  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  neglected  nothing  to  alleviate  their  distresses 
and  hasten  their  departure.     He  exhorted  the  emperor  t: 


270  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSAUES. 

embark,  by  saying  to  him,  "  The  Lord  has  placed  you  in  thia 
world  as  a  cherubim  with  a  flaming  s^\ord,  to  direct  those 
who  stray  from  the  way  of  the  tree  of  life."  Frederick  at 
length  yielded  to  the  prayers  of  the  pope,  and  sailed  from 
the  port  of  Brindisi  with  his  fleet  and  army.  Prayers  were 
being  put  up  for  the  prosperity  of  his  voyage  and  the  success 
of  his  expedition,  in  all  the  provinces  of  his  empire,  when, 
at  the  end  of  three  days,  being  attacked  by  the  malady  that 
had  made  such  ravages  in  the  Christian  army,  he  retraced 
his  course,  and  landed  in  the  port  of  Otranto. 

Gregory  had  celebrated  the  departure  of  Frederick  as  a 
triumph  of  the  Church ;  he  considered  his  return  as  an 
absolute  revolt  against  the  Holy  See.  The  little  city  of 
Agnani,  to  which  the  pope  had  retired,  witnessed  the  rage  of 
the  pontifl:,  and  beheld  the  birth  of  that  formidable  storm 
which  so  long  disturbed  the  Christian  world.  Accompanied 
by  the  cardinals  and  several  bishops,  Grregory  repaired  to  the 
principal  church,  and  having  mounted  the  pulpit,  before  the 
assembled  people,  he  pronounced  a  sermon  which  had  for  its 
text,  "  It  is  necessary  that  scandals  should  arise."  After 
having  called  upon  the  prophets,  and  spoken  of  the  triumph 
of  St.  Michael  over  the  dragon,  he  launched  against  Frede- 
rick all  the  anathemas  of  the  Church. 

The  emperor  at  first  sent  messengers  to  the  pope  to  ex- 
plain and  justify  his  conduct ;  but  the  inexoral)le  Gregory 
refused  to  listen  to  them,  and  complained  to  all  the  sove- 
reigns of  Europe,  representing  Frederick  as  a  faithless  and 
perjured  prince.  He  accused  him  of  having  consigned  his 
wife  Yolande  to  close  imprisonment,  in  which  she  died  of 
grief;  of  having  left  the  Crusaders  to  perish  with  hunger, 
thirst,  and  heat  in  the  plains  of  Apulia ;  and  of  haAang,  at 
last,  under  the  frivolous  pretext  of  sickness,  violated  his  oath 
and  deserted  the  baruiers  of  Christ,  in  order  to  return  to  the 
customary  enjoyments  of  his  kingdom.  He  made  him  ]r,any 
other  reproaches ;  and  ia  his  anger  called  down  upon  him 
the  maledictions  of  all  Christians. 

Frederick,  exceedingly  irritated,  replied  to  the  accusations 
of  Gregory  with  much  bitterness.  In  his  apology,  which 
he  sent  to  all  the  princes  of  Christendom,  he  complained 
strongly  of  the  usurpations  of  the  Holy  See,  and  exposed,  in 
the  most  odious  colours,  the  policy  and  ambitious  designs  o.'O 


HISTORY    or    THE    CRUSADES.  271 

the  court  of  Eome.  "  The  Church  of  Rome,"  said  he,  "  senda 
legates  everywhere,  witli  power  to  punish,  to  suspend,  and 
excommunicate,  not  with  the  designs  of  spreading  the  word  of 
God,  hut  to  heap  ^ip  money,  and  reap  that  which  they  have  not 
sown.'"  The  emperor  reminded  the  princes,  in  his  letters,  of 
the  violences  which  the  pope  had  exercised  against  the  count 
of  Thoulouse  and  the  king  of  England ;  he  said  that  the 
domains  of  the  clergy  did  not  now  satisfy  the  ambition  of 
the  Holy  See,  and  that  the  sovereign  pontiffs  washed  to  lay 
their  hands  upon  every  kingdom.  From  that  moment  open 
war  was  declared  between  the  pope  and  the  emperor  ;  neither 
of  them  possessed  a  pacific  character  or  a  love  of  quiet ; 
both  were  animated  by  boundless  ambition,  jealous  to  excess 
of  their  power,  implacable  in  their  revenge,  and  always  ready 
to  employ  the  arms  which  the  Cluu'ch  or  fortune  placed  in 
their  hands.  Gregory  displayed  an  indefatigable  activity, 
leaving  his  enemies  no  repose,  but  pursuing  them  at  the 
same  time  with  the  thunders  of  religion  and  war.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  arms  of  eloquence,  the  pontiff  did  not  disdain  to 
employ  satire ;  the  manifestoes  which  he  published  against 
his  adversaries  constantly  recalled  the  spirit  of  the  denun- 
ciations made  by  the  prophets.  These  denunciations,  mixed 
with  obscme  allegories,  gave  to  his  words  a  dark  and  mys- 
terious tone,  which  caused  him  to  be  considered  as  the  inter- 
preter of  angry  Heaven.  Frederick  was  neither  a  less 
able  prince  nor  a  less  redoubtable  enemy :  the  art  of  war 
contained  no  stratagems  or  secrets  with  which  he  was  un- 
acquainted ;  policy  dictated  no  means  that  he  scrupled  to 
employ.  Endowed  with  all  the  gifts  of  mind,  and  with  a 
keen  spirit  of  raillery,  he  was  as  competent  to  confound  his 
enemies  in  a  discussion,  as  to  conquer  them  in  the  field  of 
battle.  Descended,  on  the  female  side,  from  those  famous 
Normans  who  had  conquered  Sicily  and  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  he  united,  as  they  had  done,  courage  with  subtlety, 
and  audacity  with  dissimulation:  to  please  the  court  of 
Eome,  he  had  made  barbarous  laws  against  heretics ;  and, 
now  become  the  enemy  of  the  popes,  he  did  not  fear  to  arm 
heretics  or  Saracens  against  the  court  of  Rome.  AVTieu 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  was  offered  to  him,  he  set  no 
great  value  upon  the  acquisition ;  but  he  accepted  it  with 
'oy,  in  order  to  increase  his  popularity  in  the  Christiar, 


272  HisTOEY  or  the  oeusaues. 

world,  and  to  arm  himself,  one  day,  against  the  sovoreigii 
pontiff  with  a  title,  which  was  then  held  in  universal  vene- 
ration. 

A  war  between  such  enemies  must  necessarily  prove  ter- 
rible, and  spread  desolation  and  confusion  throughout  Chris- 
tendom. Gregory,  on  his  return  to  Home,  repeated  his 
excommunications  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter ;  Frederick, . 
in  order  to  revenge  himself,  seduced  into  his  party  most  of 
the  Eoman  nobles,  who  took  up  arms,  insulted  the  sovereign 
pontiff  at  the  very  foot  of  the  altar,  and  compelled  him  to 
abandon  the  capital  of  the  Christian  world.  The  pope, 
driven  from  his  states,  pursued  his  enemy  with  more  fury 
than  ever  ;  and,  avaihng  himself  of  the  formidable  authority 
of  the  Church,  he  released  the  subjects  of  Frederick  from 
their  oath  of  fidelity,  by  reminding  them  that  they  could 
owe  no  obedience  to  those  who  ojjposed  themselves  to  God 
and  Ills  saints.  On  his  side,  Frederick  drove  the  Templars 
and  Hospitallers  from  the  kingdom  of  jSTaples,  plundei-ed  the 
churches,  and  ill-treated  all  ecclesiastics  whom  he  suspected 
of  being  attached  to  the  party  of  the  Holy  See.  He  sent 
troops  to  ravage  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  and  enlisted 
the  Saracens  established  ui  Sicily,  under  the  bannei's  of  a 
Christian  prince,  to  combat  the  head  of  the  Christian  cluu'ch. 
The  Eoman  states  were  ravaged,  and  given  iip  to  the  hor- 
rors of  war.  The  eyes  of  aU  Europe  were  fixed  upon  these 
deplorable  scenes,  and  every  one  seemed  to  have  forgotten 
the  holy  war. 

The  Christians  of  Palestine,  however,  never  ceased  to  im- 
plore aid  from  the  West.  A  letter  to  the  pope  from  the 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  the  bishops  of  Caesarea  and  Bethle- 
hem, and  the  grand  masters  of  the  three  military  orders, 
nainted  in  strong  colours  the  despair  into  w-hich  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  East  had  fallen,  wlien  they  learnt  that  Frederick 
had  deferred  his  departure.  The  pope  received  their  com- 
plaints with  expressions  of  sorrow  and  kindness,  and  com- 
municated them  to  the  faithful  with  greater  zeal,  from  their 
furnishing  him  with  a  fresh  opportunity  of  accusing  the 
emperor  of  Germany.  But  the  nations  of  the  West,  occu- 
pied with  their  own  dangers,  and  terrified  at  the  sight  of  the 
violent  storms  that  had  recently  burst  forth,  were  not  in  the 
least  moved  by  either  the  lamentations  from  Palestine  or 


HISTOBY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  278 

fche  pressing  exhortations  of  Gregory.  In  this  unfortunate 
position  of  European  affairs,  the  Christian  colonies,  aban- 
doned to  themselves  and  their  own  feeble  resources,  and  a 
prey  to  the  greatest  disorders,  must  have  been  invaded  and 
entirely  destroyed,  if  Providence  had  not  stirred  up  fresh 
discords  among  their  enemies. 

During  the  siege  of  Dainietta,  the  common  danger  had 
united  the  childreu  of  Malek-Adel ;  after  victory,  ambition 
resumed  the  place  of  fear ;  and  the  Ayoubite  princes  quar- 
relled for  the  provinces  which  tlieir  union  had  wrested  from 
tlie  power,  or  saved  from  the  invasion  'of  the  Christians. 
Conraddin,  sultan  of  Damascus,  dreading  the  views  of 
Melik-Kamel,  called  Gelaleddin,  prince  of  the  vast  empire 
of  Carismia,  to  his  aid.  The  sultan  of  Cairo,  in  great  ap- 
prehension of  the  consequences  of  this  alliance,  turned  his 
eyes  towards  the  princes  of  the  West.  During  several 
years,  the  report  alone  of  the  preparations  of  Frederick  had 
been  a  soiu'ce  of  terror  to  the  iNlussulman  powers.  The 
emperor  of  Germany  was  considered,  in  the  East,  as  the 
head  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe.  The  sultan  of  Egypt 
attached  the  greatest  importance  t;)  the  disarming  of  a  for- 
midable enemy  ;  and  as  the  complaints  of  the  pope,  and  the 
report  of  the  discords  that  had  broken  out  among  the  Chris- 
tians, had  reached  his  ears,  he  conceived  a  hope  of  finding 
in  Frederick  a  sincere  ally  and  a  powerful  auxiliary.* 

Melik  Kamel  sent  presents  and_  ambassadors  to  the 
emperor  of  Germany ;  he  invited  Frederick  to  come  into 
the  East,  and  promised  to  deliv^er  Jerusalem  up  to  him. 
This  proposition  gave  the  emperor  as  much  surprise  as 
joy ;  and  he,  in  reply,  sent  an  ambassador  into  Egypt,  to 
ascertain  the  exact  intentions  of  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  and 
offer  him  his  friendship.  The  envoy  of  Frederick  was 
received  at  the  court  of  the  sultan  with  the  greatest 
honours,  and  returned  to  announce  to  his  master  that  Melik- 
Kamel  was  ready  to  favour  his  expedition  to  Palestine. 

*  These  details,  unknown  to  all  the  historians  of  the  West,  are  related 
by  Abulfeda  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Arabian  historians  who  treat  of 
the  events  of  this  period.  The  same  authors  name  the  Mussulman  envoy 
Fakr-eddin ;  they  disfiaure  the  name  of  Frederick's  envoy,  and  say  that 
this  prince  selected  for  this  mission  the  person  who  had  been  hit 
governor  in  his  chi  dhood. 


274  HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

This  negotiation,  with  which  the  pope  and  the  Christians 
of  the  West  were  perfectly  unacquainted,  made  Frederick 
determine  to  follow  up  the  project  of  the  crusade :  he  had, 
besides,  several  other  motives  for  not  renounciug  tho 
Eastern  enterprise.  He  knew  that  John  of  l^rienne  was 
on  the  point  of  returniug  to  Palestine,  and  resuming  pos- 
session of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The  pope  continued 
to  represent  him  as  the  enemy  of  Christ,  and  the  scoui-go 
of  Christians.  To  secure  the  tailure  of  the  plan  of  John 
of  Brieniie,  and,  at  the  same  time,  reply  to  the  sovereign 
pontiff  in  a  victorious  manner,  Frederick  resolved  to  embark 
for  the  Holy  Land.  He  was  desirous  of  proclaiming  his 
intention  with  the  greatest  pomp ;  and  caused  a  magnificent 
throne  to  be  erected  in  the  plain  of  Barletta,  which  he 
ascei/ded  in  the  presence  of  an  immense  crowd  of  spectators. 
In  all  the  splendour  of  imperial  magnificence,  he  presented 
himself  invested  with  the  pilgrim's  cross,  and  announced  to 
the  assembled  people  that  he  y.as  about  to  set  out  for  Syria. 
In  order  to  give  more  solemnity  to  this  pompous  ceremoity, 
and  affect  the  hearts  of  the  multitude,  the  emperor  caused 
his  will  to  be  read  with  a  loud  voice ;  and  the  barons  and 
nobles  swore  at  the  foot  of  tlie  throne,  to  see  that  his  lasi 
commands  should  be  executed,  if  he  should  chance  to  lost* 
his  Hie,  either  in  the  perils  of  the  sea  or  the  wars  of  th<j 
East. 

When  the  pope  learnt  this  determination  of  Frederick's, 
he  sent  ecclesiastics  to  forbid  him  to  embark.  The  sove- 
reign pontiff  reproached  the  emperor  with  presenting  to  tho 
Christian  world  the  scandal  of  a  crusade  directed  by  a  prince 
reproved  of  God :  as  the  fleet  of  Frederick  consisted  of 
only  twenty  galleys,  and  as  he  took  with  him  only  six  hun- 
dred knights,  Grregory  reproached  him  with  not  having  ful- 
filled his  promises,  and  compared  his  imprudent  attempts  to 
the  expedition  of  a  captain  of  pirates.  The  emperor  did 
not  condescend  to  make  any  reply  to  the  messengers  of  the 
oope  ;  the  more  opposition  the  head  of  the  Church  gave  to 
his  departure,  the  more  impatient  Frederick  appeared  to  set 
out  and  accomplish  his  design ;  in  his  indignation,  he  con- 
gratulated himself  at  having  to  brave  the  anger  of  the 
Church  and  the  arms  of  the  Saracens  at  the  same  time.  He 
left  the  greater  part   of  his  army  in   Sicily  ;  charging  hia 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CllUSADES.  27S 

lieutenant,  the  duke  of  Spoleto,  to  negotiate  for  peace  with 
the  pope,  but  at  the  same  time  to  carry  on  the  war  com- 
menced against  the  Roman  states  with  unabated  vigour. 

When  he  heard  of  the  departure  of  the  emperor,  Gregory- 
was  in  the  little  city  of  Assisi,  occupied  in  the  canonization 
of  St.  Francis.  During  several  days,  he  had  sung  nothing 
but  hymns  of  hope  and  joy  :  "  Francis,"  said  he,  "  had  ap- 
peared like  the  star  of  morning,  like  the  orb  of  day,  like  the 
moon  in  its  splendour."  This  language  of  peace,  this  fes- 
tive pomp,  were  all  at  once  interrupted  by  the  maledictions 
that  the  pope  pronounced  against  Frederick  :  the  sovereign 
pontiff  repaired  to  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  there  implored 
Heaven  to  confound  the  pride  of  impious  monarchs,  and 
frustrate  all  their  sacrilegious  enterprises. 

The  emperor,  notwithstanding,  arrived  safely  on  the  coast 
of  Syria,  and  was  received  at  Ptolemais  by  the  patriarch, 
the  clergy,  and  the  grand  masters  of  the  military  orders. 
For  some  days,  the  Christians  of  the  East  viewed  him  as 
the  liberator  and  the  king  of  Jerusalem ;  but  a  change 
speedily  took  place.  Two  disciples  of  St.  Francis,  sent  by 
the  pope,  came  to  annoimce  to  the  faithful  tliat  they  had 
received  a  prince  rebellious  to  the  will  of  the  Church.  From 
that  moment,  contempt,  hatred,  and  mistrust  took  place  of 
respect  and  submission.  They  began  by  perceiving  that 
Frederick  was  followed  by  only  a  small  number  of  warriors, 
and  that  he  had  not  troops  enough  to  render  him  formidable 
to  either  the  Saracens  or  the  Christians.  Nothing  was 
talked  of  in  Ptolemais  but  the  exconmumication  of  the 
pope,  and  the  means  of  withdrawing  themselves  from  obe- 
dience to  a  heretic  prince :  never  had  the  deliverance  of 
Jerusalem  been  less  thought  of. 

At  the  moment  in  which  Frederick  arrived  in  Syria, 
Conraddin,  sultan  of  Damascus,  died  ;  and  the  death  of  this 
prince  gave  birth  to  more  discords  among  the  Mussulman 
powers.  The  principality  of  Damascus  was  governed  by  a 
young  inexperienced  prince  ;  and  the  spirit  of  license  and 
insubordination,  which  had,  in  the  last  wars,  been  already 
observed  among  the  troops  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  made,  every 
day,  greater  progress,  and  put  all  the  Mussalman  thrones  in 
peril. 

The  sultan  of  Cairo,  when  informed  of  the  arrival  of 


276  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

Fredeiick,  came  into  Palestine,  at  the  head  of  an  arn.y 
Some  asserted  that  he  came  to  defend  Jerusalem,  and  tc 
fight  with  the  Christians ;  but  his  true  det^ign  was  to  take 
advantage  of  the  chances  of  war,  and  of  the  discords  which 
everywhere  prevailed,  to  get  possession  of  Damascus,  and 
defeat  the  plans  of  the  enemies  tliat  jealousy  and  ambition 
bad  raised  up  against  him  among  the  Mussulmans  and 
princes  of  his  family. 

The  emperor  of  Germany  marched  out  of  Ptolemais,  at 
the  head  of  his  small  army,  and  directed  his  course  towards 
the  mountains  of  Naplouse.  He  had  sent  Count  Thomas 
de  Celano  to  Melik-Kamel,  to  remind  him  of  his  promises, 
and  to  tell  him,  that,  being  master  of  the  most  vast  provinces 
of  the  West,  he  was  not  come  into  Asia  for  the  purpose  of 
making  conquests  ;  that  he  had  no  other  design  but  that  of 
visiting  the  holy  places,  and  taking  possession  of  the  king- 
dom of  Jerusalem,  which  belonged  to  him.*  The  sultan 
received  the  ambassador  of  Erederick  with  due  respect ; 
but  whether  he  was  ashamed  to  make  peace  before  he  had 
begun  the  war,  or  whether  he  feared  to  draw  upon  himself 
the  hatred  of  the  Mussulmans,  by  showing  too  much  defer- 
ence for  a  Christian  prince,  he  at  first  made  no  reply  to  the 
propositions  that  were  made  to  him. 

Nevertheless  the  two  princes  sent  fresh  ambassadors, 
charged  on  both  sides  to  express  a  desire  for  peace  ;  both 
were  placed  in  embarrassing  circumstances,  being  surrounded 
by  enemies  who  blamed  their  proceedings,  and  did  not  allow 
them  to  publish  all  tlieir  sentiments  freely.  The  Mussul- 
man army  from  Damascus,  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Jerusalem,  watched  all  the  movements  of  the  sultan  of 
Egypt,  and  seemed  much  more  disposed  to  fight  with  him 
than  to  repulse  the  Christians.  The  emperor  of  Germany 
found  himself  in  the  presence  of  two  hostile  armies,  and  that 
which  he  himself  commanded  inspired  him  with  no  more 
confidence  than  lie  inspired  in  it.  The  Hospitallers  and 
Templars  had  le^t  him,  and  followed  him  at  a  distance ;  in 
the  camp  of  the  Christians  no  one   durst  pronouice  the 

*  The  perusal  of  Arabian  authors  throws  great  light  upon  this  part  of 
the  hi>tory  of  the  crusades  ;  the  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre,  the 
letters  of  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  or  the  correspondence  of  the  pope, 
giv  •  but  very  incomplete  information. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CBUSABES.  27^ 

name  of  the  pr'uce  who  commanded  tlie  army.  Frederick 
had  been  obliged  to  withdraw  the  standard  of  the  empire, 
and  his  orders  were  only  issued  to  the  soldiers  of  the  cross 
m  the  name  of  God  and  of  the  Christian  republic. 

In  this  difficult  situation,  Fredei'ick  and  Melik-Kamel 
were  equally  sensible  of  the  necessity  for  peace,  and  of  the 
danger  of  commencing  war ;  they  therefore  gave  more  em- 
ployment to  their  ambassadors  than  to  their  soldiers ;  this 
crusade  was  nothing  but  a  long  negotiation,  disapproved  of 
by  both  Christians  and  infidels.  As  tlie  two  sovereigns 
covered  their  policy  with  a  veil  of  profound  mystery,  it  was 
easy  for  hatred  to  spread  and  procure  countenance  for  sinis- 
ter reports.  Criminal  intentions  were  discovered  in  the 
simplest  actions.  In  the  Chri-stian  army  it  was  conceived 
that  Fredericlf  had  committed  a  crime  by  sending  liis  sword 
and  cuirass  to  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  as  a  pledge  of  his  wish 
for  peace.  Among  the  Mussulmans,  Melik-Kamel  was  re- 
proached with  seeking  an  alliance  with  the  enemies  of 
Islamism,  by  sending  to  the  leader  of  the  Franks  an  ele- 
phant, some  camels,  and  the  rarest  productions  of  Arabia, 
India,  and  Egypt.  The  scandal  reached  its  height  when  the 
emperor  received  as  a  present  from  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  a 
troop  of  girls,  brought  up,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
Orientals,  to  sing  and  dance  in  the  banqueting-hall. 

At  length  prejudices  were  carried  so  iar  on  both  sides, 
that  Frederick  was  judged  more  favourably  of  by  his  ene- 
mies than  by  his  own  army;  and  Melilv-Kamel  would  sooner 
have  found  grace  among  the  Chi-istians  than  among  his  own 
troops.  The  infidels  regarded  the  emperor  of  Germany  as  a 
prince  full  of  wisdom  and  moderation;  Abulfeda,  and  all  the 
Arabian  authors,  have  celebrated  the  qualities  and  virtues  of 
the  monarch  of  the  Franks,  whilst  the  continuator  of  Wil- 
liam of  Tyre  cnly  speaks  of  this  prince  with  bitterness,  and 
reports  in  his  history,  that  all  the  apostles  and  other  Chris- 
tians had  great  doubt  and  great  suspicion  that  he  -was  far 
L'one  in  infidelity,  and  warm  in  his  belief  in  the  law  of 
Mahomet. 

Hatred  soon  broke  out  in  acts  of  treachery  and  the  most 
odious  plots.  As  the  emperor  had  expressed  an  intention  of 
going  to  bathe  in  the  waters  of  the  Jordan,  the  Templars 
addressed  a  letter  to  Melik-Kamel,  pointing  out  the  meuna 


278  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

of  sur|irismg  the  head  of  the  Christian  army  in  his  pil- 
grimage :  the  sultan  of  Cairo  despised  such  treachery,  and 
sent  the  letter  he  had  received  to  Frederick.  At  the  same 
time  Melik-Kamel  learnt  that  the  sultan  of  Damascus  had 
declared  war  against  him,  and  would  be  joined  by  seveva' 
other  Musstdman  princes.  The  sultan  of  Cairo  and  the 
emperor  of  G-ermany  had  carried  on  their  negotiations 
for  peace  during  several  months,  but  now,  pressed  on  all 
sides  by  enemies,  and  surrounded  by  dangers,  even  in  their 
own  camp,  they  at  length  resolved  to  end  the  matter,  and 
conclude  a  treaty,  which  would  permit  them  to  dispose  of 
their  forces  for  their  security  or  for  their  personal  ambition. 
They  agreed  between  themselves,  that  they  would  make  a 
truce  of  ten  years,  and  that  Jerusalem,  Nazareth,  Bethlehem, 
and  Thoron  should  be  given  up  to  Frederick  or  his  lieu- 
tenants.* According  to  the  conditions  of  the  treaty,  the 
Mussulmans  were  to  retain  in  the  holy  city,  the  mosque  of 
Omar  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  worship :  the  princi- 
pality of  Antiocli  and  the  county  of  Tripoli  were  not  com- 
prised in  the  treaty.  The  emperor  of  Germany  undertook 
to  divert  the  Franks  from  every  kind  of  hostility  against 
the  subjects  or  lands  of  the  sultan  of  Egypt. 

When  the  articles  of  the  treaty  became  known  in  the  two 
camps,  the  peace  was  considered  by  both  as  impious  and 
sacrilegious.t  The  imauns  and  cadis,  invoking  the  name  of 
the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  loudly  condemned  a  truce  which  con- 
veyed away  from  the  Mussulmans  the  holy  city,  which  they 

*  The  Arabian  authors  who  speak  of  this  treaty,  say  that  one  of  tlie 
conditions  was,  that  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem  should  not  be  repairrd  ; 
this  condition  is  not  named  in  the  treaty  which  is  found  in  the  continualor 
of  Baronius. 

t  Quant  I'apostelle  oi  ces  nouvelles,  si  n'en  fu  mie  lies,  paice  que 
remperi'Ui"  e'ait  excommunie,  et  qu'il  li  etoit  avis  qu'il  avait  fait  niauvaise 
paix,  parce  que  les  Sarrasiiis  teriaient  !e  temple  et  per  ce  ne  volut-il  soffrir 
un  le  s^ut  fait  par  lui,  ne  que  sainte  eglise  en  fit  fete,  ains  recommanda 
])Hr  toute  Chrestianete  (lu'on  cxcoinTuuniat  I'emperor  come  renvoye  et 
mescreaot.  —  Cont.  of  William  of  Tyre.  (Winn  the  apostle  h3ard  these 
news,  lie  was  not  at  all  ])leased,  hecauf^e  the  emperor  was  excommunicated, 
and  he  thought  he  had  made  a  bad  pe.  <ce,  as  the  Saracens  were  to  retain 
the  tfinple.  Therefore  he  was  not  willing  it  should  be  thought  lie  con- 
sented to  the  peace,  or  that  the  Cliurch  should  offer  up  thanks  for  it ;  and 
he  ordered  that  the  emperor  should  be  excommunicated  throughout 
Christendom,  as  a  castaway  and  an  infidel.) 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  279 

called  the  house  of  God,  the  city  of  the  prophet.  The  prelates 
and  bisliops,  spenldng  in  the  name  of  the  pontifl'  of  Eome, 
declaimed  veliemently  against  a  treaty  wliich  left  mosques 
staiiding  by  the  side  of  the  Holy  Sepidchre,  and  in  some 
sort  confounded  the  worship  of  Mahomet  witli  that  of  Christ. 
When  the  envoy  of  the  emperor  of  Germany  went  to  Damas- 
cus, to  procure  the  ratification  of  tlie  treaty  which  had  been 
concluded,  the  sultan  and  his  vizier  refused  to  hear  him. 
The  peace  made  witli  the  Christians  was  a  subject  of  afflic- 
tiun  and  scandal  for  all  true  believers.  One  of  the  most 
celelfrated  orators  of  Islamism  pronounced  the  panegyric  of 
Jerusalem  in  the  great  mosque ;  and,  when  recalling  in 
patlietic  terms  the  loss  the  Mussulmans  had  experienced,  he 
di-ew  tears  from  all  the  assembled  people. 

Tiie  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  placed  an  interdict  upon  the 
recovered  holy  places,  and  refused  pilgrims  permission  to 
visit  the  sepulchre  of  Christ.  Jerusalem  was  no  longer,  in 
the  eyes  of  Cliristiaus,  the  holy  city  and  the  heritage  of  the 
Son  of  God;  when  the  emperor  made  his  public  entrance, 
the  faithful  preserved  a  sullen  and  melancholy  silence  as  he 
passed  along.  Accompanied  by  the  German  barons  and  the 
Teutonic  knights,  he  repaired  to  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  which  was  hung  with  mourning,  and  appeared  as 
if  guarded  by  the  angel  of  reprobation;  all  the  ecclesiastics 
had  deserted  the  sanctuary,  and  everything  wore  the  air  of 
abomination  and  desolation.  Frederick  himself  took  the 
crown,  and  placing  it  upon  his  head,  he  was  proclaimed  king 
of  Jerusalem  without  any  -eligious  ceremony;  the  images  of 
the  apostles  were  veiled  ;  nothing  was  seen  around  the  altars 
but  swords  and  lances ;  and  the  sacred  vaults  gave  bu^k  no 
sounds  but  the  noisy  acclamations  of  warriors. 

After  his  coronation,  Frederick  wrote  to  the  pope  and  to 
all  the  princes  of  the  West,  that  he  had  reconquered  Jeru- 
salem without  the  effusion  of  blood ;  in  his  account  he  en- 
deavoured to  enhance  the  splendour  and  merit  of  this  vic- 
torv,  which  must  fuliil  all  the  hopes  of  the  Christian  world. 
At  the  same  time,  tlie  patriarch  wrote  to  Gregorj^  and  all 
the  faithful  of  Christendom,  to  show  them  the  impiety  and 
the  disgrace  of  the  treaty  Frederick  had  just  concluded. 
When  he  heard  of  the  success  of  the  emperoi',  the  sovereign 
pontiff  deplored  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  as  he  would  have 


280  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

deplored  its  loss,  and  compared  the  new  king  of  Judaea  to 
those  impious  monarchs  whom  the  auger  of  God  placed  up  jH 
the  throne  of  David. 

Frederick  was  not  able  to  remain  long  in  the  holy  city, 
which  resounded  with  imprecations  against  him.  He  re- 
turned to  Ptolema'is,  where  he  found  only  revolted  subjects 
aud  Christians  scandalized  at  his  successes.  The  patriarch 
and  the  clergy  placed  an  interdict  upon  the  city  during  the 
time  the  emperor  should  remain  in  it ;  all  religious  worship 
"was  suspended ;  the  altars  were  deprived  oi'  their  ornaments, 
aud  the  crosses,  relics,  and  images  of  the  saints  were  cast 
upon  the  ground;  no  more  bells,  no  more  religious  hymns 
were  to  be  heard  ;  a  melancholy  silence  prevailed  in  the 
sanctuary,  where  mass  was  celebrated  in  a  low  voice,  and 
with  closed  doors.  The  dead  were  buried  in  the  fields, 
without  funeral  ceremonies  or  monumental  stones ;  every- 
thing, in  short,  denoted  a  season  of  great  calamities,  and  a 
dread  of  the  vengeance  of  Heaven :  it  was  thus  that  the 
liberator  of  Jerusalem  was  welcomed  at  Ptolema'is. 

It  was  Passion-week,  and  this  religious  period  gave  addi- 
tional influence  to  the  clergy  and  more  solemnity  to  the 
'  maledictions  of  the  Church.  Frederick  found  himself  obliged 
to  negotiate  for  peace  with  the  Christians,  as  he  had  done 
with  the  infidels,  aud  being  unable  to  regain  their  goodwill 
he  still  further  exasperated  them  by  his  violence.  He  caused 
the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  closed,  and  prohibited  the  bring- 
ing in  of  provisions  ;  he  planted  archers  and  arbalatiers  iu 
every  place  where  they  could  insult  the  Templars  and  pil- 
grims ;  and  by  his  orders,  mendicant  preaching  monks  were 
dragged  from  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  beaten  with  rods  in 
the  public  places  of  the  city. 

Hatred  and  vengeance  were  carried,  on  both  sides,  to  the 
greatest  excess.  It  was  impossible  for  the  emperor,  sur- 
rounded as  he  was  by  enenues,  to  remain  long  at  Ptolema'is, 
in  addition  to  whicli  motive,  he  daily  received  letters  from 
Europe  urging  his  return.  Two  fornndable  armies,  inider 
the  banners  of  the  Holy  See,  had  entered  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  pillaged  the  cities,  ravaged  the  country,  mutilated 
prisoners,  and  conunittcd  all  kinds  of  enormities.  These 
armies  were  under  the  command  of  John  of  Bi-ienne,  impac 
tieut  to  revenge  his  own  injui'it«,  and  two  Siciliau  counts, 


inSTOBT    OF    THE    CETJ8ADES.  281 

whom  the  emperor  of  Gerinauy  had  driven  from  the  kingdom 
of  Naples, 

Frederick  at  length  quitted  Palestine  and  returned  to  his 
o^Yn  dominions.  As  he  left  Ptolemais,  the  inhabitants 
chanted  hymns  of  deliverance  and  joy.  He  accused  the 
Templars  of  having  endeavoured  to  deliver  him  up  to  the 
Saracens ;  the  Templars,  on  their  part,  accused  him  of 
having  wished  to  surrender  all  the  Christian  cities  to  the 
sultan  of  Cairo :  these  accusations,  and  a  thousand  others, 
dictated  by  hatred,  ought  to  inspire  the  historian  with  great 
and  just  suspicions.  The  Christians  might  have  urged 
against  Frederick  a  much  more  reasonable  reproach ;  he  had 
taken  no  means  to  secure  his  conquest,  and  they  were  war- 
ranted in  believing  that  he  had  only  made  his  triumphal 
entry  into  Jerusalem  with  the  view  of  annoying  the  Holy 
See,  and  dating  a  reply  to  the  incidpations  of  Gregory  from 
tlie  holy  places :  having  attained  his  object,  he  had  deceived 
the  i'aithful,  by  inviting  them  to  a  city  that  he  was  disposed 
neither  to  defend  nor  fortify.  In  addition  to  this,  Frederick 
himself  felt  very  little  pride  in  the  advantages  of  which  he 
made  such  a  pompous  display  throughout  Europe ;  and  the 
crusade  in  which  he  had  taken  a  part  was  frequently  the 
object  of  his  pleasantries  and  sarcasms. 

On  his  return  to  Ital}',  he  found  a  much  more  serious  war 
than  that  he  had  carried  on  in  Asia.  The  pope  had  not  only 
levied  troops  to  ravage  his  states,  he  had  induced  the  Lom- 
bard republics  to  take  up  arms  against  him.  John  of 
Brienne,  deprived  of  his  title  of  king  of  Jerusalem,  deter- 
mined to  endeavour  to  be  acknowledged  emperor,  and  his 
pretensions  were  supported  by  all  that  was  then  held  most 
sacred,  tlie  authority  of  the  Church  and  the  right  of  victory. 
The  presence  of  Frederick  restored  coiu-age  to  his  subjects, 
wliose  fidelity  was  still  unshaken  ;  he  met  his  enemies  in 
several  engagements,  in  which  he  always  gained  the  advan- 
tage. The  army  of  John  of  Brienne  was  dispersed,  and  the 
pontifical  troops  quitted  all  tlie  cities  and  provinces  they  had 
conquered,  in  the  greatest  disorder. 

The  pope,  learning  that  fortune  had  deserted  his  banners, 
again  had  recourse  to  the  thunders  of  religion,  and  employed 
the  most  terrible  of  its  denunciations  against  Frederick.  He 
declared  that  all  were  excommunicated  who  should  hold  any 

Vol.  II.— 13 


282  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

kind  of  commerce  witli  the  emperor,  all  who  shouM  sit  at 
his  table,  be  present  at  his  coimcils,  celebrate  divme  service 
before  him,  or  offer  him  any  mark  of  attachment  or  respect. 
Frederick  was  terrified  at  this  sentence,  which  was  published 
with  great  solemnity  in  all  parts  of  Europe,  particularly  in 
his  own  dominions;  and  sent  ambassadors  to  the  pope,  who, 
in  spite  of  the  thunders  with  which  he  was  armed,  dreaded 
the  consequences  of  war,  and  showed  himself  disposed  to 
receive  the  submission  of  an  enemy  he  dreaded. 

After  a  negotiation  of  several  days,  a  treaty  was  made,  in 
which  the  conquered  pope  dictated  laws  to  his  conqueror, 
and  appeared,  whilst  receiving  peace,  to  accord  a  pardon. 
But  in  spite  of  this  treaty  of  peace,  the  effects  of  discord 
still  subsisted,  and  were  felt  even  in  the  East,  where  debates, 
raised  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  had  divided  men's  minds, 
and  depressed  the  general  courage  ;  and  where  the  Christian 
states,  for  which  Europe  had  taken  up  arms,  remained 
without  support  and  without  defence.  As  Frederick  had 
abandoned  Jerusalem  without  fortifj'ing  it,*  the  Christians 
were  in  constant  dread  of  the  invasion  of  the  Mussulman 
peasants,  whom  the  hopes  of  pillage  attracted  from  the 
mountains  of  Naplouse.  The  great  bell  of  the  chui'ch  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre  often  gave  warning  of  the  approach  of 
an  enemy  eager  for  carnage ;  and  most  of  the  inhabitants 
retired  with  their  terrified  families,  some  to  the  fortress  of 
St.  David,  which  was  still  standing  among  the  ruins,  and 
otliers  into  desert  places. 

The  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  the  prelates,  barons,  and 
people  of  Palestine,  who  had  no  longer  either  a  leader  or  a 
king,  in  vain  implored  the  assistance  of  the  warriors  and 
princes  of  the  West :  prayers  and  complaints  so  frequently 
repeated,  had  no  power  to  awaken  in  the  hearts  of  the  faith- 
ful either  the  sentiments  of  pity  or  the  enthusiasm  which 
liad  so  often  caused  them  to  take  up  arms  and  the  cross. 
They  could  have  no  faith  in  perils  that  followed  so  closely 

*  Un  poi  apres  que  I'emperor  se  fust  parti  de  la  terre  de  Jerusalem, 
s'assemblerent  villains  de  la  terre  as  Sarrasins,  et  allerent  a  Jerusalem 
une  matinee,  pour  occir  les  Chretiens  qui  dedans  estoient. —  Cont.  de  Giiill. 
de  Tyr.  The  same  author  adds  that  the  Christian  knijchts  then  at  Ptole- 
iiia'is  came  to  the  assistance  of  Jerusalem,  md  that  they  killed  a  great 
number  of  the  Mussulmans. 


HISTORY    OF  THE    CEUSADES.  283 

upon  victory ;  and  they  despaired  of  ever  being  able  to 
assure  the  deliverance  of  a  country  which  required  to  be 
delivered  so  often. 

The  pope,  however,  had  not  abandoned  the  project  of  the 
crusade,  and  stUl  entertained  the  hope  of  reviving  the 
ardour  and  zeal  of  the  Christian  wai-riors  by  his  exjortations. 
He  convoked  an  assembly  at  Spoleto,  at  which  Frederick, 
with  the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- 
salem assisted.  It  was  resolved  in  this  assembly,  to  renew 
the  war  in  Palestine,  notwithstanding  the  truce  concluded 
with  the  sultan  of  Cairo. 

Gregory  was  impatient  to  accomplish  his  designs,  and 
proclaim  the  laws  of  the  Church  in  the  rich  countries  of  the 
East ;  and,  to  employ  the  time  till  warriors  could  be  gathered 
together,  he  sent  several  missionaries  across  the  sea,  armed 
with  the  sword  and  the  word,  to  endeavour  to  convert  the 
infidels  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  The  sovereign  pontifl"  was  so 
persuaded  of  the  success  of  this  pacific  crusade,  that  he 
wrote  to  the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  the  sultan  of  Damascus, 
and  the  principal  Mussulman  chiefs,  to  exhort  them  to  em- 
brace Cluistianity.*  History  does  not  say  what  the  fate 
was  of  these  mendicant  ].reachers  in  the  East ;  but  the 
caliph  of  Bagdad  and  the  Mussulman  princes  did  not  cease 
to  be  inveterate  enemies  to  the  Christians.  Gregory  IX. 
was  better  inspired  and  more  fortunate  when  he  sent  sacred 
orators  into  several  of  the  provinces  of  the  West,  to  appease 
the  troubles  and  civil  wars  that  were  so  injurious  to  the  cause 
of  religion,  and  diverted  the  minds  of  the  people  from  the 
great  enterprise  of  the  holy  wars. 

The  disciples  of  St.  Dominiek  and  St.  Erancis  of  Assisi, 
charged  with  a  mission  worthy  of  the  Gospel,  pervaded  cities 
and  countries,  preaching  peace  and  concord.  Among  the 
preachers  thus  sent  to  pacify  states,  Brother  John  of  Yicentia 
made  himself  conspicuous  by  the  :-iiracles  effected  by  his 
eloquence.t  In  all  the  countries  he  visited,  the  nobles,  the 
peasants,  the  citizens,  and  the  warriors  flocked  to  listen  to 

*  The  letters  addressed  by  the  pope  to  the  Mussulman  princes  may  be 
found  in  the  continuator  of  Baronius. 

t  For  the  preachings  of  John  of  Vicentia  consult  L' T/istoirt  Eccl4- 
yiastiqve,  of  Fleury,  vol.  xvii.,  and  L' Hisloire  des  Republiques  (TJialie, 
oy  ijisiiiondi. 


284  HISTORY    OF    THE    UKUSADES. 

him,  and  swore  to.  pardon  all  injuines  and  terminate  all 
quarrels.  After  having  -^e-established  peace  in  several  citie? 
troubled  by  the  spirit  cf  jealousy,  and  animated  by  the 
stormy  passions  of  luidefincd,  ill-understood  liberty,  he  an- 
nounced that  he  should  preach  in  the  plain  of  Peschiera,  :•:: 
the  banks  of  the  Adige.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh- 
bouring cities,  headed  by  their  clergy  and  their  magistrates, 
repaired  to  the  place  appointed,  to  listen  to  the  Angel  of 
Concord*  and  the  orator  of  public  peace.  In  the  presence  of 
more  than  four  hundred  thousand  auditois.  Brother  John 
mounted  a  pulpit  elevated  in  the  centre  of  the  plain  of 
Peschiera;  a  profound  silence  prevailed  throughout  the 
assembly ;  every  eye  was  fixed  upon  the  holy  preacher  ;  hia 
words  seemed  to  descend  from  heaven.  He  took  for  his 
text  these  words  of  the  Scripture  :  "  I  give  you  my  peace,  I 
leave  you  my  peace."  Alter  having  drawn  a  frightful  pic- 
ture of  the  evils  of  war  and  the  effects  of  discord,  he  ordered 
the  Lombard  cities  to  renounce  their  enmities,  and  dictated 
to  them,  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  a  treaty  of  universal 
pacification.  At  no  period  had  the  middle  ages  presented 
a  more  sublime  and  touching  spectacle  ;  the  historian  of  that 
time,  who  has  nothing  but  troubles  and  wai's  to  describe, 
ought  to  be  delighted  at  an  opportunity  to  tell  of  such  an 
imposing  and  solemn  scene,  wherein  religion  recalled  assem- 
bled nations  to  a  sense  of  all  that  lier  maxims  contain  that 
is  most  consoling  and  salutary.  The  discourse  of  Brother 
John  filled  his  auditory  with  a  holy  love  of  peace,  and  the 
cities  then  at  war  swore,  before  him,  to  forget  for  ever  the 
subjects  of  their  long  divisions  and  eternal  rivalries. 

These  evangelical  discourses  restored  to  Italy  a  few  days 
of  peace,  and  gav^e  the  Holy  See  an  opportunity  of  preaching 
a  new  crusade  with  success.  Gregory  addressed  pastoral 
instructions  to  all  the  bishops  and  prelates  of  Christendom. 
In  his  letters  to  the  French  bishops,  he  applied  these  words 
of  Christ  to  tlie  holy  war :  "  If  any  one  would  come  with 
me,  let  him  renounce  himself,  lot  him  take  up  my  cross  and 
follow  me."  The  sovereign  pontiff  decUu-ed  all  who  wordd 
not  employ  their  utmost  efibrts  to  conquer  the  heritage  of 

*  This  was  then  a  common  epithet.  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  was  called 
the  Angel  of  the  School. — Trans. 


HISTORY   OF   THE    CRUSADES.  285 

Christ,  guilty  of  treason.  The  circulars  of  the  pope  ordered 
all  the  faithfiJ,  of  both  sexes,  to  pay  a  denier  per  week 
towards  the  expenses  of  the  crusade.  The  head  of  the 
Church  compared  these  alms  to  those  Avhich  St.  Paul 
solicited  for  the  poor  of  Jerusalem,  and  did  not  fear  to 
assert,  beforehand,  that  they  would  suffice  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  arm  J'  of  Crusaders  for  ten  years. 

The  preaching  of  this  crusade  was  confided  to  the  frater- 
nities of  St.  Dominick  and  St.  Francis,  whicli  had,  in  Asia, 
missionaries  for  the  conversion  of  infidels,  and  in  the  AV'est, 
preachers  to  re-establish  peace  among  Christians  ;  the  new 
apostles  of  the  holy  war  received  from  the  pope  tlie  power, 
not  only  to  give  the  cross,  but  to  commute  tlie  vow  of  pil- 
grimage to  a  pecuniary  alms,  a  practice  that  had  never  been 
seen  since  the  beginning  of  the  crusades  ;  they  had  likewise 
the  faculty  of  granting  indulgences  for  several  days  to  all 
who  came  to  listen  to  their  sermons.  According  to  the  spirit 
of  their  institutions,  the  disciples  of  St  Francis  and  St. 
Dominick  lived  amidst  austerities  and  penance  ;  they  de- 
voted themselves  to  poverty,  and  were  bound  to  furnish  a 
constant  example  of  Christian  humility ;  but,  in  this  in- 
stance, the  pope  desired  they  shovild  be  received  into  monas- 
teries and  cities  with  pomp  and  ceremony ;  and  that  the 
clergy  should  come  out  to  meet  them,  with  the  banners  and 
most  splendid  ornaments  of  their  churches.  Whether  this 
magnificence  changed  the  simplicity  of  their  manners,  or 
that  the  people  did  not  like  to  behold  men  whom  they  had 
lately  seen  devoted  to  evangelical  poverty,  treated  with 
ceremonial  pomp,  the  preachers  of  the  crusade  inspired  their 
auditors  with  neither  esteem  nor  respect,  and  the  crowd 
diminished  every  day.  As  they  received  abundant  alms,  of 
which  no  one  could  see  the  employment,  neither  the 
solemnity  of  their  mission  nor  the  sanctity  of  their  charac- 
ters could  screen  them  from  the  suspicions  and  accusations 
of  the  multitude :  the  murmurs  and  complaints  which  arose 
on  all  sides,  at  length  weakened  the  authority  of  their  words, 
and  assisted  in  cooling  the  zeal  and  devotion  of  the  Chris- 
tians for  the  holy  war. 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  which  Christian  eloquence 
could  not  revive,  stood  in  need  of  the  example  of  the  most 
illustrious  princes  and  warriors.    France  was  then  at  peace ; 


286  HISTOBY   OF   THE    CEUSADES. 

the  war  against  the  Albigeois  was  drawing  towarda  its  end : 
3iost  of  the  kuights  and  barons,  reared  air  idst  battles,  could 
not  endure  rest,  and  sighed  for  an  opportunity  of  signalizing 
their  warlike  temperament.  They  took  the  oath  to  go  into 
Asia  and  figlit  against  the  Saracens. 

Thibault  v.,  count  of  Champagne,  and  king  of  Navarre, 
son  of  Thibault,  who  died  before  the  fifth  crusade,  under- 
took to  discharge  the  vow  his  father  had  made  to  the  Chnrch 
and  to  Christ.  The  king  of  jS^avarre  was  celebrated  among 
kuiglits  and  among  troubadours  ;  his  muse,  which  had  sung 
profane  loves,  now  gave  voice  to  the  complaints  of  Jerusalem, 
and  awakened,  by  Christian  songs,  the  ardom*  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  cross.  "  Learn,"  said  he,  "  that  heaven  is  closed  to 
all  those  who  will  not  cross  the  seas  to  visit  and  defend  the 
tomb  of  God.  Tes,  ail  the  brave,  all  who  love  God  and 
glory,  will  not  hesitate  to  take  up  the  cross  and  arms. 
Those  Avlio  prefer  repose  to  honour,  those  who  dread  perils, 
will  remain  alone  in  their  homes.  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  day 
of  judgment,  will  say  to  the  one  party  :  '  You,  who  helped 
me  to  bear  my  cross,  go  to  the  place  in  which  dwell  the 
angels  and  my  mother  Mary ;'  he  will  say  to  the  others : 
'  You,  wh.o  have  not  succoured  me,  descend  to  the  abode  of 
the  wicked.'  "*  The  example  and  the  exhortations  ol 
Thibault  attracted  princes,  barons,  and  knights  from  all  the 
provinces  of  Prance. 

Pierre  de  Dreux,  duke  of  Brittany,  whom  the  clergy  sur- 
named  Mauclerc,  because,  in  his  youth,  he  had  abandoned 
the  ecclesiastical  state,  wished  to  expiate  his  numerous 
felonies,  his  unjust  wars,  his  tyranny  towards  his  subjects, 
his  perfidies  towards  his  allies,  by  the  holy  pilgi'image. 
Hugh  IV.,.  duke  of  Burgundy,  the  counts  of  Bar,  Eerez, 
Macon,  Joigny,  Sancoure,  and  JS^evers  ;  Simon  de  Montfort, 
Andrew  de  Vitri,  Amaury  fils,  Geoffrey  d'Anceues,  and 
a  crowd  of  barons  and  knights  took  the  cross,  and  engaged 
to  follow  the  duke  of  Brittany  and  the  king  of  Navarre  into 
Palestine. 

As  the  preaching  of  the  crusade  had  been  accompanied 
by  several  abuses  that  might  prove  injurious  to  the  success 

*  This  ])oetical  exhortation,  addressed  to  all  knights,  may  be  found 
printed  uraong  the  poetry  of  Thibault. 


HISTOKT    OE    THE    CRUSADES.  287 

of  the  holy  expedition,  a  council  assembled  at  Tours,  em- 
ployed itself  in  remedying  and  stopping  the  evil  at  its 
source.  We  have  seen,  on  preceding  occasions,  that 
preachers  of  the  crusades,  by  receiving  criminals  under  the 
banners  of  the  cross,  had  scandalized  Christian  knights  ; 
and  crusades,  as  was  seen  in  the  twelfth  century,  were  not 
considered  as  a  means  of  salvation  for  the  faithful,  and  as  the 
way  of  the  Lord,  in  which  all  the  world  might  enter.  Great 
criminals  no  longer  found  a  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  pious 
defenders  of  Christ.  The  council  of  Tours  decided  that 
Crusaders,  arrested  by  justice,  should  be  transferred  to  the 
hands  of  an  ecclesiastical  judge,  who  would  pay  no  respect 
to  their  privileges,  and  should  even  take  the  cross  from 
them,  if  he  found  them  guilty  of  homicide  or  any  other 
gi-eat  crime  committed  against  divine  and  human  laws. 

As  in  other  crusades,  the  people  were  led  into  violent 
excesses  against  the  Jews,  whom  they  accused  of  having 
immolated  the  God  for  whom  they  were  going  to  fight,  ancl 
who  retained  immense  treasures  in  their  hands,  whilst  tlie 
Crusaders  were  obliged  to  pledge  their  property  to  perform 
the  voyage  to  Palestine.  In  order  to  stop  the  course  of 
these  popular  \dolences,  the  council  forbade  any  ill-treatment 
of  the  Jews,  either  by  plundering  them  of  their  wealth  or 
by  doing  them  personal  injury,  under  pain  of  heavy  eccle- 
siastical censures. 

Another  abuse,  not  less  prejudicial  to  the  Crusaders  than 
all  the  others,  had  been  likewise  observed.  The  preachers 
of  the  holy  wars  and  many  other  theologians  had  permitted 
Crusaders  to  buy  off  tlieir  vow  by  paying  a  sum  of  money 
eqiial  to  that  which  they  would  have  expended  in  their  j)!!- 
grimage  :*  this  abuse  caused  great  scandal  among  the  faith- 
fid,  but  the  Holy  See,  which  derived  considerable  sums  from 
it,  paid  no  attention  to  the  complaints  made  on  account  of 
it  in  England  and  many  other  states  of  Europe. 

The  Crusaders  were  preparing  for  their  departiu"e,  when, 
all  at  once,  a  fresh  cry  of  alarm  resounded  through  the 
West.  The  empire  of  the  Latins,  at  Constantinople,  was 
reduced  to  the  lowest  extremity.  After  the  reigns  of  Bald- 
win of  Flanders  and  his  son  Henry,  the  family  of  Courtenay, 

*  Matthew  Paris  speaks  warmly  against  this  abuse,  which  created  much 
aaurmuriiig  in  England. 


288  HISTORY   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

called  to  the  throne,  derived  nothing  from  their  exaltation 
but  the  griefs  and  reverses  inseparable  from  the  government 
of  an  empire  which  is  hastening  to  decay.  Peter  of  Coui'tenay, 
coimt  of  Auxerre,  when  on  his  way  to  take  possession  of  the 
throne  of  Baldwin,  was  surprised  and  massacred  in  Mace- 
donia, by  the  orders  of  Theodore  Comnenus,  prince  of 
Epirus.  A  short  time  afterwards,  the  empress,  who  had 
arrived  at  Constantinople  by  sea,  died  of  grief,  on  learning 
the  tragical  end  of  her  husband.  Robert  of  Courtenay, 
second  son  of  Peter,  only  ascended  the  throne  to  experience 
tlie  rapid  decline  of  the  empire ;  conquered  in  a  great  bat- 
tle by  Vataces,  the  successor  of  Lascaris,  he  lost  all  the  pro- 
vinces situated  beyond  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Hellespont ; 
whilst,  on  the  other  side,  the  prince  of  Epirus  took  posses- 
sion of  Thessaly  and  a  great  part  of  Thrace.  Constantinople, 
threatened  by  formidable  enemies,  beheld  from  its  towers 
the  standards  of  the  Greeks  of  Nice  and  of  the  barbarians 
of  Mount  Hemus,  floating  near  its  walls  and  insulting  its 
majesty.  Amidst  these  various  disasters,  Robert  died,  leav- 
ing, as  his  only  successor,  his  brotlier  Baldwin,  still  in  his 
cliildhood.  Jolm  of  Brienne,  whom  fortune  had  made,  for 
a  short  period,  king  of  Jerusalem,  was  called  to  the  totter- 
ing throne  of  Constantinople,  at  the  moment  that  the 
Greeks  and  Bulgarians,  animated  by  the  ardour  of  pillage, 
were  at  the  gates  of  the  capital.  Their  fleets  penetrated  to 
the  port,  their  niunerous  battalions  were  preparing  to  scale 
the  ramparts ;  but  the  new  emperor  fought  several  battles 
with  them,  obtained  possession  of  their  ships,  and  dispersed 
their  armies.  The  miraculous  victories  of  John  of  Brienne 
added  greatly  to  his  renown,  but  only  served  to  diminish  liis 
forces  :  after  having  defeated  his  enemies,  he  found  himself 
without  an  army ;  and  whilst  the  poets  were  comparijig  him 
t*)  Hector,  Roland,  and  Judas  MachabaBus,*  he  was  obliged 

*N'aie,  Ector,  Roll',  ne  Ogiers, 
Ne  Judas  Maaliebeus  li  fiers 
Tant  lie  fit  d'armes  en  estors 
Com  fist  li  Rois  Jehans  eel  jors 
Et  il  defors  et  11  dedans 
La  paru  sa  force  et  sea  sens 
Et  li  hardement  qu'il  avoit. 

Philip  Mouikei,  1274. 


niSTOIlY    0¥    THE    CRUSADES.  *89 

to  wait  in  liis  capital  for  succours  that  had  been  promised 
him,  and  which  never  arrived.  More  than  eighty  years  of 
age,  he  terminated  his  active  career  in  contesting  witii  tlie 
barbarians  the  remains  of  a  power  which  had  been  founded 
by  arms,  and  the  miserable  wreck  of  which  could  only  be 
preserved  by  prodigies  of  valour. 

The  ruins  which  surrounded  him  in  his  last  momenta 
must  have  made  him  sensible  of  the  nothingness  of  human 
grandeur,  and  produced  sentiments  of  Christian  humili^v. 
He  had  passed  the  early  days  of  his  life  amidst  tlie  auste- 
rities of  the  cloister.  On  his  deathbed  he  laid  r.ride  tlie 
imperial  purple,  and  was  desirous  of  breathir:-,  his  h.<t  sigli 
in  the  habit  of  a  Cordelier.  A  simple  French  kuij^'ht.  seated 
for  some  few  days  upon  two  thrones,  both  ready  to  pass 
away,  son-in-law  of  two  kings,*  father-in-law  of  two  empe- 
rors, John  of  Brienne  only  left,  when  dying,  the  remem- 
brance of  his  extraordinary  exploits,  and  the  example  of  a 
wonderful  destiny.  Young  Baldwin,  who  had  married  his 
daughter,  and  who  was  to  have  succeeded  him,  was  unable 
to  obtain  his  inheritance ;  and  departing  as  a  fugitive  from 
his  capital,  he  wandered  through  Europe  as  a  suppliant, 
braving  and  enduring  the  contempt  of  princes  and  nations. 
Spectacle  worthy  of  pity !  the  successor  of  the  Caesars, 
clothed  in  the  purple,  was  beheld  imploring  the  charity  of 
the  fiiithful,  begging  for  the  assistance  granted  to  the  lowest 
indigence,  and  frequently  not  obtaining  that  for  which  he 
sued. 

Whilst  the  em])eror  of  the  East  was  thus  travelling 
through  Italy,  France,  and  England,  Constantinople  was 
left  without  an  army,  and  sacrificed  for  the  defence  of  the 
state,  even  to  its  relics,  the  objects  of  the  veneration  of  the 
people,  and  the  last  treasures  of  the  empire.  The  sovereign 
pontiff  was  touched  with  the  misery  and  degradation  of 
Baldwin,  and,  at  the  same  time,  coidd  not  hear  without  pity 
the  complaints  of  the  Latin  church  of  Byzantiuni :  lie  pub- 
lished a  new  crusade  for  the  defence  of  the  empire  of  the 
East. 

The  Crusaders,  who  were  about  to  set  out  for  the  Holy 
Land,  were  invited  to  lend  their  assistance  to  their  brethren 

*  John  of  Brienne  married,  as  his  second  wilV,  a  daughter  of  the  king 
of  Arragon. 

13* 


290  HISTOEY   Of"   THE    CRUSADES. 

j±  Constantinople  ;  but  the  prayers  and  exhortations  of  the 
Holy  See  produced  but  very  feeble  effects ;  opinions  were 
divided ;  some  wished  to  defend  the  empire  of  the  Latins, 
others,  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem. 

The  French  princes  and  nobles,  however,  persisted  in 
their  resolution  of  going  to  fight  against  the  Saracens  in 
j^sia  The  barons  and  knights  eitlier  pawned  or  sold  their 
'9-ids  to  purchase  horses  and  arms,  quitted  their  donjons 
and  their  castles,  and  tore  themselves  from  the  embraces  of 
their  wives.  Thibault,  their  leader  and  interpreter,  bade 
adieu  to  France  in  verses  which  are  stiU  extant,  and  which 
express,  at  t^t  same  time,  the  devotion  of  a  Christian  and 
the  spirit  of  chivalry.  His  muse,  at  once  pious  and  profane, 
deplores  the  torments  of  love,  the  griefs  of  absence,  and 
celebrates  the  glory  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ ;  to  console 
himself  for  having  left  the  lady  of  hi.'^  thoughts,  the  king  of 
Navarre  invokes  the  Virgin  Mary,  tJw  lady  of  the  heavens, 
and  finishes  his  complaints,  by  this  vers?,  which  so  admir- 
ably paints  the  mnvmers  of  the  time : 

Quani?  flame  perds,  Dame  me  soit  aidnot.* 

Other  troubadours,  after  the  example  of  the  king  of 
Navarre,  sang  the  doparture  of  the  pilgrims  ;  they  promised, 
in  their  verses,  the  indulgences  of  the  crusade  to  the  war- 
riors that  woidd  set  out  tor  Syria,  advising  the  dames  and 
demoiselles  not  to  listen  to  those  that  should  be  left  in 
Europe ;  for,  said  they,  th-^re  will  remain  none  but  cowards : 
all  the  brave  are  going  to  peek  glory  in  the  battles  of  the 
East.  Whilst  France  v>'as  repeating  the  songs  of  the  trou- 
badours, and  prayers  were  offered  up  to  Heaven  in  the 
churches  for  the  success  of  ^.he  expeditions,  the  Crusaders 
from  all  the  provinces  of  the  kmgdcm  commenced  their 
march,  directing  their  course  towards  the  port  of  Marecilles, 
where  vessels  waited,  to  transport  them  into  j^sia;  all  were 
animated  by  the  most  ardent  zeal  for  the  dcliverau<;p  ')f  the 
holy  places  ;  but  the  pope,  at  whose  voice  they  bad  taken 
up  arms,  no  longer  applauded  their  enthusiasm.  (rree'orY, 
who  had  made  himself  a  great  many  formidable  enemies  in  ti^<? 

*  "  My  lady  lost,  holy  lady  be  my  aid,'"—  I'RAi't. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  2'Jl 

West,  appeared  to  have  forgotten  a  war  he  had  so  warmly 
promoted,  and  was  entirely  engrossed  by  his  own  dangers. 

Most  of  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  were  assembled  at 
Lyons  to  deliberate  upon  the  best  means  of  carrying  on  tiieir 
enterprise,  when  they  received  a  nuncio  from  the  sovereign 
pontiff,  who  commanded  them  to  return  to  their  homes. 
This  unexpected  order  from  Gregory  IX.  gave  great  offence 
to  the  princes  and  barons,  who  told  tlie  envoy  of  the  court 
of  Home,  that  the  pope  might  change  his  policy,  and  disap- 
prove of  that  which  he  himself  had  set  on  foot ;  but  that  the 
defenders  of  the  cross,  they  who  had  devoted  themselves  to 
the  service  of  Christ,  would  remain  steadfast  in  their  inten- 
tions. "  We  have  made,"  added  they,  "  all  oiu'  preparations  ; 
we  have  pledged  or  sold  our  lands,  our  houses,  and  our  goods  ; 
we  have  quitted  our  friends  and  our  families,  giving  out  our 
departure  for  Palestine :  religion  and  honour  forbid  us  to 
retrace  our  steps."* 

As  the  pope's  nuncio  wished  to  speak  and  \iphold  the 
authority  of  the  Church,  and  as  he  accused  the  barons  of 
betraying  tlie  cause  they  were  going  to  defend,  the  Chris- 
tian warriors  coidd  not  restrain  their  indignation ;  the 
soldiers  and  leaders  were  so  exasperated,  that  they  even 
ill-treated  the  ambassador  of  the  pontiff;  and,  but  for  the 
intercession  and  prayers  of  the  prelates  and  bishops,  would 
have  immolated  him  to  their  anger. 

Scarcely  had  the  Crusaders  dismissed  the  pope's  nuncio 
with  contempt,  than  deputies  arrived  from  the  emperor  of 
Germany,  equally  supplicating  them  to  suspend  their  marcli, 
and  wait  till  he  had  collected  his  troops,  in  order  to  place 
himself  at  their  head.  The  knights  and  barons,  animated 
by  a  sincere  zeal  for  the  objects  of  their  expedition,  could 
not  comprehend  the  meaning  of  the  delays  thus  attempted 
to  be  thrown  in  the  way  of  it,  and  sighed  over  the  blindness 
of  the  powers  that  v\  ished  to  turn  them  aside  from  tlie  nnid 
to  salvation.  The  king  of  Navarre,  tlie  dukes  of  Brittany 
and  Burgundy,  with  most  of  the  nobles  that  had  taken  tlie 
cross,  persisted  in  the  design  of  accomplishing  their  vow, 
and  embarked  for  Syria  at  the  port  of  JMarseilles. 

•  See  Raynold,  Matthew  Paris,  Alberic,  Richard  of  St.  Germain,  aad 
the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Fleury,  regarding  this  circun  stance. 


292  HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

A  iiew  misunderstanding  had  broken  out  between  the 
po]>e  and  I'Vederick,  who  were  disputing  tlu;  sovereignty  of 
Sardinia  ;  all  the  passions  were  soon  engaged  in  this  quarrel, 
and  ariued  themselves,  by  turns,  with  the  vengeance  of 
Heaven  and  the  ftu-ies  of  war.  Gregory,  after  having  ex- 
communicated Frederick  afresh,  was  deter minou  i.:)  atta^'k 
his  reputation,  and  degrade  him  in  the  opinion  of  his  con- 
temporaries. Monitories  and  briefs  from  the  pope  were 
read  in  all  the  churches  of  Europe,  in  which  the  emperor 
was  represented  as  an  impious  man,  an  accomplice  of  heretics 
and  Saracens,  an  oppressor  of  religion  and  humanity. 
Frederick  replied  to  the  accusations  of  the  sovereign  pontiff 
by  the  most  violent  iuvectiv^es  ;  he  addressed  himself  to  the 
Eomans,  to  excite  them  against  the  Holy  See,  and  called 
upon  all  the  princes  of  Europe  to  defend  his  cause  as  their 
own.*  ''  Kings  and  princes  of  the  earth,"  said  he,  "  look 
upon  tlu!  injury  done  to  us  as  yoiir  own,  hi-ing  water  to  cx- 
tinr/iiish  tliejire  that  has  been  kindled  in  our  neighbourhood  ; 
•A  similar  danger  threatens  you."  The  irritated  pope  hurled 
all  the  tlninders  of  the  Church  against  his  adversary  ;  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  preach  a  crusade  against  the  emperor, 
saying,  "There  was  more  merit  in  combating  a  prince  who 
was  rebellious  to  the  successors  of  St.  Peter,  than  in  de- 
livering .lerusalem."  Throughout  this  scandalous  contest, 
the  Church  was  allowed  to  possess  nothing  that  was  sacred, 
the  autlujrity  of  princes  nothing  that  was  legitimate  ;  on 
one  side,  the  sovereign  pontiff  considered  all  who  remained 
f^iithful  subjects  to  the  euiperor  as  the  ministers  and  accom- 
plices of  the  demon ;  on  the  other,  the  emperor  would  not 
acknowledge  tlie  pope  as  the  vicar  of  Christ.  At  last, 
Gregory  promised  the  imperial  crown  to  any  ChristiaTi 
prince  who  would  take  up  arms  against  the  emperor,  and 
drag  him  from  his  throne  :  Louis  IX.,  more  wise  than  the 
Clnirch  itself,  refused  the  empire  which  was  offered  to  him 
for  his  brotlier  Robert,  and  employed  earnest  but  vain  eii- 
deavoui's  to  restore  peace  to  Europe,  disturbed  by  the  pre- 
tensions and  menaces  of  the  pope. 

They  soon  came  to  hostilities  ;  and  Frederick,  after  having 

*  Upon  the  quarrels  of  the  |)ope  and  the  emperor,  L'Tlalia  Sacra, 
torn,  viii.,  Richard  de  St.  Germain,  and  particularly  Matthew  Paris,  wtio 
reports  the  letters  of  Frederick,  may  be  consulted. 


niSTOET    OF    THE    CBUSADES.  293 

gained  a  great  victory  over  the  Milanese,  and  carried  terror 
amongst  all  the  republics  of  Lombardy,  marched  towards 
Eome  at  the  head  of  an  army.  Gregory,  who  had  no  troops 
at  all,  went  through  tlie  streets  of  his  capital  at  the  head  of 
a  procession ;  he  exhibited  to  the  Eoraans  the  relics  of  tiift 
apostles,  and,  melting  into  tears,  told  them  he  had  no  means 
of  defending  this  sacred  deposit  witliout  their  assistance, 
The  nobility  and  people,  touched  by  the  prayers  of  the  pope, 
swore  to  die  in  defence  of  the  Holy  See.  They  set  about 
preparations  for  war,  they  fortified  the  city  with  the  greatest 
expedition  ;  and  when  the  emperor  drew  near  to  the  gates, 
he  saw  those  same  Ilomans,  who,  a  short  time  before,  had 
embraced  his  cause  against  the  pope,  drawn  up  in  battle- 
array  on  the  ramparts,  determined  to  die  in  the  cause  of  tlie 
head  of  the  Church.  Frederick  besieged  the  city,  witliout 
being  able  to  get  possession  of  it ;  in  his  anger,  he  accused 
the  Romans  of  perfidy,  and  revenged  himself  by  exercising 
horrible  cruelties  on  liis  prisoners.  The  hatred  enkindled 
betw'een  the  pope  and  the  emperor  soon  passed  into  tlie 
minds  of  the  people,  and  the  furies  of  ciWl  war  devastated 
the  whole  of  Italy. 

Amidst  such  general  disorder  and  agitation,  the  cries  and 
prayers  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine  were  scarcely  audible. 
At  the  expiration  of  the  truce  concluded  witli  Frederick, 
the  sultan  of  Damascus  re-entered  Jerusalem,  and  destroyed 
the  tower  of  David  and  the  weak  ramparts  erected  by  the 
Christians  :  this  conquest,  which  revived  the  courage  of  the 
Mussulmans,  necessarily  produced  more  than  proportionate 
--despair  among  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land. 
Instead  of  receiving  within  its  walls  the  innumerable  armies 
that  fame  had  announced,  Ptolemais  only  had  to  welcome 
the  arrival  of  a  few  unarmed  pilgrims,  who  had  nothing  to 
relate  but  the  deplorable  quarrels  of  Christian  nionarchs" 
and  princes.  Most  of  the  communications  with  the  East 
were  closed  ;  all  the  maritime  powers  of  It-aly  were  contend- 
ing for  the  empire  of  the  sea  ;  sometimes  in  league  with  the 
sovereign  pontiff,  sometimes  with  the  emperor.  Several  of 
the  Crusaders  who  had  sworn  to  go  to  Conc:.tantiiiople  or 
Ptolemais,  took  part  in  the  crusade  that  had  been  preached 
against  Frederick ;  others  resolved  to  proceed  to  Syria  by 
land,  and  almost  all  perished  in  the  mountauis  and  desertg 


29i  HISrOUY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

of  Asia  Minor  ;  the  French  lords  and  princes,  who,  in  spite 
of  the  orders  of  tlie  pope,  set  out  for  Asia  from  the  porta 
of  Provence,  were  able  to  bring  with  them  into  Palestine 
but  a  very  small  number  of  warriors. 

At  the  period  of  the  arrival  of  these  Crusaders,  the  East 
was  not  less  troubled  than  the  West.  Melik-Kamel,  the 
sultan  of  Cairo,  had  recently  died,  and  his  death  became  the 
sij^nal  for  many  sanguinary  wars  among  the  princes  of  his 
family,  who  disputed  by  turns  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  and 
the  principalities  of  Damascus,  Aleppo,  and  Hamah.  Amidst 
these  divisions,  the  emirs  and  the  Mamelukes,  whose  dan- 
gerous support  was  constantly  sought  for,  were  accustomed 
to  dispose  of  power,  and  proved  themselves  more  formidable 
to  their  sovereigns  tlian  to  the  enemies  of  Islamism. 
Supreme  authority  seemed  to  be  the  reward  of  victory  or  of 
skill  in  treachery  ;  the  Mussulman  thrones  were  environed 
by  so  many  perils,  that  a  sidtan  of  Damascus  was  seen 
abandoning  his  sceptre,  and  seeking  retirement,  saying, 
"  a  hawk  and  a  hound  afforded  him  more  pleasure  than 
empire."  The  princes,  divided  among  themselves,  called 
for  the  succour  of  the  Carismians  and  other  barbarous 
nations,  who  burnt  their  cities,  pillaged  their  provinces,  com- 
pleted the  destruction  of  the  powers  they  came  to  defend, 
and  perfected  all  the  evils  that  were  born  of  discord. 

The  Crusaders  might  have  taken  advantage  of  all  these 
trou^:'^s^,  but  they  never  united  their  forces  against  the 
enemy  thi-y  had  sworn  to  contend  with ;  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem  had  no  government  capable  of  directing  the  forces 
of  the  cru'.ade  ;  the  crowd  of  pilgrims  had  no  tie,  no  common 
point  of  interest  which  could  hold  them  together  for  any 
iengtii  of  time  under  the  same  standards  :  scattered  troops 
of  soldiers  were  to  ))e  seen,  but  there  was  nowhere  an  army  ; 
each  of  the  leaders  vA  princes  followed  a  plan  of  his  own, 
declared  war  or  jTO^'laiined  peace  in  his  own  name,  and 
appeared  to  fight  cr.tiroly  for  his    wn  ambition  or  renowTi. 

The  duke  of  jjr't;t;iny,  followed  by  his  knights,  made  an 
incursion  into  the  lands  of  Damascus,  and  returned  to 
Ptolema'is  with  a  rich  booty ;  the  other  Crusaders,  jealous 
of  the  succeso  >f  this  expedition,  were  desirous  of  distin- 
guisliing  themselves  by  exploits,  and  formed  the  project  of 
attacking  the  city  of  Gaza.       As  the/    marched   without 


HISTOKT    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  293 

order  or  precaution,  they  were  surprised  and  cut  to  pieces 
by  the  Saracens.  The  duke  of  Burgundy,  wlio  was  at  the 
head  of  this  expedition,  escaped  the  pursuit  of  the  con- 
querors almost  alone,  and  came  back  to  Ptolemais,  to  de- 
plore the  loss  of  his  knights  and  barons,  wlio  had  all  mot 
with  slavery  or  death  on  the  field  of  battle.  This  reverse, 
instead  of  uniting  the  Christians  more  closely,  oidy  increased 
their  discords  ;  in  the  impossibility  of  effecting  any  triumph 
for  their  arms,  they  treated  separately  with  the  infidels,  and 
made  peace,  as  they  had  made  war.  The  Templars  and 
some  leaders  of  the  army  agreed  for  a  truce  with  the  sultan 
of  Damascus,  and  obtained  the  restitution  of  the  holy 
places  ;  on  their  side,  the  Hospitallers,  with  the  count  of 
Champagne,  and  the  dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Brittany,  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  the  sultan  of  Egypt,  and  undertook  to 
defend  him  against  tlie  Saracens  who  had  just  given  up 
Jerusalem  to  the  Christians. 

After  having  disturbed  Palestine  by  their  disorders,  the 
Crusaders  abandoned  it  to  return  to  Europe,  and  were  re- 
placed at  Ptolemais  by  some  English,  who  arrived  under 
Richard  of  Cornwall,  brother  to  Henry  III.  Kicliard,  who 
possessed  the  tin  and  lead  mines  of  the  county  of  Cornwall, 
was  one  of  the  richest  princes  of  the  West :  if  old  chroni- 
cles are  to  be  believed,  Grregory  had  forbidden  hbn  to  go  to 
the  East,  hoping  that  he  would  consent  to  remain  in  Europe, 
and  would  impart  a  portion  of  his  treasures  to  the  Holy  See, 
to  procure  the  indulgences  of  the  crusade.  When  Hichard 
arrived  before  Ptolemais,  he  was  received  by  the  people  and 
the  clergy,  who  went  out  to  meet  him,  singing,  "  Blessed 
be  he  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  This  prince 
was  the  grandson  of  Richard  C(jeur  de  Lion,*  whose  courage 
and  exploits  had  rendered  liiin  so  famous  in  the  East.  The 
name  alone  of  Richard  spread  terror  among  the  Saracens ; 
the  prince  of  Cornwall  equalled  his  ancestor  in  bravery  ;  he 
was  full  of  zeal  and  ardour,  and  his  army  shared  liis  entliu- 
siasm  for  religion  and  glory.  He  prepared  to  open  the 
campaign,  and  everything  seemed  to  prouiise  success  ;  but 

*  This  is  a  mistake  ;  Richard  had  no  iegirimate  children.  Richard, 
duke  of  Cornwall,  who  was  likewise  king  of  the  Roujans,  was  the  son  of 
John,  Richard's  brother.  In  the  same  manner  Gibbon  calls  Edward  I 
Richard's  nephew ; — he  was  his  great  nephew. — Trans. 


29G  HISTORY    OF    TUE    CRUSADES. 

after  a  inarcli  of  some  days,  and  a  few  advantages  obtained 
over  tlie  enemy,  finding  himself  very  ill-seconded  by  the 
Christians  of  Palestine,  he  was  obliged  to  renew  the  truce 
made  \vith  tlie  sultan  of  Egypt.  As  the  whole  fruit  of  his 
expedition,  he  could  only  obtain  an  exchange  of  prisoners, 
and  permission  to  pay  the  honours  of  sepulture  to  the 
Cliristlans  killed  at  the  battle  of  Gaza. 

AVithout  having  seen  either  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  or  the 
banks  of  the  Jordan,  Kichard  embarked  for  Italy,  where  he 
found  tlie  pope  still  engaged  in  the  war  against  Frederick. 
All  Europe  was  in  a  blaze  ;  a  council  convoked  for  the  peace 
of  the  Church  had  not  been  able  to  assemble ;  the  emperor 
still  besieged  the  city  of  Eome,  and  threatened  the  head  of 
Christendom.  Amidst  this  general  disorder,  Gregory  died, 
cursing  his  implacable  adversary,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Celestine  IV.,  who  only  wore  the  tiara  sixteen  days.  The 
war  was  continued  with  renewed  fury,  the  Churcli  re- 
mained without  a  head,  and  Christ  without  a  vicar  upon 
eartli ;  the  cardinals  wandered  about  dispersed ;  Ei*ederick 
liolding  several  of  them  in  chains.  "The  court  of  Rome," 
says  l^'leury,  "  was  desolate,  and  fallen  into  great  contempt." 
This  deplorable  anarcliy  lasted  nearly  two  years  :  all  Chris- 
tendoni  was  loud  in  complaints,  and  demanded  of  Heaven  a 
pope  able  to  repair  the  evils  of  Europe  and  the  Church. 

The  conclave  met  at  length,  but  the  election  of  Inno- 
cent IV.,  made  amidst  trouble  and  discord,  put  an  end  to 
neither  the  public  scandal  nor  the  furies  of  the  war,  which 
grieved  ail  true  Christians.  The  new  pontiff  followed  the 
example  of  Innocent  III.  and  Gregory  IX.,  and  soon  sur- 
passed all  their  excesses.  Under  his  pontificate,  disorder 
continued  increasing,  until  it  had  reached  its  height.  The 
Christians  of  Greece  and  Palestine  were  quite  forgotten.  Mis- 
sionaries in  vain  perambulated  the  kingdoms  of  the  West, 
to  exliort  the  faithful  to  make  peace  among  themselves,  and 
tr.rn  their  arms  against  the  Saracens;  many  of  these  angels 
of  peace  wei-e  proscribed  by  Frederick,  who  was,  at  once,  at 
war  with  the  sovereign  pontiff,  the  emperor  of  the  East,  and 
all  those  who,  in  taking  the  cross,  had  swoi'n  to  defend 
Eome,  or  to  deliver  Constantinople  or  Jerusalem.  We  will 
not  attempt  to  describe  the  violent  scenes  of  which  the  West, 
but  pai  ticiilai'ly  Italy,  was  the  theatre.     Attention  becomes 


HI8T0KT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  2.97 

fatigued  by  dwelliug  long  upon  the  same  pictures  ;  the  wars 
and  revolutions  which  lend  so  much  life  to  history  finish  by 
presenting  oily  a  wearisome,  twice-told  tale  ;  and  thus,  like- 
wise, may  the  reader  perceive  that  the  passions  have  theif 
uniformity  and  tempests  their  monotony. 


Each  of  the  preceding  crusades  had  a  distinct  object,  a 
march  which  could  be  easily  followed,  and  was  only  remark- 
able for  great  exploits  or  great  reverses.  That  which  we 
have  just  described,  which  embraces  a  period  of  thirty  years, 
is  mingled  with  so  many  difl:erent  events,  with  so  many 
clashing  interests,  so  many  passions  foreign  to  the  holy 
wars,  that  it  at  first  appears  to  present  only  a  confused  pic- 
ture ;  and  the  historian,  constantly  occupied  in  relating  the 
revolutions  of  the  East  and  of  the  West,  may  with  reason 
be  accused  of  having,  as  a  European  Christian,  forgotten 
•Jerusalem  and  the  cause  of  Chx'ist. 

When  we  have  read  the  twelfth  book  of  this  history,  we 
])('rceive  that  we  are  already  far  from  the  age  that  gave  birth 
io  the  crusades,  and  witnessed  their  brilliant  progress.  When 
comparing  this  war  with  those  that  preceded  it,  it  is  easy  to 
si'c  that  it  has  a  different  character,  not  only  in  the  manner 
ill  which  it  was  conducted,  but  in  tlie  means  employed  to 
inrtame  the  zeal  of  the  Christians,  and  induce  them  to  take 
up  arms. 

When  we  observe  the  incredible  efforts  of  the  popes  to 
arm  the  nations  of  the  West,  we  are  at  first  astonished  at 
the  small  quantity  of  success  obtained  by  their  exhortations, 
their  menaces,  and  their  prayers.  We  have  but  to  compare 
the  Council  of  Clermont,  held  by  Urban,  with  the  Council  of 
the  Lateran,  presided  over  by  GJ-regory.  In  the  first,  the 
complaints  of  Jerusalem  excite  the  tears  and  sobs  of  the 
auditory  ;  in  the  second,  a  thousand  different  objects  intrude, 
to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  fathers  of  the  Church,  who 
express  themselves  upon  the  misfortunes  of  the  Holy  Land, 
''v'ithout  emotion  and  without  pain.  At  tlie  voice  of  Urban, 
knights,  barons,  and  ecclesiastics  all  swore  together  to  go 
and  fight  against  the  infidels ;  the  council  became,  in  a 
moment,  an  assembled  host  of  intrepid  warriors :  it  was  not 


298  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

SO  at  the  Council  of  the  Lateran,  in  which  no  one  took  the 
cross,  or  burst  forth  into  ah  expression  of  that  high  enthu- 
siasm which  the  pope  desired  to  awaken  in  all  hearts. 

Vie  have  drawn  attention,  in  the  course  of  our  recital,  to 
tlie  circumstance  of  pilgrims  being  permitted  by  the  preachers^ 
of  the  holy  war  to  buy  oif  their  vow  by  paying  a  sum  of 
money ;  this  mode  of  expiating  sins  appeared  to  be  a  scan- 
dalous innovation :  and  the  indulgence  of  the  missionaries  of 
•  tlie  holy  war,  who  thus  released  the  faithful  from  the  pil- 
grimage, made  them  lose  a  considerable  portion  of  their 
ascendancy.  They  were  not,  as  formerly,  the  messengers  of 
Heaven ;  the  multitude  no  longer  endowed  them  with  tlie 
power  of  working  miracles ;  they  were  even  sometimes 
obliged  to  employ  the  menaces  and  promises  of  the  Church 
to  draw  hearers  to  their  sermons ;  in  short,  at  length  the 
people  ceased  to  consider  them  as  the  interpreters  of  the 
gospel,  and  saw  in  them  only  the  collectors  of  the  dues  of 
the  Holy  See.  This  sale  of  the  privileges  of  the  crusade, 
purchased  at  an  extravagant  price,  necessarily  checked  the 
effects  of  all  generous  passions,  and,  in  the  minds  of  Chris- 
tians, confounded  that  which  belonged  to  Heaven  with  that 
which  belonged  to  earth. 

Precediug  ages  were  unacquainted  with  any  other  motive 
but  religion  and  its  promises.*  The  companions  of  Peter 
the  Hermit  and  Grodfrey,  the  warriors  who  followed  Louis 
die  Young,  Philip  Augustus,  Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion,  Boni- 
face, and  Baldwin  of  Flanders,  could  not  have  possibly  be- 
lieved that  gold  could  be  made  a  substitute  for  the  merit 
and  glory  of  the  holy  war. 

We  find  another  remarkable  difference  in  the  preaching  of 
this  crusade, — -the  refusal  to  admit  great  criminals  under  the 
banners  of  the  cross.  The  astonishment  which  the  eni'ol- 
ment  of  a  crowd  of  obscure  persons  in  the  holy  militia 
caused  among  the  Christian  kniglits,  suffices  to  denote  a 
great  change  in  the  manners  and  opinions  of  the  Crusaders. 
The   sentiment  of  honour,  which  is  allied  with  a  love  of 

*  It  appears  to  be  almost  incredible  that  our  author  should  be  so  blind 
himself,  or  expect  his  readers  to  be  so,  to  tlie  lessons  taught  by  his  His- 
tory !  If  the  early  Crusaders  could  not  buy  off  their  pilgrimages,  more 
of  them  were  attracted  by  what  they  might  obtain  on  turth,  than  by 
"  religion  and  its  iiromiscs." — Trans. 


niSTOEY    OF    TUm    CRUSADE8.  299 

glory,  and  has  a  tendency  to  establish  iistinctions  among 
men,  appears  to  hav'e  prevailed  over  1  ne  purely  religious 
feeling  which  inspires  humility,  acknowledges  the  equal 
rights  of  all  Christians,  and  confounds  repentance  with 
virtue.  The  crusade,  into  which  none  were  admitted  but 
men  of  acknowledged  bravery  and  good  conduct,  ceased,  in 
soniv  sort,  to  be  a  simply  religious  war,  and  began  to  re- 
semble other  wars,  in  which  leaders  have  the  power  of 
selecting  the  soldiers  they  have  to  command. 

The  enthusiasm  for  the  holy  wars  only  reviv*'d  at  intervals, 
like  a  fire  upon  the  point  of  going  out  of  itself ;  the  people 
required  some  great  event,  some  extraordinary  circumstance, 
some  striking  example  of  princes  or  warriors,  to  induce 
them  to  take  arms  against  the  infidels ;  the  subtleties  of 
theologians,  who  insisted  upon  everything  being  subservient 
to  their  discussions,  contributed  to  cool  the  remains  of  that 
pious  and  warlike  ardour,  which,  till  that  time,  it  had  been 
found  necessary  to  moderate  and  restrain  within  just  limits. 
Disputes  were  started  in  the  schools  upon  such  questions  as 
these  :  In  what  case  was  a  Christian  exempt  from  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  vow  ?  What  sum  was  sufficient  to  redeem 
a  promise  made  to  Christ  ?  If  certain  pious  exercises  could 
be  substituted  for  pilgrimage  ?  If  an  heir  was  bound  to 
fulfil  the  oath  of  a  testator  ?  Whether  the  pilgrim  who  died 
on  his  way  to  the  Holy  Land,  had  more  merit  in  the  eyes  of 
G-od  than  one  who  died  on  his  return  ?  *  Wbether  a  wife 
could  take' the  cross  without  the  consent  of  her  husband,  or 
the  husband  without  the  consent  of  the  wife  ?  »ic.  From 
the  moment  in  which  all  these  questions  were  solemnly  dis- 
cussed, and,  upon  several  points,  the  opinions  of  theologians 
differed,  enthusiasm,  which  never  reasons,  was  rendered 
languid  by  the  cold  arguments  of  the  doctors ;  and  pilgrims 
appeared  to  yield  less  to  the  transports  of  a  generous  feeling, 
than  to  the  necessity  of  performing  a  duty  or  of  following 
an  Established  rule. 

Tliis  sixth  crusade  was  more  abundant  in  intrigues  and 
scandalous  quarrels  than  in  military  exploits  ;  the  Christians 
never  united  all  their  efforts  against  the  infidels ;  no  spirit 
of  order  presided  over  their  enterprises  ;  the  Crusaders,  who 

*  Most  of  these  questions  may  be  found  in  the  work  of  the  Jesuit 
Greutzer,  which  bears  for  title  De  Cruce. 


300  HISTORY    or    THE    CKUSADES. 

only  held  their  mission  of  their  zeal,  set  out  at  the  time 
tlieir  will  or  their  fancy  selected ;  some  returned  to  Europe 
witliout  having  faced  a  Saracen  in  fight ;  others  abandoned 
the  colours  of  the  cross,  after  a  victory  or  a  defeat ;  and  fresh 
Crusaders  were  constantly  summoned  to  defend  the  con- 
quests or  repair  the  faiUts  of  those  that  had  preceded  them. 
Although  tlie  West  had  counted  in  this  crusade  more  than 
live  hundred  thousand  of  her  warriors  departing  for  Palestine 
OL-  Egypt,  great  armies  were  rarely  assembled  on  the  banks 
of  the  Nile  or  the  Jordan.  As  the  Crusaders  were  never 
gathered  together  in  great  bodies,  they  were  not  subjected 
to  famine,  or  the  other  scourges  that  had  so  fearfully  thinned 
the  ranks  of  the  early  defenders  of  the  cross ;  but  if  they 
experienced  fewer  reverses,  if  they  were  better  disciplined, 
we  may  say  that  they  showed  none  of  that  ardour,  or  of 
those  lively  passions  which  men  communicate  to  each  other, 
and  whicli  acquire  a  new  degree  of  force  and  activity  amidst 
a  multitude  assembled  for  the  same  cause  and  iinder  the 
same  banners. 

By  transferring  the  theatre  of  the  war  to  Egypt,  the  Chris- 
tians no  longer  had  before  their  eyes,  as  in  Palestine,  the 
revered  places  and  monuments,  which  could  recall  to  them 
the  religion  and  the  God  they  were  about  to  fight  for;  they 
had  no  longer  before  them  and  around  them  the  river  Jordan, 
Libanus,  Thabor,  or  INIount  Sion,  the  aspect  of  which  liad 
so  vividly  affected  the  imagination  of  the  first  Crusaders. 

When  the  people  of  Europe  heard  the  head  of  the  Church 
exhort  tlie  faithful  to  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  and  at  the 
same  time  curse  Frederick,  the  liberator  of  tlie  holy  city, 
the  object  of  the  crusade  lost  its  sacred  character  in  the 
eyes  of  Christians.  The  emperor  of  Germany,  after  his 
return  from  his  expedition,  sometimes  said,  "  If  God  had 
been  acquainted  with  the  kingdom  of  ^Naples,  he  never  could 
have  preferred  the  barren  rocks  of  Jerusalem  to  it."  These 
sacrilegious  words  of  Frederick  must  have  been  a  great  sub- 
ject of  offence  to  jiilgrims  ;  but,  indeed,  this  prince  only  sent 
to  the  Holy  Land  such  of  his  subjects  as  he  was  dissatisfied 
with,  or  wislied  to  punish.  The  popes  also  condemned  to 
pilgiTinage  tlie  gr(>at  criminals  whom  society  rejected  from 
its  bosom,  which  was  very  repugnant  to  the  manners  and 
opinions   of   the   nobles   and   knights   of   Europe.      As   a 


mSTOKY    or    THE    CEUSABES.  301 

crowiiiug  misfortune,  the  reverses  or  exploits  of  the  Crusa- 
dfCi  beyond  the  seas  frequently  created  divisions  among  the 
princes  of  the  AVest.  From  that  time,  Palestine  was  no 
longer,  in  the  eyes  of  the  faithful,  a  laud  of  blessedness, 
flowing  with  milk  and  honey,  but  a  place  of  exile.  From 
that  time  Jerusalem  was  less  considered  the  city  of  God  and 
the  heritage  of  Christ,  than  a  subject  of  discord,  or  the 
place  in  which  were  born  all  tlie  storms  that  distiu"bed 
Christendom. 

In  the  other  crusades,  the  popes  bad  been  satisfied  with 
awakening  the  enthusiasm  of  pilgrims,  and  addressing  [)rayers 
to  Heaven  for  the  success  of  the  Crusaders  ;  but  in  this  wai-, 
the  heads  of  tlie  Church  insisted  upon  directing  all  the  ex- 
peditions, and  commanding,  by  their  legates,  the  operations 
of  the  Christian  armies.  The  invasion  of  Egypt  was  de- 
cided upon  in  the  Council  of  the  Lateran,  without  a  thought 
of  asking  the  advice  or  opinions  of  any  of  the  skilful  cap- 
tains of  the  age.  When  hostilities  began,  the  envoys  of  the 
pope  presided  over  all  the  events  of  the  war ;  weakening  the 
ardour  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross,  by  their  ambitious  pre- 
tensions, as  well  as  by  their  ignorance.  They  let  all  the 
fruits  of  victory  slip  through  their  hands,  and  gave  birth  to 
an  injurious  rivalry  between  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal 
powers.  This  rivalry,  this  reciprocal  mistrust,  were  carried 
so  far,  that  the  sovereign  pontiff  and  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many, by  turns,  arrested  the  march  of  the  pilgrims  ;  the  fir^t 
fearing  that  the  Crusaders,  on  embarking  for  Palestine, 
would  become  the  soldiers  of  Frederick ;  the  second,  that 
these  same  soldiers  might  become  the  defenders  of  the 
temporal  power  of  the  popes. 

At  the  period  of  which  we  have  just  retraced  the  history, 
so  many  crusades  were  preached  at  once,  that  the  eyes  of 
the  faithful  were  necessarily  diverted  from  the  first  object  of 
these  holy  expeditious.  Called  npoji  to  defend  so  many 
causes,  no  one  could  distinguish  which  was  the  cause  of  God 
and  Jesus  Christ ;  so  many  interests  presented  themselves 
at  the  same  time  to  the  attention  of  Christians,  and  were 
recommended  to  the  bravery  of  warriors,  tliat  they  gave 
birth  to  hesitation  and  reflection ;  and  these  produced  in- 
difference. Europe,  for  a  length  of  time  ui  a  state  of  fer- 
mentation,  was   undergoing    the   vague    uncertainty   of   a 


302  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUS.VDES. 

change ;  states  began  to  think  more  of  their  independence, 
people  of  their  liberty.  The  passions  which  politics  bring 
forth,  took  the  place  of  passions  of  which  religion  is  the 
motive. 

The  sanguinary  quarrels  of  the  emperor  and  the  popes 
contributed  greatly  to  the  revolution  which  was  brought 
about  in  men's  minds  :  the  motive  which  animated  the  heads 
of  the  Church  was  not  always  a  religious  one ;  the  emperor 
of  Germany  and  the  pontiffs  of  Rome  had  pretensions  to 
the  domination  of  Italy,  and  had  been,  for  a  long  time, 
engaged  in  a  rivalry  of  ambition.  Glregory  could  not  see 
Frederick  master  of  the  kingdom  of  Kaples  without  great 
pain ;  and  when  he  pressed  him  to  go  into  Asia,  to  make 
war  upon  the  Saracens,  he  might  have  been  compared  to 
that  personage  of  ancient  fable,  who,  in  order  to  get  rid  of 
his  rival,  sent  him  to  combat  the  Chimera. 

Four  popes,  although  of  a  different  character,  finding 
themselves  in  the  same  circumstances,  pursued  the  same 
policy.  Frederick,  by  his  cruelties,  injustice,  and  extrava- 
gant ambition,  often  justified  the  violences  of  the  Holy  See, 
of  which  he  was,  by  turns,  the  ward,  the  protector,  and  the 
enemy  ;  like  his  predecessors,  he  made  no  secret  of  his  pro- 
ject of  restoring  the  empire  of  the  Caesars ;  and,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  popes,  it  is  not  improbable  that  Europe  would 
have  been  brought  under  the  yoke  of  the  emperors  of  Ger- 
many. 

The  policy  of  the  sovereign  pontiffs,  whilst  weakening  the 
imperial  power,  favoured,  in  Germany,  the  liberty  of  cities, 
and  the  growth  and  duration  of  small  states ;  we  do  not 
hesitate  to  add,  that  the  thunders  of  the  Church  preserved 
the  independence  of  Italy,  and  perhaps  that  of  France, 
which  was  less  ill  ti'eated  by  the  court  of  Eome  than  neigh- 
bouring nations.  The  French  monarchy  took  advantage  of 
the  troubles  that  existed  on  the  other  side  of  the  lihine,  and 
of  the  interdict  set  upon  England,  to  repel  the  invasions  of 
the  English  and  Germans ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  availed 
itself  of  the  absence  of  the  king  of  Navarre,  the  dukes  of 
Brittany  and  Burgundy,  with  several  otlier  great  vassals, 
whom  the  crusade  attractc^d  beyond  tlie  seas,  to  increase  the 
prerogalivi's  of  the  royal  authority,  ajid  extend  the  limits  of 
the  kingdom. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  303 

England  herself  owes  something  to  the  authority  of  tliG 
popes,  who,  by  overwhelming  John  Lackland  with  excom- 
munications, rendered  liim  powerless  in  his  attempts  to 
enslave  the  English  people,  or  to  resist  the  demands  of  the 
barons  and  the  commons.  This  is  a  truth  which  impartial 
history  cannot  deny  or  doubt,  and  which  disposes  us  not  to 
approve,  but  to  blame  with  less  bitterness,  excesses  and 
abuses  of  power  of  which  all  the  effects  have  not  been  de- 
plorable.* The  populace  of  London,  who  burn  every  year 
the  effigy  of  tHe  pope,  would  be  much  astonished  if,  amidst 
a  fanatical  delirium,  they  were  told  that  the  army  which 
once  fought  for  the  independence  of  Gi-eat  Britain  was 
called  the  army  of  God  atid  of  the  Holy  Church  ;  if  they 
were  reminded  that  the  great  charter  of  the  Forest,  the  first 
monument  of  British  liberty,  was  the  fortunate  fruit  of  the 
menaces  and  thunders  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  that  this 
charter  would  never  have  been  granted  by  John,  without 
the  redoubtable  influence  and  the  imperious  counsels  of  the 
sovereign  pontifF.f 

Without  wishing  to  justify  the  domination  of  the  popes, 
we  may  say  that  they  were  led  to  grasp  at  supreme  power 
by  the  circumstances  in  which  Europe  was  placed  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  European  society,  without 
experience  or  laws,  and  plunged  in  ignorance  and  anarcliy, 

*  Althongh  this  is  verj'  like  "  damning  with  faint  praise,"  I  cannot  see 
how  the  popes  or  their  abuses  are  entitled  to  any  mitigation  of  contem]>t 
or  disapproval :  the  beneficial  results  were  the  work  of  Providence,  an  J 
vere  never  contemplated  by  the  pontiffs. — Trans. 

t  King  John  was  a  bad  prince  :  he  inspired  mistrust  in  his  subjects, 
who  demanded  a  pledge  of  him,  and  this  pledge  became  the  English 
constitution.  If  France,  before  the  revolution  of  1789,  had  never  asked 
her  kings  for  a  pledge,  it  was  be<:ause  none  of  them  had  inspired  mistrust 
in  his  people  :  the  best  eulogy  that  can  be  made  upon  the  kings  of  France 
is,  that  the  nation  had  never  felt  under  their  government  the  want  of  a 
written  or  guaranteed  constitution,  and  that  they  were  in  all  times  con- 
sidered as  the  safest  guardians  of  the  public  libt-rty. 

[It  is  scarcely  conceivable  how  a  writer  of  the  nineteenth  century  could 
offer  his  readers  such  opinions  as  these  (both  text  and  note).  Some  of 
the  best  portions  of  British  liberty  were  obtained  from  oetter  kings  than 
any  France  had,  with  the  exception  of  Henry  IV,,  from  Louis  IX.  to  the 
end  of  the  monarchy.  Our  Ch&i'les  I.  and  James  II.  had  their  faults, 
but  they  are  as  "  unsunned  snow^ ''  by  the  side  of  nine  French  monarchs 
out  of  ten,^ — Trans. 


304  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

cast  itself  into  the  arms  of  the  popes,  and  belie^-ed  that  it 
placed  itself  under  the  protection  of  Heaven. 

As  nations  had  no  other  ideas  of  civilization  than  such  as 
they  received  from  the  Christian  reli^cioi!,  the  sovereign  pon- 
tifts  natiu'ally  became  the  supreme  arbiters  between  rival  or 
neighbouring  countries  ;  amidst  tlie  darkness  which  tlie  light 
of  tlie  Gospel  had  a  continued  and  iicvoi'-ending  tendency  to 
diminish,  their  authority  must  naturally  liavo  been  the  first 
esiablislied  and  the  first  recognised:  temporal  power  stood 
in  need  of  their  sanction;  people  and  kiugs  implored  their 
sn})port  and  consulted  their  wisdom :  they  believed  them- 
selves authorized  to  exerci.se  a  sovereign  dictatorship. 

This  dictatorship  was  often  exercised  to  the  advantage  of 
public  morality  and  social  order ;  it  often  protected  the  weak 
against  the  strong ;  it  arrested  the  execution  of  criminal 
plots ;  it  re-established  peace  between  states ;  and  it  pre- 
served a  young  society  from  the  excesses  of  ambition,  licen- 
tiousness, and  barbarism.  When  we  cast  our  eyes  over 
the  annals  of  the  middle  ages,  we  cannot  help  being  struck 
by  one  of  the  most  beaiitiful  spectacles  that  human  society 
has  ever  presented, — it  is  that  of  Christian  Europe  recog- 
nising but  one  religion,  having  but  one  law,  formhig  as  it 
were  but  one  empire,  governed  by  a  single  head,  who  spoke 
in  the  name  of  God,  and  whose  mission  was  to  make  the 
Gospel  reign  upon  eartli. 

In  the  general  reflections  by  which  we  shall  terminate  this 
work,  we  will  enter  into  much  greater  developments  upon 
this  head ;  we  will  compare  modern  Europe  with  the  Europe 
of  the  middle  ages,  and  we  will  make  it  clear  that,  if  we  have 
acquired  some  wisdom  in  the  art  of  civilization,  we  are  still 
far  from  having  turned  it  to  the  advantage  of  public  liberty  : 
nations  are  at  the  present  day  led  away  by  tlie  spirit  of  the 
Erench  revolution,  as  they  were  in  the  middle  ages  by  the 
spirit  ol'  tlie  court  of  Eome  and  enthusiasm  for  the  crusades. 
Tlie  Erench  revolution  began  by  liberal  ideas,  it  was  con- 
tinued by  victories.  The  military  spirit  allied  itself  with  the 
fanaticism  of  new  ideas,  as  it  formerly  allied  itself  with  reli- 
gious enthusiasm.  On  casting  a  glance  over  our  Europe, 
we  are  astonished  at  seeing  two  contradictory  things,  which 
should  naturally  exclude  each  other ;  we  see  almost  every- 
where a  tendency  to  favour  the  propagation  of  liberal  ideas, 


HISTOUY    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  30£ 

atnd  at  the  same  time  an  inclination  to  increase  the  mass  of 
armies ;  it  is  difficult  to  explain  a  policy  wliicli  tends,  on  the 
one  side,  to  multiply  the  apostles  of  liberty,  on  the  other  to 
multiply  soldiers  ;  which,  by  turns,  proclaims  a  principle,  and 
raises  a  regiment ;  which  speaks,  at  the  same  time,  of  re 
cruiting,  and  of  a  constitution  ;  which  appears  never  to  have 
laws  enough,  and  yet  is  insatiable  of  cannons  and  bayonets 
It  is  easy  to  foresee  the  near  and  distant  results  of  such  a 
monstrous  amalgamation.*  Everything  leads  us  to  believe 
that  these  results,  like  those  of  the  crusades  and  the  influence 
of  the  pope  in  the  middle  ages,  will  not  turn  out  entirely  foi 
the  advantage  of  civilization. 

But  without  dwelling  longer  on  these  distressing  reflec- 
tions, we  will  return  to  our  subject,  from  which,  perhaps, 
we  have  strayed  too  long.  In  the  eleventh  and  twellth 
centuries,  the  nations  of  Europe,  subject  to  the  authority 
of  St.  Peter,  were  united  together  by  a  tie  more  strong  than 
that  of  liberty.  This  motive,  this  tie,  which  was  that  of 
the  universal  Church,  for  a  length  of  time  kept  up  and 
favoured  the  enthusiasm  for  and  the  progress  of  holy  wars. 
AVhatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  crusades,  it  is 
certain  they  never  would  have  been  undertaken  without  that 
unity  of  religious  feelings  which  doubled  the  strength  of  the 
Christian  republic.  The  Christian  nations,  by  the  agree- 
ment of  their  sentiments  and  their  passions,  showed  the 
world  all  that  can  be  done  by  enthusiasm,  which  increases 
by  comuuuncation,  and  that  lively  faith,  which,  spread 
among  men,  is  a  miraculous  power,  since  the  Gospel  accords 
i:  the  faculty  of  wzotvH^'  mountains.  In  proportion  as  people, 
united  by  one  same  spirit,  separated,  and  ceased  to  make 
one  common  cause,  it  became  more  difficult  to  collect  toge- 
ther the  forces  of  the  West,  and  pursue  those  gigantic 
enterprises  of  which  our  age  can  scarcely  perceive  the 
possibility. 

It  may  have  been  observed,  that  the  pontifical  authority 
and  the  enthusiasm  for  the  crusades  experienced  the  same 
vicissitudes  ;  the  opinions  and  the  exaltation  of  the  religious 
spirit  which  caused  men  to  take  up  arms,  necessarily,  at  the 

*  M.  Michaud  is  here  more  happy  than  usual  in  his  political  and 
pliiloiiopliicul  reflections.  We  might  fancy  him  prescient  of  the  2nd  of 
Dei'cnil  er. — Trans. 

VoT,.  II.— 14 


306  HISTOfiT   OF   THE    C  itUSADES. 

same  time,  increased  tlie  influence  of  tlie  sovereign  pontiifs. 
But  springs  so  active  and  so  powerful  coidd  not  possibly 
last  long ;  tliey  broke  by  the  violence  with  which  they  were 
employed. 

The  popes,  invested  with  authority  without  limit,  exer- 
cised that  authority  without  moderation ;  and  as  the  abuse 
of  pow  er  brings  on,  sooner  or  later,  its  own  ruin,  the  empire 
of  the  sovei  iign  pontiffs  finished  by  declining  as  other  em- 
pires have  clone.  Their  fall  commenced  with  their  long  con- 
tests with  Frederick ;  all  Europe  was  called  upon  to  judge 
their  cause ;  their  power,  founded  upon  opinion,  the  origin 
of  which  was  entirely  religious,  lost  much  of  its  prestige  by 
being  given  over  to  the  discussions  of  men  of  the  world. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  sovereign  pontiffs  abused  their 
power,  the  spirit  and  enthusiasm  that  had  produced  the  holy 
wars  were  likewise  abused.  Many  Christian  princes  took 
the  cross,  sometimes  to  obtain  the  protection  of  the  popes  ; 
sometimes  as  a  pretext  for  assembling  armies,  and  enjoying 
the  temporal  advantages  accorded  to  the  soldiers  of  Christ. 
The  leaders  of  Christendom,  without  haviug  originated  the 
wars  of  the  East,  were  eager  to  profit  by  them ;  in  the  first 
place,  to  extend  their  dominions,  and  in  the  next  to  gratify 
violent  passions.  Erom  that  moment  society  sought  other 
supports  than  that  of  the  Holy  See,  and  warriors  another 
glory  than  that  of  the  crusades. 

Thibault,  king  of  Navarre,  who,  in  his  verses,  had  preached 
the  war  beyond  the  seas,  was  disgusted  at  the  troubles  ex- 
cited in  Europe  by  the  heads  of  the  Church,  and  deplored 
with  bitterness  a  time  full  of  felony,  envy,  and  treaclieri/. 
He  accused  the  princes  and  barons  of  being  without  cowr- 
toisie,  and  reproached  the  popes  with  excommunicating 
those  who  were  most  in  the  right  {ceux  qui  avaient  le  plus 
raisori).  If  a  few  troubadours  still  raised  their  voices  to 
exhort  Christians  to  take  up  the*  ci'oss  and  arms,  the  greater 
part  did  not  partake  of  their  enthusiasm  for  the  holy  wars  ; 
and  beheld  notliing  in  tliese  pilgrimages  beyond  the  seas, 
but  the  griefs  of  a  long  absence,  and  the  rigoiu's  of  a  pious 
exile. 

In  a  Tenson*  which  has  come  down  to  us,  Folquet  de 

*  A  dispute  upon  an  affair  of  gallantry,  between  two  or  more  trouba- 
dours.— Trans. 


HlSrORY    or   THE    CJIL  «.\L1  ;-.  807 

Komans  asks  Blaccas,  the  model  of  troubadours  and  of 
knights,  wlictber  lie  "will  go  to  the  Ht)ly  Land?  After 
having  answered  that  he  loves  and  is  beloved,  and  that  he 
will  remain  at  home  with  his  ladye-love,  (she  was  countess 
of  Provence),  Blaccas  thus  ends  liis  simple  song : — 

"  Je  ferai  ma  penitence, 
Entre  mer  et  Durance, 
Aupres  de  son  mai.oir."  * 

"  T  will  perform  my  penitence 

Between  the  se  i  and  swift  Durance, 
Near  to  my  lady's  bower.'' 

These  sentiments  belonged  to  the  manners  of  trouba- 
dours and  knights ;  but  at  the  time  of  the  first  crusades, 
religious  ideas  were  much  more  mixed  up  with  ideas  of 
gallantry ;  a  poet,  invited  to  take  the  cross,  would  not  have 
dared  to  speak  of  his  ladye-love,t  without  likewise  speaking 
of  the  mercy  of  God  and  the  captivity  of  Jerusalem. 

During  the  other  crusades,  the  religion  and  morality  of 
the  Gospel  resumed  their  empire,  and  spread  their  benefits 
everywhere  ;  at  the  voice  of  the  holy  orators,  Christians 
became  penitent  and  reformed  their  moi'als  ;  all  political 
tempests  were  laid  by  the  simple  name  of  Jerusalem,  and 
the  West  remained  in  profound  peace. J  It  was  not  so  at 
the  period  we  have  just  described  ;  Europe  was  perhaps 
never  more  agitated,  or,  perhaps,  more  corrupted  than 
during  the  thirty  years  which  this  crusade  lasted. 

In  the  relations  between  the  Christians  and  Mussulmans, 
little  respect  had,  to  this  time,  certainly,  been  paid  to 
treaties ;  but  in  this  crusade,  contempt  for  sworn  faith  and 
forgetfulness  for  the  laws  of  nations  were  carried  to  an  ex- 
treme :    signing  a  truce  was  a  preparation  for  war ; — the 

*  These  verses  are  quoted  by  M.  Raynourd  in  his  grammar  of  the 
Romance  language. 

f  We  have  but  to  compare  the  piece  of  the  Provenfal  with  that  of 
Raoul  de  Courcy,  who  died  in  the  third  crusade. 

X  M.  Michaud's  parental  partiality  for  his  elder  born  makes  him  very 
oblivious.  If  we  look  back  to  his  own  account  of  the  morals  of  the  early 
crusades,  particularly  those  of  Jerusalem,  we  cannot  see  the  justice  of 
the.«e  remarks.  The  Crusaders  only  "  remembered  to  be  pious  and  pt-nio 
tent"  when  they  experienced  reverses. — Trans. 


308  HISTORY   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

Christian  armies  owed  their  safety  to  a  treaty  of  peace ;  und 
the  sovereign  pontiff,  far  from  respecting  the  conditions  of 
it,  preached  a  new  crusade  against  tlie  infidels.  It  must  be 
allowed,  also,  that  the  most  solemn  treaties  were  often 
violated  by  the  Mussulmans.  The  duration  of  peace  de- 
pended solely  upon  the  want  of  power  ui  both  parties  to 
resume  hostilities  with  advantage.  The  least  hope  of  success 
■was  sufficient  to  induce  them  to  fly  to  arms  ;  the  slightest 
circumstance  was  an  excuse  for  rekindling  all  the  flames  of 
war.  The  continuator  of  WUliam  of  Tyre  says,  with  great 
ingenuousness,  when  speaking  of  the  death  of  a  sultan  ot 
Damascus :  "  When  the  sultan  died,  all  the  truces  died 
with  him."  These  words  alone  are  sufficient  to  give  an  idea 
of  the  state  of  the  East  during  the  sixth  crusade,  and  of 
the  small  degree  of  respect  then  entertained  for  the  laws  of 
peace  and  war. 

If,  in  the  preceding  crusade,  the  expedition  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  cross  against  Grreece  did  not  produce  great  advan- 
tages to  the  West,  it  at  least  illustrated  the  arms  of  the 
Venetians  and  the  French.  In  the  war  we  have  just  de- 
scribed, the  knights  and  barons  who  took  the  cross,  added 
nothing  to  their  glory  or  their  renown.  The  Crusaders  who 
were  fortunate  enough  to  revisit  their  homes,  brought  back 
with  them  nothing  but  the  remembrance  of  most  shame- 
ful disorders.  A  great  number  of  them  had  nothing  to 
show  their  compatriots  but  the  chains  of  their  captivity ; 
nothing  to  communicate  but  the  contagious  disorders  of  the 
East. 

The  historians  we  have  followed  are  silent  as  to  the  ravages 
of  the  leprosy  among  the  nations  of  the  West ;  but  the 
testament  of  Louis  VIII.,  an  historical  monument  of  that 
period,  attests  the  existence  of  two  thousand  leproseries 
(hospitals  for  lepers)  in  the  kingdom  of  France  alone.  This 
horrible  sight  must  have  been  a  subject  of  terror  to  the 
most  fervent  Christians;  and  was  sufficient  to  disenchant,  in 
their  eyes,  those  regions  of  the  East,  where,  till  tliat  time, 
their  imaginations  had  seen  nothing  but  prodigies  and 
marvels. 

Among  the  abuses  then  made  of  the  spirit  of  the  cru- 
sades, and  the  misfortunes  they  brought  in  their  train,  we 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  30S 

must  not  forget  the  civil  and  religions  wars  of  whieli  France 
and  several  other  countries  of  Europe  were  the  theatre.  In 
their  expeditions  into  the  East,  Christians  had  become  fami- 
liarized with  the  idea  of  employing  force  and  violence  to 
change  men's  hearts  and  opinions.  As  they  had  long  made 
■war  against  infidels,  they  were  willing  to  make  it,  in  the 
same  manner,  against  heretics ;  they  first  took  up  arms 
against  the  Albigeois,  then  against  the  pagans  of  Prussia ; 
for  the  same  reason,  and  in  the  same  manner,  that  they  had 
armed,  themselves  against  the  Mussulmans. 

Modem  writers  have  declaimed  with  great  vehemence  and 
eloquence  against  these  disastrous  wars  ;  but  long  before  the 
age  in  which  we  live,  the  Cliurch  had  condemned  the  excesses 
of  blind  fanaticism.*  Saint  Augustine,  St.  Ambrose,  the 
fathers  of  councils,  had  long  taught  the  Christian  world  that 
error  is  not  destroyed  by  the  sword,  and  that  the  truths  of 
the  Gospel  ought  not  to  be  preached  to  mankind  amidst 
threats  and  \aolences. 

The  crusade  against  the  Prussians  shows  us  all  that  am- 
bition, avarice,  and  tyranny  can  exhibit  that  is  most  cruel 
and  barbarous  ;  the  tribunal  of  history  cannot  judge  witli 
too  much  severity  the  leaders  of  this  war,  the  ravages  and 
furies  of  which  were  prolonged  dui-ing  more  than  a  century  ; 
but,  whilst  condemning  tlie  excesses  of  the  conquerors  of 
Prussia,  we  must  admit  the  ad\'antages  Europe  gained  by 
their  victories  and  exploits.  A  nation  that  had  been  sepa^ 
rated  from  aU  other  nations  by  its  manners  and  customs, 
ceased  to  be  a  foreigner  in  the  Christian  republic.  Industry, 
laws,  religion,  which  marched  in  the  train  of  the  conquerors, 
to  moderate  and  remove  the  evils  of  war,  spread  their  bless- 
ings among  hordes  of  savages.  '  Many  flourishing  cities 
arose  from  amidst  the  aslies  of  forests,  and  the  oak  of 
Kemove,t  beneatli  the  shade  of  which  human  victims  had 
been  immolated,  was  replaced  by  churches,  in  which  tlie  vir- 
tues and  charity  of  the  Gospel  were  inculcated.     The  con- 

*  It  may  be  questioned  whether  the  weapons  since  employed  for  the 
Eame  purpose,  the  cunning  and  the  tongue  of  Jesuits,  were  not  iu  all 
senses  as  bad  as  the  sword  and  lance  of  the  Crusaders. — Trans. 

t  The  city  of  Thorn  was  built  on  the  spot  where  the  consecrated  oak 
grew. 


810  HISTORY    OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

quests  of  the  Romans  were  sometimes  more  oujust,  theu 
wars  more  barbarous ;  tbey  procured  less  advantages  to  the 
civilized  world,  and  yet  they  have  never  ceased  to  be  objects 
of  the  admiration  and  eulogy  of  posterity. 

The  war  against  the  Albigeois  was  more  cruel  and  more 
unfortunate  than  the  crusade  directed  against  the  nations  of 
Prussia.  Missionaries  and  warriors  outraged,  by  their  con- 
duct, all  the  laws  of  justice  and  of  the  religion  whose 
triumph  they  pretended  to  aim  at.  The  heretics,  natiu'ally, 
sometimes  employed  reprisals  against  their  enemies ;  both 
sides  armed  with  the  steel  and  axe  of  murderers  and 
executioners,  humanity  had  to  deplore  the  most  guilty 
excesses. 

When  casting  a  retrospective  glance  over  the  annals  of 
the  middle  ages,  we  are  particularly  grieved  to  see  sangui- 
nary wars  undertaken  and  carried  on  in  the  name  of  a  reli- 
gion of  peace,  whilst  we  can  scarcely  find  an  example  of  a 
religious  war  among  the  ancients  and  under  the  laws  of 
paganism.*  We  must  beUeve  that  modern  nations  and 
those  of  antiquity  have,  and  had  the  same  passions ;  but, 
amongst  the  ancients,  religion  entered  less  deeply  into  the 
heart  of  man  or  into  the  spirit  of  social  institutions.  The 
worship  of  false  gods  had  no  positive  dogma ;  it  added  no- 
thing to  morality ;  it  prescribed  no  duties  to  the  citizen ;  it 
was  not  bound  up  with  the  maxims  of  legislation,  and  existed, 
in  some  sort,  only  upon  the  surface  of  society.  When 
paganism  was  attacked,  or  when  a  change  was  effected  in 
the  worship  of  false  gods,  the  affections,  morals,  and  inter- 
ests of  pagan  society  were  not  deeply  wounded.  It  was  not 
thus  with  Christianity,  wliich,  particularly  in  the  middle 
ages,  mixed  itself  up  with  all  civil  laws,  recalled  man  to  all 
the  duties  due  to  his  country,  and  united  itself  with  all  the 
principles  of  social  order.  Amidst  the  growing  civilization 
ot"  Europe,  the  Christian  religion  was  blended  with  all  tlie 
interests  of  nations ;  it  was,  in  a  manner,  the  foundation  of 

*  We  may  name,  among  the  Greeks,  the  sacred  war  undertaken  for  the 
lands  which  beh^nged  to  the  temple  of  Delphos  ;  but  on  reading  closely 
the  history  of  this  war,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  they  did  not  fight  for  a  dogma 
or  a  religious  opinion,  as  in  the  wars  which,  among  the  moderns  have 
had  religion  for  a  motive  or  a  pretence. 


HISTOKT    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  811 

all  society ;  it  was  society  itself :  we  cannot  wonder,  then, 
that  men  were  passionate  in  its  defence.  Then  all  who 
separated  themselves  from  the  Christian  religion,  separated 
themselves  from  society  ;  and  all  who  rejected  the  laws  of  the 
Church,  ceased  to  acknowledge  the  laws  of  their  country. 
We  must  consider  the  wars  against  the  Albigeois  and  the 
Prussians  in  this  li^^ht ;  they  were  rather  social  wars  than 
reiigiOa£  Rars. 


BOOK    Xlll. 


SEVENTH    CRIJSADE. 

A.D.  1242—1245. 

When  I  began  this  work,  I  was  far  from  being  aware  ol 
the  task  I  was  imposing  upon  myself;  animated  by  the  in- 
terest  of  my  subject,  full  of  a  too  great  confidence  in  my 
own  powers,  like  those  villagers  who,  when  they  set  out  for 
the  first  crusade,  fancied  every  city  they  saw  to  be  Jerusa- 
lem, I  constantly  believed  I  was  approaching  the  end  of  my 
labours.  As  I  advanced  in  my  career,  the  horizon  expanded 
before  me,  difficulties  multiplied  at  every  step,  so  that  to 
sustain  my  courage,  I  have  often  been  obliged  to  recall  to 
my  mind  the  kindness  with  which  the  early  volumes  of  this 
history  have  been  received  by  the  public. 

The  difilculty  did  not  consist  in  placing  a  narrative  of  the 
holy  wars  before  our  readers  ;  it  became  necessary  to  present 
exact  ideas  of  the  manners  and  characters  of  the  nations 
which,  in  any  way,  took  part  in  them.  We  have  endea- 
voured to  make  all  the  peoples  known  who  have  in  turn 
passed  across  the  scene :  the  Franks,  with  their  soldier- 
like roughness,  their  love  of  glory,  and  their  generous  pas- 
sions ;  the  Turks  and  Saracens,  with  their  military  reli- 
gion and  their  barbarovis  valour ;  the  Greeks,  witli  tlieir 
corrupted  manners,  their  character  at  once  superstitious  and 
frivolous,  and  their  vanity,  which  with  them  supplied  the 
place  of  patriotism :  a  new  nation  is  now  about  to  oft'er 
itself  to  the  pencil  of  history,  and  mingle  witli  the  events 
of  which  we  are  attempting  to  give  the  picture.  AVe  are 
about  to  say  a  few  words  upon  the  manners  and  conquests 
of  the  Tartars  in  the  middle  ages. 

The  hordes  of  this  nation,  at  the  ptt-iod  of  the  sixth  cru- 
sade, had  iiivaili'il  sivcral  cnnntries  of.  Asia,  and  the  progreaa 


HISTORY   OF   THE    CKUSADES.  313 

of  their  arms  had  a  great  iufluence  over  the  policy  of  the 
Mussulman  powers  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  wliich  were  then  at 
war  with  the  Christians.  At  the  time  of  which  we  are 
speaking,  the  fame  of  their  victories  filled  the  East,  and 
spread  terror  even  to  the  most  remote  countries  of  Europe. 

The  Tartars  inhabited  the  vast  regions  which  lie  between 
ancient  Emails,  Siberia,  China,  and  the  Sea  of  Kamschatka ; 
they  were  divided  into  several  nations,  which  all  boasted  of 
having  the  same  origin ;  each  of  these  nations,  governed  by  a 
khan,  or  supreme  leader,  was  composed  of  a  great  number  of 
tribes,  each  tribe  commanded  by  a  particular  chief,  called 
Myrza.  The  produce  of  the  chase,  the  milk  of  their  mares, 
and  the  flesh  of  their  flocks,  satisfied  the  simple  wants  of  the 
Tartars ;  they  lived  under  tents  with  their  families ;  and 
moveable  dwellings,  drawn  by  oxen,  transported  from  one 
place  to  another  their  wives,  their  children,  and  all  they 
possessed.  In  summer,  the  whole  tribe  drew  towards  the 
northern  countries,  and  encamped  upon  the  banks  of  a  river 
or  a  lake ;  in  winter,  they  directed  their  course  southward, 
and  sought  the  shelter  of  mountains  that  could  protect  thein 
from  the  icy  winds  of  the  north. 

Tlie  Tartar  hordes  assembled  every  year,  in  either  autunni 
or  spring.  In  these  assemblies,  Avhich  they  called  Gouralta'i, 
they  deliberated  on  horseback,  upon  the  march  of  the  tribes, 
the  distribution  of  the  pasturages,  and  peace  and  war.  It 
was  from  the  bosom  of  this  tumultuous  assembly  that  issued 
the  legislation  of  the  people  of  Tartarv  ;  a  simple  and  laconic 
legislation,  like  those  of  all  barbarous  nations,  whose  only 
objects  are  to  maintain  the  power  of  the  leaders,  and  keep 
up  discipline  and  emulation  among  the  warriors. 

The  nations  of  Tartary  acknowledged  one  God,  the  sove- 
reign of  heaven,  to  whom  the}^  offered  up  neither  incense 
nor  prayers.  Their  worship  was  reserved  for  a  crowd  of 
genii,  whom  they  believed  to  be  spread  through  the  air, 
upon  the  earth,  and  amidst  the  waters ;  a  great  number  of 
idols,  the  rough  work  of  their  own  hands,  filled  their  dwell- 
nigs,  followed  them  in  their  courses,  and  watched  over  their 
flocks,  their  slaves,  and  their  families.  Their  priests,  brought 
up  in  the  practices  of  magic,  studied  the  course  of  the  stars, 
predicted  future  events,  and  employed  themselves  in  abusing 
th(    minds  of  the  people  by  sorcery.     Their  religious  wor- 

'  14*        : 


314  niSTOTlT    OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

ship,  wliieli  inculcatocl  no  morality,  had  neither  softened 
their  rude  manners  nor  ameliorated  their  character,  which 
was  as  boisterous  and  unkindly  as  their  climate.  No  monu- 
ment raised  under  the  auspices  of  religion,  no  book  inspired 
by  it,  reminded  them  of  deeds  of  glory,  or  laid  before  them 
precepts  and  examples  of  virtue.  In  the  course  of  their 
>\'andering  life,  the  dead,  whom  they  sometimes  dragged  with 
them  in  their  waggons,  appea^^sd  to  them  an  annoying  burden, 
and  they  buried  them  in  haste  in  retired  places;  where,  covering 
them  with  the  sands  of  the  desert,  they  were  satisfied  with 
concealing  them  from  the  eyes  or  the  outrages  of  the  living. 

Evcrj'thing  that  might  fix  them  to  one  spot  rather  than 
another,  or  lead  them  to  change  their  manner  of  living,  ex 
cited  the  animadversion  and  disdain  of  these  races.  Of  all  the 
tribes  that  inhabited  Mogul  Tartary,  one  alone  was  acquainted 
with  writing,  and  cultivated  letters  ;  all  the  rest  despised  com 
uierce,  arts,  and  learning ;  which  constitute  the  true  splen- 
dour of  polished  societies.  The  Tartars  disdained  the  idea 
of  building ;  in  the  twelfth  century  their  vast  country  con- 
tained but  one  city,*  the  extent  of  which,  according  to  the 
monk  Rubruquis,  did  not  equal  that  of  the  little  town  of 
Saint  Denis.  Confining  themselves  to  the  care  of  their 
ilocks,  they  regarded  agriculture  as  a  degrading  occupation, 
only  fit  to  employ  the  industry  of  slaves  or  conquered  people. 
Their  immense  plains  had  never  become  yellow  with  harvests 
sown  by  the  hand  of  man ;.  no  fruit  had  there  ripened  which 
he  had  planted.  The  spectacle  most  agreeable  to  a  Tartar 
was  the  desert,  upon  which  grass  grew  without  cultivation 
or  the  field  of  battle  covered  with  ruin  and    "arnage. 

As  the  limits  of  their  pastures  were  under  no  regulation, 
frequent  quarrels  necessarily  arose  among  the  Tartars ;  the 
spirit  of  jealousy  constantly  agitated  the  wandering  hordes ; 
the  ambitious  leaders  could  endure  neither  neighbours  nor 
rivals.  Thence  civil  wars  ;  and  from  the  bosom  of  civil  wars 
issued  a  fully-armed  despotism,  to  support  which  the  people 

*  Karakoroum,  the  residence  of  the  principal  branch  of  the  successors 
of  Gengiskhan.  It  is  only  lately  that  the  true  situation  of  this  city  hag 
been  fixed  by  M.  Abel-Remusat ;  it  was  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orgon, 
not  far  from  the  junction  of  that  river  with  the  Selinga  to  the  south  of  the 
Lake  of  Baikal,  by  the  49°  of  latitud  ■  and  the  102°  of  longitude.  The 
same  country  has  since  been  the  resid  'ice  of  the  Grand  Lama. 


HlSTOnV    OF    THE    CKL'SADES.  ^15 

flocked  with  cheerfuluess,  because  it  promised  them  con 
quests.  Tlie  entire  population  was  military,  to  whom  fighting 
appeared  to  bo  the  only  true  glory,  and  the  most  uoble 
occupation  of  man.  The  encampments  of  the  Tartar?,  their 
marches,  their  hunting-parties,  resembled  military  exhibi- 
tions. Habit  imparted  so  m  ich  ease  and  firmness  to  their 
seat  on  horseback,  that  they  took  their  food,  and  e'^en  in- 
dulged in  sleep,  without  dismounting.  Their  bow,  of  an 
enormous  size,  announced  their  strength  and  skill ;  their 
sliarp  steel-headed  arrows  flew  to  an  immense  distance,  and 
struck  down  the  bird  amidst  its  rapid  career,  or  pierced 
through  and  through  the  bear  or  tiger  of  the  desert ;  they 
surpassed  their  enemies  in  the  rapidity  of  their  evolutions  ; 
they  excelled  them  in  the  perfidious  art  of  fighting  whilst 
flying ;  and  retreat  was  often,  for  them,  the  signal  of  victory. 
All  the  stratagems  of  war  appeared  familiar  to  them  ;  and  as 
if  a  fatal  instinct  had  taught  them  all  that  could  assist  in 
the  destruction  of  the  human  race,  the  Tartars,  who  built 
no  cities,  knew  how  to  construct  the  most  formidable 
machines  of  war,  and  were  not  unacquainted  with  any  means 
that  could  spread  teivor  and  desolation  among  their  enemies. 
In  their  expeditions,  their  march  was  never  impeded  by  the 
inclemency  of  seasons,  the  depth  of  rivers,  the  steepness  of 
precipices,  or  the  height  of  mountains.  A  little  hardened 
milk,  diluted  with  water,  sufficed  for  the  food  of  a  horseman 
during  several  days ;  the  skin  of  a  sheep  or  a  bear,  a  few 
strips  of  coarse  felt,  formed  his  garments.  The  warriors 
showed  the  most  blind  obedience  to  their  leaders,  and,  at 
the  least  signal,  were  ready  to  encounter  death  in  any  shape. 
They  were  di\4ded  into  tens,  huudi'eds,  thousands,  and  tens 
of  thousands ;  their  armies  were  composed  of  all  that  coidd 
handle  the  bow  or  lance ;  and  what  must  have  caused  their 
enemies  as  much  surprise  as  terror,  was  the  order  and  dis- 
cipline that  prevailed  in  a  multitude  that  chance  seemed  to 
have  gathered  together.  According  to  their  military  legis- 
lation, t^e  Tartars  were  never  allowed  to  make  peace  but 
with  a  conquered  enemy ;  he  who  flea  from  battle,  or  aban- 
doned his  companions  in  dange-r,  was  punished  with  death ; 
they  shed  the  blood  of  men  with  the  same  indifierence  as 
that  of  wild  animals,  and  their  ferocity  added  greatly  to  the 
terror  which  they  inspired  in  thtf  r  enterprises. 


81G  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADED, 

The  Tartars,  iu  their  pride,  despised  all  other  nations,  and 
believed  that  the  whole  world  ought  to  be  subject  to  them 
According  to  certain  opinions,  transmitted  from  age  to  age, 
the  Mogul  hordes  abandoned  the  north  to  the  dead  they  left 
behind  them  in  the  desei'ts,  and  kept  their  faces  constantly 
directed  towards  the  south,  which  was  promised  to  their 
valour.  The  territories  and  the  riches  of  other  nations 
excited  their  ambition ;  and,  possessing  neither  territories 
nor  riches  themselves,  they  had  almost  nothing  to  fear  from 
conquerors.  Not  only  their  warlike  education,  but  their  pre- 
judices, their  customs,  the  inconstancy  of  their  character, 
everything  with  them  seemed  to  favour  distant  expeditions 
and  warlike  invasions.  They  carried  with  them  neither 
regrets  nor  endearing  remembrances  from  the  countries  they 
abandoned ;  and  if  it  be  true,  when  we  say  that  country  is 
not  within  the  walls  of  a  city,  or  the  limits  of  a  province,  but 
in  the  affections  and  ties  of  family,  in  the  laws,  manners, 
and  customs  of  a  nation,  the  Tartars,  wheYi  changing  their 
climate,  had  always  their  country  with  them.  The  presence 
of  their  wives,  of  their  children  ;  the  sight  of  their  flocks  and 
their  idols,  everywhere  inflamed  tlieir  patriotism,  or  love  of 
their  nation,  and  sustained  their  courage.  Accustomed  to 
consult  their  own  inclinations,  and  take  them  for  their  sole 
rule  of  conduct,  they  were  never  restrained  by  the  laws  of 
morality  or  by  feelings  of  humanity ;  as  they  had  a  profound 
indifference  for  all  the  religions  of  the  earth,  this  indifierence 
even,  which  aroused  no  hatred  in  otlier  nation  ,  facilitated 
their  conquests,  by  leaving  them  the  liberty  of  readily  re- 
ceiving or  embracing  the  opinions  and  creeds  of  the  people 
they  conquered,  and  whom  they  thus  completely  subjected 
to  their  laws. 

In  very  remote  antiquity,  the  hordes  of  Tartary  had 
several  times  invaded  the  vast  regions  of  India,  China,  and 
Persia,  and  had  extended  their  ravages  even  into  the  West  : 
the  ambition  or  the  caprice  of  a  skilful  leader,  excess  of 
population,  want  of  pasturage,  the  predictions  of  a  wizard, 
were  quite  sufficient  to  inflame  this  tumultuous  race,  and 
precipitate  them  in  a  mass  upon  distant  regions.  Woe  to 
tiie  people  whom  the  Tartars  encountered  in  their  passage  ! 
At  their  approach,  empires  fell  with  a  horrible  crash  ;  nations 
were  d'"ven  back  upon  one  another,  like  the  waves  of  the 


HI8T0KY    OF    THE    CllUSADES.  317 

eea  ;  the  world  was  shaken  and  covered  with  ruins.  History 
has  preserved  the  remembrance  of  several  of  their  invasions  ; 
the  most  remote  posterity  will  never  pronounce  without  a 
species  of  terror  the  names  of  the  Avari,  the  Huns,  the 
Heridi,  of  all  those  wandering  nations  who,  some  Mowing 
from  the  depths  of  Tartary,  and  otliers  dragged  in  the  wake 
of  the  conquerors  or  driven  before  them,  poured  down  upon 
the  tottering  empire  of  the  Komans,  and  divided  the  spoils 
of  the  civilized  world  amongst  them  :  in  the  rividdle  ages, 
the  wars  of  the  Tartars  were  compared  to  tempests,  inunda- 
tions, or  the  bursting  forth  of  volcanoes ;  and  the  resigned 
nations  believed  that  the  justice  of  Grod  held  these  innume- 
rable swarms  of  barbarians  in  reserve  in  the  north,  to  pour 
out  his  anger  upon  the  rest  of  the  earth,  and  chastise  cor- 
rupted nations  by  their  hands. 

The  Tartars  never  proved  themselves  more  redoubtable 
than  under  the  reign  of  Gengiskhan.  Temugin,  which  was 
the  first  name  of  the  heroic  barbarian,  was  born  of  a  prince 
who  reigned  over  some  hordes  of  ancient  Mogulistan.* 
Traditions  relate  that  the  seventh  of  his  ancestors  was 
engendered  in  the  womb  of  his  mother  by  the  miraculous 
influence  of  the  rays  of  the  sun.  At  the  birth  of  Temugiu, 
his  family  remarked  witli  joy  some  coagulated  blood  in  the 
hands  of  the  infant,  a  sinister  presage  for  the  human  race, 
in  which  flattery  or  superstition  saw  the  future  glory  of  a 
conqueror.  Some  historians  inform  us  that  nothing  was 
neglected  in  the  education  of  Temugin  ;  others,  more  worthy 
of  faith,  affirm  that  he  could  not  read ;  but  all  agree  in 
saying  that  he  was  born  for  war,  aiid  to  command  a  warlike 
people.  Endowed  with  great  penetration  of  mind,  and  with 
a  sort  of  eloquence,  knowing  how  to  dissemble  in  season, 
skilful  in  working  upon  the  passions,  uniting  bravery  to  a 
boundless  ambition,  that  was  never  checked  by  any  scruple, 

*  M.  Petis  de  Lacroix  has  published  a  life  of  Gengiskhan,  according  to 
Eastern  authors.  This  history,  though  fable  is  sometimes  mixed  with 
truth,  is  one  of  the  best  works  that  can  be  consulted.  M.  Deguignes,  in 
his  History  of  the  Huns,  has  spoken  at  great  length  of  the  Tartars  and  of 
Gengiskhan  ;  he  aimounces  that  he  has  deviated  trom  the  account  of  Petis 
de  Lacroix  ;  but  as  he  does  not  always  name  the  sources  from  which  he 
has  drawn,  he  does  not  insjiire  perfect  confidence  for  this  part  of  his  his- 
tory. We  find  some  details  upon  Gengiskhan  in  La  Bibliotheque  Orien- 
tale  of  D'Herbelot. 


318  niSTOKY    OF    THE    CRXTSADES. 

he  had  all  the  qualities  and  all  the  vices  -which  lead  to  empire 
among  barbarians,  and  sometimes  even  among  polishc^d 
nations.  His  natural  propensities  developed  thejnscJves  in 
adversity,  which  hardened  his  character,  and  taught  him  to 
brave  everything  in  order  to  carry  out  his  desigus.  From 
the  age  of  fourteen,  despoiled  of  his  paternal  heritage,  and 
a  fugitive  Avith  the  khan  of  the  Karaites,  he  sac  \iced  without 
pain  the  most  holy  duties  of  liospitality  to  his  future  gran- 
deur. The  khan  of  the  Karaites  was  known  by  the  laame  of 
Prester  John  among  the  Christians  of  the  middle  ages,* 
who  celebrated  his  conversion  to  Christianity,  and  considered 
him  as  one  of  the  most  fervent  apostles  of  the  Gospel, 
which,  doubtless,  he  never  had  known.  He  confided  the 
care  of  his  states  to  young  Temugin,  who  insinuated  himself 
into  the  favour  of  the  army;  and  dethroned  his  benefactor. 
As  he  had  outraged  all  the  lav.s  of  morality  to  usurp  empire, 
he  violated  all  the  laws  of  hum:<.nity  to  maintain  himself  in 
it.  Seventy  of  his  enemies  plunged  into  seventy  caldrons 
of  boiling  water,  and  the  skull  of  the  chief  of  the  Karaites 
enchased  in  a  golden  box,  announced  very  plainly  what  tlie 
master  was  whom  fortune  was  about  to  place  over  the 
nations  of  Asia. 

Victory  was  to  achieve  what  treachery,  violence,  and  in- 
gratitude had  begun ;  the  arms  of  Temugin  and  his  lieu- 
tenants subdued  successively  all  the  hordes  whose  camps 
arose  between  the  wall  of  Cliina  and  the  Volga.  Temugin 
was  the  all-powerful  leader  of  many  millions  of  shepherds 
and  warriors,  impatient  to  quit  their  own  climate  and  hivade 
the  regions  of  the  south.  In  order  to  attach  the  companions 
of  his  victories  to  his  fortunes,  he  was  desirous  of  reigning 
by  their  suffrages,  and  called  together  a  couralta'i  or  general 
diet,  in  which  he  was  proclaimed  sovereign  of  the  Moguls. 
The  ambition  of  Temugin  did  not  neglect  the  influence  of 
superstition  :  he  took  the  title  of  Gengis,  king  of  kings,  or 
moHter  of  tlie  world,  and  fame  gave  out  that  he  had  received 

*  The  Chronicles  of  the  middle  ages  often  speak  of  Prester  John.  A 
letter  written  liy  a  prince  of  this  name  to  Louis  VII.  has  been  preserved. 
Seven  barbarous  prince,^  have  been  reckoned  who  bore  the  name  ot'  Prester 
Jolin.  The  researches  made  to  ascertain  the  truth  would  be  uninteresting 
nowadays. — .See  the  Precis  de  la  Geographie  Universelle,  by  M.  Malta 
Brun,  torn,  i    p.  441. 


HISTOKX    OF    THE    CltUSADES.  319 

this  pompous  title  from  a  prophet  who  descended  from 
heaven  upon  a  white  horse. 

Eastern  historians  have  praised  Gengiskhan  for  having 
given  laws  to  nations  he  had  conquered.  These  laws,  the 
aim  of  which  wass  to  maintain  the  peace  of  families,  and  to 
direct  the  minds  of  the  people  towards  war,  for  a  length  of 
time  retained  the  obedience  and  the  respect  of  the  Moguls. 
As  Gengiskhan,  in  his  legislation,  acknowledged  one  God, 
the  sovereign  of  the  earth  and  heaven,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  permitted  all  kinds  of  creeds,  some  modern  writers 
have  taken  occasion  to  boast  of  his  religious  tolerance.  But 
what  could  be  the  tolerance  of  a  savage  conqueror,  who 
caused  himself  to  be  styled  the  son  of  the  sun,  the  son  of 
God ;  who  himself  followed  no  worsliip,  and  to  whom  all 
religions  were  equally  indifferent,  provided  they  crossed 
neither  his  ambition  nor  his  pride  ? 

The  lieutenants  and  warriors  of  Gengiskhan  had  recog- 
nised him  with  tlie  greater  joy,  as  imiversal  conqueror  and 
master  of  the  earth,  from  the  hopes  they  entertained  of  en- 
riching themselves  with  the  spoils  of  all  the  nations  subdued 
by  his  arms.  His  first  enterprises  were  directed  against 
China,  of  wliich  ~  ^.le  he  had  been  the  vassal.  Neither 
the  barrier  of  the  great  wall,  nor  the  ascendancy  of  krow- 
ledge  and  arts,  nor  the  use  of  gunpowder,  said  to  be  then 
known  among  the  Chinese,  was  able  to  defend  a  flourishing 
empire  against  the  attacks  of  a  multitude,  whom  the  thirst 
for  booty  and  a  warlike  instinct,  urged  forward  to  face  perils, 
and  rendered  invincible. 

The  wars  we  have  seen  in  our  days,  and  of  whicli  we  de- 
plore the  calamities,  give  nothing  but  a  feeble  idea  of  these 
gigantic  invasions,  in  wliich  many  millions  of  men  perished 
by  sword  and  fimine.  China  experienced  twice  all  the  evils 
inseparable  from  a  war  which  appeared  to  be  directed  by 
the  genius  of  destruction ;  and,  in  the  space  of  a  few 
years,  the  most  ancient  and  the  most  powerful  kingdom  of 
Asia,  covered  with  blood  and  ruins,  and  deprived  of  half  its 
population,  became  one  of  the  pro\4nces  of  the  new  empire 
founded  by  the  shepherds  of  Mogulistan. 

The  conquest  of  Carismia  soon  followed  that  of  China ; 
Cariamia  was  close  to  the  frontiei's  of  the  Mogul  empire, 
and,  on  oua^  side  extended  to  the  Gulf  of  Persia,  and  on  the 


320  HISTOEY    OF    TlfE    CRtJSABES. 

other,  to  the  liinits  of  India  and  Turkiatan.  Grengis  loarni 
that  a  Tartar  caravan  and  three  of  his  ambassadors  had  been 
massacred  in  one  of  the  cities  of  the  Carismians.  It  is  easy 
to  imagine  the  effect  that  this  news  Avould  protkice  upon  the 
emperor  of  the  Moguls,  who  himself  compared  the  anger 
of  kings  to  the  fire  of  conflagrations,  which  the  lightest 
wind  may  light  up.*  After  having  fasted  and  prayed,  during 
tliree  days  and  three  nights,  upon  a  mountain,  where  a 
hermit  announced  to  him,  the  second  time,  the  conquest  of 
the  whole  world,  the  terrible  Gengiskhan  commenced  his 
march,  at  the  head  of  seven  himdred  thousand  Tartars.  This 
army  met  that  of  the  Carismians  on  the  banks  of  th<3 
Jaxartes ;  Mahomet,  sultan  of  Carismia,  who  had  several 
times  carried  his  victorious  arms  into  Turkistan  and  Persia, 
commanded  the  host  of  the  Carismians.  The  plain  in  which 
this  battle  was  fought  was  covered  by  twelve  hundred  thou- 
sand combatants  ;  the  shock  was  terrific,  the  carnage  horri- 
ble ;  victory  was  adverse  to  Mahomet,  who,  from  that  day, 
together  witli  his  family  and  the  whole  of  his  nation,  sunk 
into  the  lowest  ab_yss  of  misfortune. 

The  cities  of  Otrar,  Bochara,  Samarcand,  Candahar,  and 
Carismia,  besieged  by  an  innumerab^"  multitude,  fell  in  turn 
into  the  power  of  the  conqueror,  and  witnessed  the  extirpa- 
tion of  their  garrisons  and  inhabitants.  We  cannot  sup- 
press a  feeling  of  pity  when  history  presents  to  us,  on  one 
side,  an  entire  population  flying  from  their  devastated  homes, 
to  seek  an  asylum  in  deserts  and  mountains ;  and  on  the 
other,  the  family  of  a  powerful  monarch  dragged  into  slavery 
or  groaning  in  exile ;  and  this  monarch  himself,  whose  pros- 
perity all  Asia  had  boasted  or  envied,  abandoned  by  his  sub- 
jects, and  dying  mth  misery  and  despair  in  an  island  of  the 
Caspian  Sea. 

The  army  of  Gengiskhan  returned  to  Tartary,  loaded  with 

*  According  to  what  we  know  of  Gengiskhan,  we  should  with  difficulty 
believe  that  among  ii.odern  historians  he  has  been  able  to  find  panegyrists  ; 
but  Petis  de  Lacroix  has  not  been  able  to  avoid  the  example  of  most  his- 
torians, who  generally  appear  infatuated  by  the  hero  whose  life  they  are 
writing.  An  Arabian  historian  relates,  that  on  learning  the  massacre  of 
his  ambassadors,  Gengiskhan  was  not  able  lo  refrain  from  tears.  Here 
Petis  de  Lacroix  is  very  angry  with  the  Arabian,  and  reproaches  him 
bitten^  with  having  given  the  emperor  of  the  Moguls  a,/e/w»(i?;e  character. 
All  others,  says  lie,  have  given  a  portrait  (if  him  more  worthy  of  a  hero. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    OEUSADES.  321 

the  spoils  of  Carismia:  the  sovereign  of  the  Moguls*  ap- 
peared to  form  the  desire  of  governing  his  conquests  in 
peace ;  but  the  world,  agitated  by  his  victories,  and  always 
eager  to  throw  off  liis  yeke,  together  with  the  warlike  spirit 
of  his  nation,  to  whom  he  had  afforded  a  glimpse  of  the 
riches  of  other  people,  would  not  permit  him  again  to  enjoy 
repose  ;  he  was  on  the  point  of  luidertaking  a  third  expedi- 
tion against  China,  which  seemed  disposed  to  rebel,  when 
death  put  an  end  to  his  career.  Some  historians  assert  that 
lie  was  struck  dead  by  thunder,  as  if  Heaven  had  deter- 
mined itself  to  crush  the  instrument  of  its  wrath  ;t  others, 
much  more  worthy  of  belief,  inform  us  that  the  Tartar  hero 
died  in  his  bed,  siu-rounded  by  his  children,  to  whom  he  re- 
commended to  preserve  union  among  themselves,  that  they 
might  achieve  tlie  conquest  of  the  w^vld.  Octai,  the  eldest 
of  his  sons,  succeeded  him  in  the  en.pire,  and,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  Moguls,  the  great  men  assembled  and 
said  to  him,  "  We  wish,  we  pray,  we  command  you  to  ac- 
cept of  entire  power  over  us."  The  new  emperor  answered 
by  this  formula,  which  contains  the  whole  spirit  of  the 
despotic  governments  of  the  East :  "  If  you  desire  that  I 
should  be  your  khan,  are  you  resolved  to  obey  me  in  every- 
thing ;  to  come  when  I  shall  call  you,  to  go  where  I  shall 
send  you,  and  to  put  to  death  all  those  I  shall  command  you 
to  kill?"  After  they  had  answered  "Yes,"  he  said  to 
them,  "  Henceforth  my  simple  word  shall  serve  me  as  a 
sword."  Such  was  the  government  of  the  Tartars.  Octai 
was  about  to  reign  over  an  empire  composed  of  several 
great  empires ;  his  brothers  and  nephews  commanded  the 
innumerable  armies  that  had  conquered  China  and  Carismia; 
they  governed  in  his  name  in  the  north,  in  the  south,  and 
the  cast,  kingdoms  of  which  the  extent  was  scarcely  known; 
each  of  his  lieutenants  was  more  powerful  than  the  greatest 

*  There  have  been  long  disputes  upon  the  terms  Mogul  and  Tartar. 
We  think  we  can  make  out,  amidst  much  uncertainty,  that  the  Moguls 
originally  formed  a  distinct  tiiL>e  of  tlie  vast  countries  of  Tartary;  and 
tliat  the  Tartars,  being  in  great  numbers  in  the  armies  of  the  conqueiing 
Moguls,  obliterated  in  a  degree  the  names  of  their  conquerors  in  the  king- 
doms of  Europe  and  Asia  to  which  these  armies  penetrated. 

t  Fatlier  Gaubil  has  translated  a  Chinese  history  of  Gengiskhan ;  this 
history  yields  but  little  information,  and  gives  no  cuiious  details  but  upon 
the  family  and  the  successors  of  the  couqueror. 


322  HISTORY   OP   THE    CllUSADES. 

kings  of  the  earth,  and  all  obeyed  him  as  his  slaves,  i'or 
the  iirst  time,  perhaps,  concord  was  preserved  among  con- 
querors ;  and  this  monstrous  union  effected  tl  e  ruLii  of  all 
the  nations  of  Asia :  Turkistau,  Persia,  India,  tlie  southern 
provinces  of  China,  which  had  escaped  the  ravages  of  the 
iirst  invasion,  all  that  remained  of  the  empire  of  tlie  Abas- 
sides  and  of  that  of  the  Seljoucides — all  fell  before  the  arms 
ot  the  redoubtable  posterity  of  Gengiskhan.  Many  of  the 
sovereigns  whom,  in  these  days  of  disorder  and  calamity  the 
chance  of  war  hurled  from  their  thrones,  had  invoked  the 
succour  of  the  Moguls,  and  favoured  the  enterprises  of  that 
Avarlike  people  against  neigliboiu'ing  or  rival  powers.  For- 
tune enveloped  them  all  in  the  same  ruin,  and  oriental  his- 
tory compares  them  to  tlie  three  dervises  whose  indiscreet 
wishes  and  prayers  reanimated,  in  the  desert,  the  bones 
of  a  lion,  who  sprang  up  from  the  bosom  of  the  sand  and 
devoured  them. 

The  conquest  of  the  richest  countries  of  Asia  had  inflamed 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  Tartars  to  such  a  degree,  tliat  it  would 
have  been  impossible  for  their  leaders  to  confine  them  within, 
the  limits  of  their  own  territories,  or  bring  them  back  to  tlie 
peaceful  labours  of  pastoral  life.  Octai,  whether  desirous 
of  obeying  the  paternal  instructions,  or  whether  he  felt  the 
necessity  of  employing  the  restless  and  turbulent  activity  ot 
the  Moguls,  resolved  to  turn  his  arms  towards  the  West. 
Fifteen  hundred  thousand  shepherds  or  warriors  inscribed 
their  names  upon  the  military  register  ;  five  hundred  thou- 
sand of  the  most  robust  were  selected  for  the  great  expedi- 
tion ;  the  others  were  to  remain  in  Asia,  to  maintain  the 
submission  of  the  vanquished  nations,  and  complete  the 
conquests  commenced  by  Gengiskhan.  Rejoicings,  which 
lasted  forty  days,  preceded  the  departure  of  the  Mogul 
army,  and  were  as  a  signal  of  the  desohition  they  were  about 
to  spread  among  tl\e  countries  of  Europe. 

In  their  rapid  course,  the  Tartars  crossed  the  Volga,  and 
penetrated,  almost  without  obstacle,  into  Muscovy,  then  a 
prey  to  the  fury  of  civil  war.  The  devastation  of  their 
country,  tlie  conflagrations  of  Kiow  and  Moscow,  and  the 
disgraceful  yoke  that  so  long  oppressed  these  northern 
regions,  were  the  publishments  due  to  the  feeble  resistance 
of  the  Muscovites.     After  the  conquest  of  Eiussia,  the  mul- 


HISTOBT    OF    THE    CEUSADES.  323 

tilude  of  Moguls,  led  by  Baton,  son  of  Tuli,  directed  their 
victorious  course  towards  Poland  and  the  frontiers  of  Ger- 
many, and  repeated,  whei-ever  they  went,  the  horrors  of 
Attila  and  his  Huns.  The  cities  of  Lublin  and  Warsaw 
fli^appeared  on  tlieir  passage,  and  they  laid  waste  both  shores 
of  the  Baltic.  In  vain  tlie  dui\e  of  Silesia,  tlie  Polish  pala- 
tines, and  the  grand  master  of  the  Teutonic  order,  united 
tlieir  forces  to  arrest  the  progress  of  this  aiew  scourge  of 
God  ;*  the  generous  defenders  of  Europe  succumbed  upon 
th^  plains  of  Lignitz,  and  nine  sacks,  filled  with  human 
ears,  were  the  trophy  of  the  victory  of  the  barbarians.  The 
Carpathian  mountains  presented  but  a  feeble  barrier  to 
these  invincible  hordes  ;  and  the  Tartars  soon  burst  like  a 
fearful  tempest  over  the  teiTitories  of  those  Hungarians 
who,  two  centuries  before,  had,  like  them,  quitted  the  deserts 
of  Scythia,  and  conquered  the  fei-tile  banks  of  the  Danube. 
Bela,  king  of  Hungary,  had  recently  attracted  forty  thou- 
sand families  of  Comans  into  his  dominions,  who  betrayed 
him ;  the  palatines  and  magnates  of  the  kingdom  were 
divided  among  themselves,  and  not  even  the  aspect  of  dan- 
ger could  induce  them  to  imite  or  submit  themselves  to  the 
laws  of  the  monarch.  Disobedience,  treachery,  and  discord, 
delivered  the  whole  kiugdom  up  to  the  furies  of  a  pitiless 
enemy ;  the  flocks,  the  harvests,  the  entire  wealth  of  the 
country,  became  the  prey  of  the  Moguls ;  half  the  popula- 
tion was  exterminated.  Of  all  the  cities  of  Hungary,  only 
thi'eo  offered  an  earnest  and  true  resistance,  and  thus  pre- 
served themselves  from  scenes  of  carnage  and  destruction. 
The  shepherds  of  Scythia,  who  could  not  read,  have  left  to 
the  vanquished  the  task  of  describing  their  conquests,  and 
we  have  great  difficulty  in  crediting  the  accoimts  of  the  old 
Hungarian  chronicles,  when  they  describe  the  unlieard-of 
cruelties  by  which  the  Moguls  disgraced  their  victories  ;t 
but  several  provinces  entirely  depopulated  and  changed  into 

*  Matthew  Paris  speaks  of  the  terror  which  the  Moguls  spread  through 
Europe  :  his  history  contains  i\i\  exhortation  to  all  the  nations  of  the  West 
to  fly  to  arras ;  each  nation  is  in  this  history  characterized  by  an  honour- 
able and  flattering  epithet. 

t  The  reader  may  consult  Thiirocsius,  vol.  i.,  Rerum  Hungaricarum, 
and  particularly  the  Carmen  Miserabile  of  Roger  ot  Hungary,  canon  of 
Varadin,  who  has  dcAcribeJ  in  poetical  prose  the  disasters  of  which  he 
i'iruself  was  a  witness 


324  HISTORY   OF   TUB    CEUSADES. 

deserts,  the  ruins  of  two  thousand  cliurches,  fifty  destroyed 
cities,  the  traditions  of  these  great  disasters  transmitted 
from  age  to  age,  and  the  terror  that  pervaded  Europe,  are 
evidences  so  worthy  of  faitli,  that  we  cannot  reject  them. 

In  the  general  consternation,  it  is  surprising  that  the 
]Moguls  did  not  direct  their  arms  against  the  Latin  empii-e  ot. 
Constantinople,  then  menaced  by  the  Greeks,  and  little  better 
than  a  ruin  ;  but  the  shepherds  of  the  desert  did  not  employ 
themselves  in  inquiries  concerning  the  interior  revolutions 
of  states  or  of  the  signs  of  their  decay ;  they  preserved,  as 
did  all  the  nations  of  Asia,  a  vague  and  confused  idea  of  the 
power  of  the  armies  of  ancient  Byzantium,  but  took  little 
heed  whether  the  moment  were  come  to  attack  it  and  con- 
quer it.  The  great  advantages  which  the  imperial  city  derived 
from  its  position  between  Europe  and  Asia,  did  not  at  all 
strike  the  Tartars,  wdio  were  ignorant  of  both  navigation 
and  commerce,  and  infinitely  preferred  rich  pastures  to  the 
sumptuous  edifices  of  great  capitals.  Thus  we  may  equally 
believe,  eitlier  that  the  city  of  Constantine  was  protected  on 
this  occasion  by  the  memories  of  its  past  greatness,  or  that 
it  owed  its  safety  to  the  contempt  and  indift'erence  of  the 
barbarians. 

The  Franks  established  in  Syria  enjoyed  the  same  good 
fortune  as  the  Greeks  of  Byzantium.  The  armies  of  the 
Moguls  had  not  yet  crossed  the  Euphrates. 

Whilst  the  tumult  of  war  and  the  fall  of  empires  re- 
sounded from  the  Yellow  Kiver  to  the  Danube,  the  Christians 
of  Palestine,  protected  by  the  discords  of  the  Saracens, 
resumed  possession  of  Jerusalem :  they  were  beginning  to 
repair  the  walls  of  the  holy  city,  and  rebuild  the  churches  ; 
and  thanked  Heaven  in  peace,  for  having  preserved  them 
from  the  scourges  that  were  devastating  the  rest  of  the 
world.  The  Tartars  were  scarcely  aware  of  the  existence  or 
the  name  of  a  country  for  which  so  much  blood  had  been 
spilt,  and  were  not  likely  to  be  attracted  to  the  revered  but 
barren  banks  of  the  Jordan,  by  either  the  liopes  of  booty 
or  by  the  remembrances  which  excited  the  warlike  enthu- 
siasm of  the  nations  of  the  "West.  Ilapj'jy  would  it  have 
been  for  the  Cliristian  colonies,  if  a  people,  conquered  by 
the  Moguls,  drivcji  from  tlieir  own  territories,  and  seek- 
ing an  asylum  everywhere,  had  not  come  tp  disturb  their 


mSTOET    or    THE    CEUSADES.  325 

transient  security,  and  plunge  the  city  of  Christ  into  fresh 
calamities. 

After  the  death  of  Mahomet,  sultan  of  Carismia,  his  son 
Gelaleddiu  gathered  together  an  army.  The  valour  which 
he  displayed  in  several  battles  astonished  his  enemies,  and, 
for  a  moment,  brought  back  to  his  standard  the  sad  remains 
of  his  empire ;  fortune  favoured  his  expeditious  into  Greorgia 
and  India ;  but  nt  last  he  forgot  the  lessons  of  adversity 
amidst  the  into>ication  of  pleasures ;  he  lost  all  his  con- 
quests, and  perished  miserably  among  the  Curds,  where  he 
had  sought  refuge.  The  Carismian  warriors,  incessantly 
piu'sued  by  the  Tartars,  abandoned  a  coixntry  they  could  no 
longer  defend,  and,  under  the  command  of  one  of  their 
leaders  named  Barbakan,  spread  themselves  through  Asia 
Minor  and  Syria. 

These  hordes,  banished  from  their  own  country,  marched, 
sword  and  torch  in  hand,  and,  in  their  despair,  seemed  to 
wish  to  avenge  upon  other  nations  the  evils  they  had  suf- 
fered from  the  Tartars.  History  describes  these  furious 
bands,  wandering  along  the  banks  of  the  Orontes  and  the 
Euphrates,  dragging  in  their  train  a  multitude  of  men  and 
women  that  had  fallen  into  their  hands ;  a  great  number  of 
Avaggons  conveyed  the  spoils  of  the  ravaged  provinces  they 
passed  through.  The  most  brave  of  them  ornamented  their 
lances  with  the  hair  of  those  they  had  immolated  in  fight. 
Clothed  in  the  produce  of  ])illage,  their  army  pi'esented  a 
spectacle  at  once  terrific  and  ridiculous.  The  Carismian 
warriors  had  no  resource  but  in  vio^Dry,  and  all  the  ha- 
rangues of  their  leaders  consisted  of  tiiese  words  :  Yoti  will 
conquer,  or  you  will  die.  They  gave  no  quarter  to  their 
enemies  on  the  field  of  battle  ;  when  conquered  themselves, 
they  submitted  to  death  without  a  complaint.  Their  fury 
spared  neither  Christians  nor  Mussulmans ;  all  they  met  on 
their  passage  were  their  enemies ;.  their  approach  spread 
terror  everywhere,  put  the  distracted  peoples  to  flight,  and 
changed  cities  and  towns  into  deserts. 

The  Mussulman  powers  of  Syria  several  times  united  in  a 
league  against  the  Carismians,  and  drove  them  back  to  the 
other  side  of  the  Euphrates.  But  the  spirit  of  rivalry 
which  at  all  times  divided  the  princes  of  the  family  oi 
Saladin,  soon  recalled  an  enemy  always  redoubtable  notwith- 


326  HISTORY   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

standing  defeats.  At  the  period  of  wliicli  we  ai-e  speaking, 
the  princes  of  Damascus,  Carac,  and  Emessa  had  just  formed 
an  alliance  with  the  Christians  of  Palestine ;  they  not  only 
restored  Jerusalem,  Tiberias,  and  the  principality  of  Gralilee 
to  them,  but  they  promised  to  join  them  in  the  conquest  ol 
Egypt,  a  conquest  for  which  the  whole  of  Syria  was  making 
preparations.  The  sultan  of  Cairo,  to  avenge  himself  upon 
the  Christians  who  had  broken  the  treaties  concluded  with 
him,  to  punish  their  new  allies,  and  protect  himself  from 
their  invasion,  determined  to  apply  for  succour  to  the  hordes 
of  Carismia ;  and  sent  deputies  to  the  leaders  of  these  bar- 
barians, promising  to  abandon  Palestine  to  them,  if  they 
subdued  it. 

This  proposition  was  accepted  with  joy,  and  twenty  thou- 
sand horsemen,  animated  by  a  thirst  for  booty  and  slaughter, 
hastened  from  the  further  parts  of  Mesopotamia,  disposed 
to  be  subservient  to  the  vengeance  or  anger  of  the  Egyptian 
monarch.  On  their  march  they  ravaged  the  territory  of 
Tripoli  and  the  principality  of  Galilee,  and  the  flames  which 
everywhere  accompanied  their  steps,  announced  their  arrival 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem . 

Portifications  scarcely  commenced,  and  tlie  small  number 
of  warriors  in  the  holy  city,  left  not  the  least  hope  of  being 
able  to  repel  the  unexpected  attacks  of  such  a  formidable 
enemy.  Tlie  whole  popidation  of  Jerusalem  resolved  to  fly, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  knights  of  the  Hospital  and  the 
Temple.  There  only  remained  in  the  city  the  sick  and  a 
few  inhabitants  who  could  not  make  their  minds  up  to  nban- 
don  their  homes  and  their  infirm  kindred.  The  Carismians 
soon  arrived,  and  having  destroyed  a  few  intrenchments  that 
had  been  made  in  their  route,  they  entered  Jerusalem  sword 
in  hand,  massacred  aU  they  met,  and  as,  amidst  a  deserted 
city  the  conquerors  found  no  victims  to  glut  their  vengeance 
witli,  tliey  had  recourse  to  a  most  odious  stratagem  to  lure 
back  tlie  inhabitants  who  had  taken  flight.  They  raised 
Ihe  standards  of  the  cross  upon  every  tower,  and  set  all  the 
bells  ringing.  The  crowd  of  Christians  who  were  retiring 
towards  JalYa,  marched  on  in  silence,  and  advanced  but 
slowly,  constantly  hoping  that  Pleaven  would  be  touched  by 
their  misery,  and,  by  some  miracle,  lend  them  back  to  the 
homes  they  had  quitted :  from  time  to  time,  their  eyes  in* 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  327 

voluntarily  turned  towards  the  holy  city.  All  at  once  they 
saw  the  banners  of  the  Cross  unfurled,  and  the  sound  of  the 
sacred  brass,  which  every  day  called  them  to  prayers,  re- 
sounded in  their  ears.  The  news  soon  spread  that  either 
the  barbarians  had  marched  their  army  in  another  direction, 
or  that  they  had  been  repulsed  by  the  Christians  who  were 
left  in  the  city.  They  became  soon  persuaded  that  God  had 
taken  pity  on  his  people,  and  would  not  permit  the  city  of 
Christ  to  be  defiled  by  the  presence  of  a  sacrilegious  horde. 
Seven  thousand  fugitives,  deceived  by  this  hope,  returned 
to  Jerusalem  and  gave  themselves  up  to  the  fury  of  the 
Carismians,  who  put  them  all  to  the  sword.  Torrents  of 
blood  flowed  through  the  streets  and  along  the  roads.  A 
troop  of  nuns,  children,  and  aged  people,  who  had  sought 
refuge  in  the  church  of  the  PI  oly  Iriepulchre,  were  massacred 
at  the  foot  of  the  altars.  The  Carismians  finding  nothing 
among  the  living  to  satisfy  their  fiuy,  burst  open  the  sepul- 
chres, and  gave  the  coffins  and  remains  of  the  dead  up  to 
the  flames  ;  the  tomb  of  Christ,  that  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon, 
the  sacred  relics  of  the  martyrs  and  heroes  of  the  faith, 
nothing  was  respected,  and  Jerusalem  then  witnessed  witliin 
its  walls  such  cruelties  and  profanations  as  had  never  taken 
place  in  the  most  barbarous  wars,  or  in  days  marked  by  the 
anger  of  God.* 

In  the  mean  time,  the  grand  masters  of  the  Templars  and 
the  Hospitallers,  assembled  with  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  nobles  of  the  kingdom,  in  Ptolemais,  endeavoured 
to  devise  means  by  which  the  Carismians  might  be  repulsed 
and  Palestine  saved.  All  the  inhabitants  of  Tyre,  Sidon, 
Ptolemais,  and  other  Christian  cities,  able  to  bear  arms,  re- 
paired to  their  standards.  The  princes  of  Damascus,  Carac, 
}ii\d  Eniessa,  whose  assistance  the  Christians  implored,  united 
tlieir  forces,  and  assembled  an  army  to  stop  the  progress  of 
the  general  devastation.  This  Mussulman  army  soon  arrived 
in  Palestine.  Its  appearance  before  the  walls  of  Ptolema'is 
raised  the  courage  of  the  Franks,  who,  in  so  pressing  a  dan- 
ger, appeared  to  have  no  repugnance  to  fight  in  company 
'xith  the  infidels.  Almansor,  prince  of  Ernessa,  who  com- 
manded the  Mussulman  warriors,  had  recently  signalized 

*  See  in  the  Appendix  the  details  which  many  of  the  ChroQicles  give  o 
the  ravages  of  ^ae  Carisaiians  in  Palestine. 


326  HISTOEY   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

his  valour  against  the  hordes  of  Carismia.  The  Christians 
took  pleasure  in  relating  his  victories  in  the  plains  of 
Aleppo,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  He  was  re- 
ceived in  Palestine  as  a  liberator,  and  carpets  bordered  wick 
gold  and  silk  were  spread  upon  his  passage.  "  The  people,'* 
says  Joinville,  "  considered  him  as  one  of  tJie  test  barons  of 
paqanismy 

The  preparations  of  the  Christians,  the  zeal  and  ardour 
of  the  military  orders,  the  barons,  and  prelates ;  the  union 
that  subsisted  between  the  Pranks  and  their  new  allies, 
altogether  seemed  to  form  a  presage  of  success  in  a  war  un- 
dertaken in  the  names  of  religion,  humanity,  and  patriotism 
The  Christian  aud  Mussulman  armies,  united  under  the 
same  banners,  set  out  from  Ptolema'is,  and  encamped  upon 
the  plains  of  Ascalon.  The  army  of  tlie  Carismians  advancea 
towards  Gaza,  where  tliej  were  to  receive  provisions  aud 
reinforcements  sent  by  the  sultan  of  Egypt.  The  Franks 
became  impatient  to  meet  their  enemies,  and  to  avenge  the 
deaths  of  tlieir  companions  and  brethren  massacred  at  Jeru- 
salem. A  council  vAas  called,  to  deliberate  upon  the  best 
mode  of  proceeding.  The  prince  of  Emessa  and  the  more 
wise  among  the  barons  thonght  it  not  prudent  to  expose  the 
safety  of  the  Christians  and  their  allies  to  the  risk  of  a 
battle.  It  appeared  to  them  most  advisable  to  occupy  an 
advantageous  position,  and  wait,  without  giving  battle,  till 
the  natural  mconstancy  of  the  Carismians,  want  of  provi- 
sions, or  discord,  might  assist  ui  dispersing  this  vagabond 
rjiultitude,  or  lead  them  into  other  countries. 

jMost  of  the  other  chiefs,  among  whom  was  the  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem,  did  not  agree  with  this  opinion,  and  could  see 
notliing  in  the  Carismians  but  an  undisciplined  horde  that 
it  would  be  very  easy  to  conquer  and  put  to  flight ;  any 
delay  in  attacking  them  would  only  raise  their  pride  and  re- 
double their  audacity.  Every  day  tlie  evils  of  war  were  in- 
creasing ;  humanity  and  the  safety  of  tlie  Christian  colonies 
required  that  they  should  promptly  put  an  end  to  so  many 
devastations,  and  that  they  should  make  haste  to  chastise 
the  brigands,  whose  presence  was  at  once  an  opprobrium 
and  a  calamity  for  the  Clu'istians,  and  all  tlie  allies  of  the 
Christians. 

This  opinion,  too  congenial  with  the  impatient  valour  ot 


HISTORY    OF   THE    CinJSADE3.  329 

the  Franks,  prevailed  in  the  council.  It  was  resolved  to 
march,  and  offer  the  enemy  battle. 

The  two  armies  met  in  the  country  of  the  ancient  Philis- 
tines. Some  years  before,  the  duke  of  Burgundy  and  the 
king  of  Navarre,  surprised  in  the  sandy  plains  of  Gaza,  had 
lost  the  best  of  their  knights  and  soldiers.  Neither  the 
sight  of  places  where  the  Crusaders  had  been  defeated,  nor 
the  remembrance  of  their  recent  disaster,  dimiuislied  the 
imprudent  ardour  of  the  Christian  warriors  ;  as  soon  as 
they  perceived  the  enemy,  they  were  eager  for  tlie  signal  for 
battle.  The  Christian  army  was  divided  into  three  bodies  ; 
the  left  wing,  in  which  were  the  knights  of  St.  John,  was 
commanded  by  G-authier  de  Brienne,  count  of  Jaffa,  nephew 
to  kiug  John,  and  son  of  that  Gautliier  who  died  at  the  con- 
quest of  Naples.  The  Mussulman  troops,  under  the  orders 
of  the  prince  of  Emessa,  formed  the  right  wing.  The 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  surrounded  by  his  clergy,  with  the 
wood  of  the  true  cross  borne  before  him,  the  grand  master 
of  the  Templars  with  his  knights,  and  the  barons  of 
Palestine  with  their  vassals,  occupied  the  centre  of  the 
army. 

The  Carismians  fornied  their  line  of  battle  slowly,  and 
some  degree  of  disorder  was  observable  in  their  ranks. 
Gauthier  de  Brienne  was  anxious  to  profit  by  this  circum- 
stance and  attack  them  with  advantage  ;  but  the  patriarch 
restrained  his  valour  by  a  severity  not  less  contrary  to  the 
interests  of  the  Christians  than  to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel.* 

The  count  of  Jaffa,  having  been  excommunicated  for  de- 
tainuig  in  his  hands  a  castle  to  which  the  prelate  laid  claim, 
asked,  before  he  commenced  the  encounter  in  which  he 
might  lose  his  life,  to  be  relieved  from  his  excommimication. 
The  patriarch  twice  rejected  his  prayer,  and  refused  to 
absolve  him.  The  army,  which  had  received  the  benedictions 
of  the  priests  and  bishops,  arising  from  their  knees,  awaited 
in  silence  the  signal  for  battle.  The  Carismians  had  formed 
their  line  and  advanced,  uttering  loud  cries  and  discharging 

*  Joinville  gives  many  particulars  of  this  war  which  he  had  learnt 
dunng  his  sojyui  n  in  Palestine.  The  eontinuator  of  William  of  Tyre  may 
likewi.se  he  consulted.  Matthew  Paris  has  preserved  two  letters,  one  from 
the  pHtriTch  of  Jerusalem,  the  other  from  the  grand  master  of  the  Hos- 
pitallers, which  describe  this  battle. 

Vol.   11.— 15 


330  HISTORY   OP    rilE    CRUSArES. 

a  cloud  of  arrows.  Then  the  bishop  of  Rama,  in  complete 
armour,  impatient  to  signalize  his  bravery  against  the 
enemies  of  the  Christians,  approached  the  count  of  Jafta,  ex- 
claiming, "  Let  us  march, — the  patriarch  is  "wrong  :  I  absolve 
you,  in  the  name  of  the  Eather,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost."  After  having  pronounced  these  words,  the 
intrepid  bishop  of  Eama  and  Gauthier  de  Brienne,  followed 
by  his  compani.ms  in  arms,  rushed  amidst  the  ranks  of 
the  enemy,  burning  to  obtain  victory  or  the  crown  of  mar- 
tyrdom. 

The  two  armies  were  soon  generally  engaged,  and  mingled 
on  the  field  of  battle.  The  ardour  to  conquer  was  equal  on 
both  sides ;  neither  the  Christians  nor  their  enemies  could 
be  ignorant  that  a  single  defeat  must  cause  their  min,  and 
that  their  only  safety  was  in  victory.  On  this  account,  the 
annals  of  war  present  no  example  of  a  more  murderous  and 
obstinate  contest ;  the  battle  began  with  the  dawn,  and  only 
ended  at  simset.  On  the  following  morning  fighting  was 
renewed  with  the  same  fury ;  the  prince  of  Emessa,  after 
having  lost  two  thousand  of  his  horsemen,  abandoned  the 
field  of  battle,  and  fled  towards  Damascus.  This  retreat  of 
the  Mussulmans  decided  the  victory  in  favour  of  the  Caris- 
mians  ;  the  Christians  for  a  long  time  sustained  the  repeated 
shocks  of  the  enemy ;  but  at  length,  exhausted  by  fatigue 
and  overwhelmed  by  a  multitude,  almost  all  were  either 
killed  or  taken  prisoners.  This  sanguinary  battle  cost  life 
or  liberty  to  more  than  thirty  thousand  Christian  and 
Mussulman  warriors  ;  the  prince  of  Tyre,  the  patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  and  some  of  the  pi'elates,  with  great  difficLilty 
escaped  the  slaughter,  and  retired  to  Ptolema'is.  Among  the 
warriors  who  regained  the  Christian  cities,  there  were  only 
thirty-three  knights  of  the  Temple,  twenty-six  Hospitallers, 
and  tliree  Teutonic  knights. 

When  the  news  of  this  victory  reached  Egypt,  it  created 
a  universal  joy  ;  it  was  annomced  to  the  people  by  sound 
of  drums  and  trumpets  ;  the  sulian  ordered  public  rejoicings 
throughout  tlie  provinces,  and  all  the  public  edifices  of  the 
capital  were  illumined  during  three  nights.  In  a  short 
time  the  prisoners  arrived  at  Cairo,  mounted  on  camels,  and 
pursued  by  the  insulting  clamours  of  the  multitude.  Before 
their  arrival,  the  heads  of  their  companions  and  brethren 


niSTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  331 

killed  at  the  battle  of  Gaza  were  exhibited  on  the  walls. 
This  horrible  monument  of  their  defeat  foreboded  all  they 
had  to  fear  for  tliemselves  from  the  barbarity  of  the  con- 
querors. They  were  cast  into  dungeons,  where  they  were 
abandoned  to  the  mercies  of  cruel  gaolers,  and  where  they 
had  the  melancholy  satisfaction  of  embracing  the  barona 
and  knights  made  prisoners  in  the  last  crusade. 

AVliilst  all  Eg)^t  was  celebrating  the  victory  of  G-aza,  the 
inhabitants  of  Palestine  deplored  the  death  and  captivity  of 
their  bravest  warriors.  As  long  as  any  hope  existed  of  con- 
quering the  Carismians  with  the  assistance  of  the  Mussul- 
mans of  Syria,  their  alliance  had  created  neither  mistrust 
nor  scruple ;  but  reverses  quickly  revived  prejudices ;  the 
last  disaster  was  attributed  to  divine  justice,  irritated  bv 
having  seen  the  banners  of  Christ  mingled  with  those  of 
Mahomet.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Mussulmans  believed 
they  had  betrayed  the  cause  of  Islamism  by  allying  them- 
selves with  the  Christians  ;  the  aspect  of  the  cross  on  the 
field  of  battle  awakened  their  fanaticism  and  diminished 
their  zeal  for  a  cause  which  appeared  to  be  that  of  their 
enemies.  At  the  moment  of  beginning  the  fight,  the  prince 
of  Emessa  was  heard  to  pronounce  these  words  :  "  I  am 
armed  for  battle,  and  yet  God  tells  me,  in  the  depths  of  my 
heart,  that  we  shall  not  be  victorious,  because  we  have 
sought  the  friendship  of  the  Franks." 

The  victory  of  the  Carismians  delivered  up  the  greater 
part  of  Palestine  to  the  most  redoubtable  enemies  of  the 
Christian  colonies.  The  Egyptians  took  possession  of  Jeru- 
salem, Tiberias,  and  the  cities  ceded  to  the  Franks  by  the 
prince  of  Damascus.  The  hordes  of  Carismia  ravaged  all 
the  banks  of  the  Jordan,  with  the  territories  of  Ascalon 
and  Ptolemais,  and  laid  siege  to  Jaffa.  They  dragged  the 
unfortunate  Gauthier  de  Brienne  in  their  train,  hoping  that 
he  would  cause  a  city  that  belonged  to  him  to  open  its  gates 
to  them :  this  model  of  Christian  heroes  was  fastened  to  a 
cross  before  the  walls.  Whilst  thus  exposed  to  the  eyes  of 
his  faithful  vassals,  the  Carismians  loaded  him  with  insults, 
and  threatened  him  with  instant  death  if  the  city  of  Jaffa 
ofl'ered  the  least  resistance.  Gauthier,  braving  death,  ex- 
horted the  inhabitants  and  the  garrison,  with  a  loud  voice. 
to  c.3fend  themselves  to  the  last  extremity.     "  Your  duty," 


332  HISTOKT   OF   THE    CUUSADES. 

cried  he,  "is  to  defend  a  Christian  city;  mine  is  to  die  for 
you  and  Jesus  Christ."  The  city  of  Jaffa  did  not  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Carismians,  and  Gauthier  soon  received 
the  reward  of  his  generous  devotedness.  Sent  tu  the  sultan 
of  Cairo,  he  perished  beneath  the  brutal  blows  of  a  furious 
mob,  a-nd  thus  obtained  the  palm  of  martyrdom  for  which 
he  had  wished. 

In  the  mean  time,  fortime,  or  rather  the  inconstancy  of 
the  barbarians,  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Pranks,  and 
delivered  Palestine  from  the  presence  of  an  enemy  nothing 
could  resist.  The  sultan  of  Cairo  sent  robes  of  honour  and 
magnificent  presents  to  the  leaders  of  the  victorious  hordes, 
proposing  to  them  to  crown  their  exploits  by  directing  their 
arms  against  the  city  of  Damascus.  The  Carismians  imme- 
diately laid  siege  to  the  capital  of  Syria.  Damascus,  which 
had  been  hastily  fortified,  was  able  to  oppose  but  a  very 
slight  resistance  to  their  impetuous  attacks.  Having  no 
hope  of  succour,  they  opened  their  gates,  and  acknowledged 
the  domination  of  the  sultan  of  Egypt.  It  was  then  that 
the  Carismians,  inflated  by  their  victory,  demanded,  in  a 
menacing  tone,  that  the  lands  tliat  had  been  promised  to 
them  in  Palestine  shoidd  immediately  be  given  up  to  them. 
The  sultan  of  Cairo,  who  dreaded  such  neiglibours,  attempted 
to  defer  the  fulfilment  of  his  promise.  In  the  fury  which 
his  refusal  created,  the  bai'barians  oftered  their  services  to 
the  prince  whom  they  had  just  despoiled  of  his  states,  and 
laid  fresh  siege  to  Damascus,  in  order  to  deprive  the  Egyp- 
tians of  it.  The  garrison  and  the  inhabitants  defended 
themselves  with  obstinacy  ;  the  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands 
of  a  pitiless  enemy  supplying  the  place  of  courage.  AU  the 
evils  that  war  brings  in  her  train,  even  famine  itself,  appeared 
to  them  a  less  terrible  scourge  than  the  hordes  assembled 
under  their  ramparts. 

The  sultan  of  Egypt  sent  an  army  to  assist  the  city,  which 
was  augmented  by  the  troops  of  Aleppo  and  of  several  of 
the  principalities  of  Syria.  The  Carismians  were  conquered 
in  two  battles.  After  this  double  defeat.  Oriental  history 
scarcely  mentions  their  name,  or  furnishes  us  with  means  Oi. 
following  their  track.  The  greater  part  of  those  that  escaped 
the  sword  perished  with  hunger  and  misery  in  the  countries 
they  had  devastated ;  the  most  brave  and  the  best  disciplined 


UISTORr    OF    TUB    CRUSADES.  333 

went  to  seeK  an  asylum  ;n  the  states  of  the  sultan  pf  Ico- 
nium :  and  if  faith  can  oe  given  to  the  conjectures  c  f  some 
historians,*  they  were  the  obscure  origin  of  the  powerful 
dyTiasty  of  the  Ottomans. 

The  Christians  of  Palestine  must  have  been  grateful  to 
Jleaven  for  the  destruction  of  the  Carismians ;  but  the  losa 
of  Jerusalem  and  the  defeat  of  Gaza  could  not  permit  them 
to  indulge  in  many  joyful  sensations.  They  had  lost  their 
allies,  and  could  reckon  upon  nothing  but  enemies  among 
the  Mussulmans.  The  sultan  of  Egypt,  whose  alliance  they 
had  rejected,  was  extending  his  dominions  in  Syria,  and  his 
power  became  every  day  more  formidable.  The  cities  which 
the  Christians  still  retained  on  the  coasts  of  the  sea  were 
almost  all  without  defenders.  The  orders  of  St.  John  and 
the  Temple  had  offered  the  sidtan  of  Cairo  a  considerable 
simi  for  the  ransom  of  his  prisoners  ;  but  the  sultan  refused 
to  listen  to  their  ambassadors,  and  threatened  them  with  all 
the  terrors  of  his  wrath  :  these  two  bodies,  formerly  so  much 
dreaded  by  the  Mussulmans,  were  no  longer  able  to  serve 
the  cause  of  the  Clu'istians  with  any  advantage,  and  were 
compelled  to  wait,  in  a  state  of  inaction,  till  the  warlike 
nobility  of  Europe  should  come  to  replace  the  knights  held 
iu  captivity  by  the  infidels,  or  swept  away  on  the  field  of 
battle.  The  emperor  of  Germany  made  not  the  least  effort 
to  save  the  wreck  of  his  feeble  kingdom  ;  he  had  sent  several 
warriors  to  protect  his  rights  in  Ptolemais ;  but  as  these 
rights  were  not  recognised,  the  presence  of  the  imperial 
troops  only  added  to  the  other  scourges  that  desolated  the 
Holy  Land,  that  of  discord  and  civil  war. 

Palestine,  threatened  every  day  with  a  fresh  invasion, 
could  not  entertain  the  smallest  hope  of  being  succoured  by 
the  other  Christian  states  of  the  East.  The  Comans,  a 
barbai'ous  people  from  the  confines  of  Tartary,  and  who 
surpassed  the  hordes  of  Carismia  in  ferocity,  ravaged  the 
banks  of  the  Orontes,  and  submitted  everything  iu  the 
principality  of  Antioch  to  fire  and  sword;  the  king  of  Armenia 
was  in  dread,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  ravages  of  the  Tar- 
tars, and  of  the  aggressions  of  the  Turks  in  Asia  Minor ; 
the  kingdom  of  Cyprus,  a  prey  to  factions,  had  recently  been 

*  This  is  the  opin>jn  of  M.  Deguigaes,  in  his  Histoire  dcs  Hum, 


334  HISTORY    OF    THE    CEUSADE3. 

the  tlieatre  of  a  civil  war,  and  had  reason  to  fear  the  incur- 
sions of  the  Mussuhnan  nations  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  In 
tliis  deplorable  situation,  'c  might  be  believed  that  the  king- 
dom of  Godfrey  was  on  the  eve  of  perishing  entirely,  and 
that  all  that  remained  of  the  Christians  in  the  Holy  Land 
would  soon  share  tlie  fate  of  the  Carismians.  But,  on 
turning  their  eyes  towards  the  AVest,  the  Franks  of  I'alestine 
again  felt  their  hopes  and  their  courage  revive;  more  than 
once  the  Christian  states  of  Syria  had  owed  their  safety,  and 
even  a  few  days  of  prosperity  and  glory,  to  the  excess  of 
their  abasement  and  misery.  Their  groans  and  complaints 
were  seldom  heard  in  vain  by  the  warlike  nations  of  Europe, 
and  their  extreme  distress  became  almost  always  the  signal 
for  a  new  crusade,  the  very  report  of  which  was  enough  to 
make  tlie  Saracens  tremble. 

Valeran,  bishop  of  Berytus,  had  been  sent  into  the  "West 
to  solicit  the  protection  of  the  pope  and  the  assistance  of 
princes  and  warriors.  The  pope  received  the  envoy  of  the 
Christians  with  kindness,  and  promised  his  succour  to  tlie 
Holy  Land.  But  the  West  was  at  that  period  agitated  by 
troubles  :  the  quarrel  that  had  broken  out  between  the  Holy 
See  and  the  emperor  of  Germany  was  carried  on  with  an 
animosity  that  disgraced  both  religion  and  humanity.  Fre- 
derick li.  exercised  all  sorts  of  violences  against  the  court 
of  Eome  and  the  partisans  of  the  sovereign  pontift';  the 
pope,  every  day  more  irritated,  invoked  the  arms  of  the 
Christians  against  his  enemy,  and  promised  tlie  indulgences 
of  the  crusade  to  all  who  would  minister  to  his  anger. 

On  another  side,  the  Latins  estabhshed  at  Constantinople 
were  environed  by  the  greatest  perils.  The  emperor  Bald- 
win II.,  after  having  conducted  a  feeble  reinforcement  to 
his  capital,  had  returned  into  the  West,  and  was,  the  second 
time,  soliciting  the  alms  and  the  succours  of  the  faithful  to 
sustain  the  deplorable  remains  of  his  empire,  exposed,  almost 
without  defence,  to  the  attacks  of  tlie  Greeks  and  Bulga- 
rians. At  the  same  time,  the  Tartars  continued  to  ravage 
the  banks  of  the  Danube,  and  threaten  Germany  ;  tlieir 
barbarous  exploits  bad  carried  terror  to  the  very  extremities 
of  Europe ;  everywhere  the  excited  imagination  of  nations 
represented  these  terrible  conquerors  as  monsters  vomited 
U|)  by  hell,  clothed  in  hideous  forms,  and  endowed  with 


lIISTUIiY    OF    TlIE    ClirSADES.  835 

Btrength  against  which  no  man  was  able  to  contend.  Tlia 
deficiency  of  connnunication,  which  did  not  allow  ot  exact 
information  as  to  their  march,  gave  birtli  to  the  most 
frightful  rumours.  Fame  declared  at  one  time  thev  v/ere 
invading  Italy,  and  immediately  afterwards,  that  they  were 
iu\aging  tlie  banks  of  the  Khine ;  every  nation  dreaded 
tJK'ir  prompt  arrival,  every  city  believed  they  were  at  its 
gates. 

It  was  amidst  this  general  disorder  and  consternation,  that 
limocent  1\^.,  a  refugee  at  Lyons,  resolved  to  convoke  an 
a'cumenic  council  in  that  city,  to  remedy  the  evils  that  de- 
solated Christendom  in  both  the  East  and  the  West.*  The 
sovereign  pontift",  in  his  letters  addressed  to  tlie  faithful, 
exposed  the  deplorable  situation  of  the  Eomish  Church,  and 
conjured  the  bishops  to  come  around  him,  and  enlighten  him 
with  their  counsels.  The  patriarchs  of  Constantinople, 
Antiocli,  and  Aquihica,  a  great  number  of  prelates  and  doc- 
tors, with  several  secular  princes,  responded  to  the  invitation 
of  the  head  of  the  Church.  Among  the  crowd  of  bishops, 
one  alone  seemed  to  attract  general  attention ;  this  was  the 
bisliop  of  Berytus ;  his  presence,  and  the  grief  impressed 
'"ipon  his  brow,  reminded  the  assembly  of  all  the  misfortunes 
of  the  Holy  Land.  Baldwin  II.,  emperor  of  Byzantium, 
created  very  little  less  notice ;  and  his  suppliant  attitude 
but  too  plainly  showed  what  the  empire  founded  by  the 
sixth  crusade  had  become. 

Most  of  the  Western  monarchs  had  sent  their  ambassa- 
dors to  this  assembly,  in  which  the  safety  and  the  great 
interests  of  the  Christian  world  were  about  to  be  discussed. 
Frederick  in  particular,  who  had  so  long  been  the  object  of 
the  anger  of  the  sovereign  pontiff',  neglected  nothing  to  tiu'n 
aside  the  thunders  suspended  over  his  head,  and  ministers 
invested  with  liis  confidence  were  commissioned  to  defend 
him  before  the  fathers  of  the  council.  Among  the  deputies 
of  the  emperor  of  Grermany,  history  names  Pierre  Desvignes, 
who  had  written,  in  the  name  of  Frederick,  eloquent  letters 
to  all  tlie  sovereigns  of  Europe,  to  complain  of  the  tyi  .inny 
exercised  by  the  Holy  See  ;  and  T'jada^us  of  Suesse,  wh  >  was 
not  prevented  by  the  profession  ot  arms  fi-om  employ  \j.  g  the 

*  Consult   Matthew  Paris,  and  the  Annalen  Eccle'siastiques,   tor  par 
ticulars  concerning  the  council  of  Lyons. 


6'S6  HISTORY   OF   THE   CRUSADES. 

arts  of  eloquence,  or  fathoming  the  depths  of  the  study  oi 
laws.  The  latter  had  often  served  his  master  with  glory 
amidst  the  perils  of  war,  but  he  had  never  had  an  opportu- 
nity of  showing  so  mucli  firmness,  courage,  and  devotion  as 
in  this  assembly,  in  which  the  court  of  1-Jome  was  about  to 
put  forth  all  its  power  and  realize  ail  its  threats. 

Before  the  opening  of  the  council,  the  pope  held  a  congre- 
gation in  the  monastery  of  St.  Just,  where  he  had  chosen  to 
fix  his  residence.  The  patriarch  of  Constantinople  exposed 
the  deplorable  state  of  his  churcli  :  heresy  had  resumed  ita 
empire  in  3  gi^eat  part  of  Grreece,  and  the  enemies  of  the 
Latin  church  were  advancing  to  the  very  gates  of  Constan- 
tinople ;  the  bishop  of  Berytus  read  a  letter,  in  which  the 
patriarch  of  Jei'usalem  and  the  barons  and  prelates  of  Pales- 
tine described  the  ravages  of  tlie  Carismians,  and  showed 
that  the  heritage  of  Christ  was  upon  the  point  of  becoming 
the  prey  of  the  barbarians,  if  tlie  West  did  not  take  arms 
for  its  defence.  The  dangers  and  misfortunes  of  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  East  affected  the  fathers  of  the  council  deeply. 
Thada^us,  taking  advantage  of  their  emotion,  annomiced  that 
the  emperor,  his  master,  fully  partook  of  their  profound  grief, 
and  that  he  was  ready  to  employ  all  his  powers  for  the  de- 
fence of  Christendom.  Frederick  promised  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  the  iiTuption  of  the  Tartars,  to  re-establish  the 
domination  of  the  Latins  in  Greece,  to  go  in  person  to  the 
Holy  Land,  and  to  deliver  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem ;  he 
still  further  promised,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  all  divisions, 
to  restore  to  the  Holy  See  all  he  had  taken  from  it,  and  to 
repair  all  wrongs  oftered  to  the  sovereign  pontift'.  Such 
lofty  promises,  made  by  the  most  powerful  monarch  of  Chris- 
tendom, created  as  much  joy  as  surprise  in  the  greater  part 
of  the  bishops  ;  the  whole  assembly  appeared  impatient  to 
know  what  would  be  the  reply  of  Innocent.  The  pope 
pri)ved  inflexible,  and  rejected  with  scorn  propositions,  as  he 
sail,  already  made  several  times,  and  which  had  no  other 
guarantee  but  the  too  suspicious  loyalty  of  Frederick.  He 
was  determined  to  view  the  new  protestations  of  the  em- 
peror as  nothing  but  a  fresh  artifice  to  decei  e  the  Church, 
and  turn  aside  the  course  of  its  justice.  "  T/ie  axe,"  added  he, 
"•/.v  already  lifted,  and  ready  to  cut  tlie  roots  of  the  tree;"  wordg 
very  ill  assorted  with  the  charity  of  the  Gospel,  aiii  whir,h 


HISTOKY    OF    TJIE    CEUSADES.  33/ 

plainly  show  that  Innocent  had  prepared  the  solomn  pomp  ol 
a  council  with  less  purpose  to  oppose  the  foes  of  Christendom 
tlian  to  prepare  tlie  fall,  and  consummate  the  ruin  of  hi;3 
personal  enemy. 

The  pope  lield  this  preparatory  sitting  in  order  to  make  a 
trial  of  his  strength,  and  to  become  acquainted  with  the  dis- 
pctsitions  of  the  bishops.  A  few  days  afterwards,  the  coun- 
cil was  opened  with  great  solemnity  in  the  metropolitan 
chiu-ch  of  8t.  John  ;  tlie  so  sreign  pontiff,  wearing  the  tiara, 
and  clothed  in  pontifical  robes,  was  placed  upon  an  elevated 
seat,  having  on  his  right  hand  the  em.peror  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  on  his  left  the  count  of  Provence  and  the  count 
of  Thoulouse.  After  having  given  out  the  Veni  Creator,  and 
invoked  enlightenment  from  the  Holy  Ghost,  he  pronounced 
a  discourse,  for  the  subject  of  which  he  took  the  five  griefs 
with  which  he  was  afflicted,  and  compared  them  to  the  five 
wounds  of  the  Saviour  of  the  world  upon  the  cross.  Tiie 
first  was  the  irruption  of  the  Tartars  ;  the  second,  the  schism 
of  the  Greeks ;  the  third,  the  invasion  of  the  Holy  Land  bv 
the  Carismians  ;  the  fourth,  the  relaxation  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline  and  the  progress  of  heresy  ;  and  the  fifth,  the 
persecution  he  endured  from  Frederick. 

AVhilst  describing  the  misfortunes  of  Chriotendom,  the 
pontift'  could  not  restrain  his  tears.  His  voice,  if  we  may 
believe  a  contemporary  historian,  was  often  stified^  by  sobs ; 
he  conveyed  to  all  hearts  the  sentiments  by  which  he  was 
affected  ;  but  he  soon  abandoned  the  language  of  compassion 
and  despair,  and  assumed  that  of  anger  and  menace.  The 
Tartars,  the  Carismians,  and  the  Mussulmans,  inspired  him 
with  less  hatred  than  the  emperor  of  Germany,  and  it  was 
for  this  prince  he  reserved  all  the  thunders  of  his  eloquence. 
He  reproached  him,  in  the  most  vehement  expressions,  with 
all  the  ci-imes  that  could  draw  iipon  his  head  the  maledic- 
tions of  his  age,  the  hatred  of  his  contemporaries,  and  tlie 
contempt  of  posterity.  "When  the  pope  had  pronounced  his 
discourse,  a  profound  silence  reigned  throughout  the  assem- 
bly ;  it  appeared  to  the  greater  part  of  the  terrified  bishops 
tliat  the  voice  of  Heaven  had  made  itself  heard  for  the  pur- 
pose of  condemning  Frederick :  all  eyes  were  turned  upon 
the  deputies  of  the  eiiperor,  and  no  one  could  believe  that 
either  of  them  would  dare  to  reply  to  the  interpreter  of  the 

1  .-)* 


333  niSTOUY  of  the  cuusades. 

anger  of  Heaven.  All  at  once  Thacla3us  of  Suesse  arose,  nnd 
addressed  the  council,  calling  upon  God,  wlio  searches  all 
hearts,  to  witness  that  the  emperor  was  faithful  to  all  hia 
promises,  and  had  never  ceased  to  endeavour  to  serve  the 
cause  of  the  Cliristiaus.  He  combated  all  the  accusations  of 
the  sovereign  pontiff,  and  in  his  reply  did  not  hesitate  to 
allege  numerous  complaints  against  the  court  of  Home.* 
The  angry  pop">  replied  from  his  lofty  throne ;  he  again 
accused  the  emj^ror,  and  evinced  but  too  great  a  desire  to 
find  him  guilty :  the  first  sitting  of  the  council,  entirely 
occupied  with  these  violent  debates,  exhibited  the  unedifying 
spectacle  of  a  contest  between  the  head  of  the  faithful,  who 
accused  a  Christian  prince  of  perjury,  felouy,  heresy,  and 
sacrilege ;  and  the  minister  of  an  empei'or,  who  reproached 
the  court  of  Eome  with  having  exercised  an  odious  des- 
potism, and  committed  revolting  iniquities. 

This  contest,  the  results  of  whicli  were  likely  to  prove 
equally  injurious  to  the  head  of  the  Cliurch  and  the  head 
of  the  Empire,  was  prolonged  during  several  days  ;  it  doubt- 
less scandalized  all  those  that  the  pope  had  not  associated 
with  him  in  his  resentments,  and  most  of  tlie  bishops  must 
have  been  afilicted  at  being  thus  diverted  from  the  principal 
object  of  the  convocation. 

At  length,  however,  the  calamities  of  the  Eastern  Chris- 
tians, the  captivity  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  dangers  of  Byzan- 
tium engaged  the  attention  of  the  fathers  of  the  council. 
Tlie  pope  and  the  assembly  of  prelates  decided  that  a  new 
crusade  should  be  preached  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy 
Land  and  the  Latin  empire  of  Constantinople.  They  re- 
newed all  tlie  privileges  granted  to  Crusaders  by  preceding 
popes  and  councils,  as  well  as  all  the  penalties  directed 
against  such  as  should  favour  either  pirates  or  Saracens  : 
during  three  years  all  who  should  take  the  cross  would  be 
exempted  from  every  kind  of  tax  or  public  office  ;  but  if  after 
taking  the  vow  they  did  not  perform  it,  they  in-^urred  ex- 
communication. The  council  recommended  to  V  e  barons 
and  knights  to  reform  the  luxury  of  their  tables  and  the 
splendour  of  their  dress  ;  they  advised  all  the  faithfu",  and 
particularly  ecclesiastics,  to  practise  works  of  charity,  and  to 

*  Mitthew  Paris  affords  some  very  carious  details  upon  the  council  o. 
Lyons;  Lc  Pere  Labbe  may  also  be  cons-'iited. 


niSTORI     JF    THE    CRUSADES.  339 

arm  themselves  with  all  the  austerities  of  penitence  against 
the  enemies  of  God.  In  order  to  obtain  the  protection  of 
Heaven  by  the  intercession  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  the  pope 
and  the  fathers  of  the  council  ordered  that  the  octave  of  the 
Nativity  should  be  celebrated  in  the  church.  In  several 
councils  Christian  knights  had  been  forbidden  to  take  part 
in  the  profane  solemnities  of  tournaments  •  the  council  of 
Lyon  renewed  the  prohibition,  persuaded  that  these  military 
festivals  might  turn  aside  the  minds  of  tlie  warriors  from  the 
pious  thoughts  of  the  crusades,  and  that  the  expenses  they 
occasioned  would  render  it  impossible  for  the  bravest  of  the 
lords  and  barons  to  make  the  necessary  preparations  for  the 
pilgrimage  beyond  the  seas.  The  council  ordered  that  the 
clergy  should  pay  the  twentieth  part  of  tlieir  revenue,  and 
the  sovereign  pontiff  and  cardinals  tlie  tenth  of  theirs,  to 
provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  holy  war.  Half  of  the 
revenues  of  all  non-resident  benefices  was  specially  reserved 
for  the  assistance  of  the  empire  of  Constantinople.  The 
decrees  of  the  council  ordered  all  whose  mission  it  was  to 
preach  the  word  of  God,  to  urge  princes,  counts,  barons,  and 
the  corporations  of  cities,  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  their 
power  to  the  success  of  the  holy  war ;  the  same  statutes  re- 
commended the  clergy  to  show  to  the  faithful  that  sacrifices 
offered  to  the  crusade  were  the  sm-est  means  of  redeeming 
their  sins ;  but  above  all  they  recommended  the  clergy  to 
excite  the  faithfid,  in  the  ti'ibunal  of  penitence,  to  multiply 
their  offerings,  or  at  least  to  bequeath  in  their  testaments 
something  for  the  assistance  of  the  Christians  of  the  East. 

It  was  thus  the  council  declared  war  against  nations 
opposed  to  the  Christians,  and  prepared  means  for  assuring 
the  triumphs  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  We  are  nevertheless 
surprised  that  the  pope  said  nothing  about  preaching  a 
crusaa?  against  the  Tartars,  whose  invasion  he  had  com- 
pared to  one  of  the  w'ounds  of  the  Saviour  on  the  cross.  In 
the  state  of  desolation  in  which  Hungary  was  then  placed, 
none  of  the  bishops  of  that  unfortunate  kingdom  had  been 
able  to  appear  at  the  council,  and  no  friendly  voice  was 
raised  to  direct  attention  to,  or  implore  favour  for  the  Hun- 
garian nation.  The  Tai'tars,  it  is  true,  repulsed  by  the  duke 
of  Neustadt,  had  fillen  back  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube  ; 
but  tiiere  was  great  reason  to  dread  their  return:  to  prevent 


340  HISTORY    OF    TH2    CRUS^VDES. 

fresh  invasions,  the  council  contented  itself  -Vt'tli  advising 
the  Germans  to  dig  ditches  and  build  walls  on  the  roads  the 
Tartarian  hordes  were  hkely  to  take.  These  measures,  which 
even  then  must  liave  been  known  to  be  insufficient,  assist  us 
at  the  present  day  in  forming  an  opinion  of  the  spirit  of  im- 
providence and  blindness  Avhich  then  presided  over  political 
councils.  Who  can  fail  to  be  surprised  at  seeing,  in  au 
assembly  so  grave  as  a  council,  Europe  pressed  to  lavish  its 
treasures  and  sacrifice  its  armies  for  the  deliverance  of  Con- 
stantinople and  Jerusalem,  whilst  the  most  redoubtable  of 
the  barbarians  were  at  their  doors,  and  theatening  to  invade 
their  own  territories  ? 

We  may,  however,  remark,  that  Frederick  himself  had 
solicited  the  powers  of  Europe  to  assist  him  in  repelling  the 
Tartars ;  and  the  pope  took  much  less  interest  in  succouring 
the  empire  than  he  did  in  endeavouring  to  vsTest  it  from 
Erederick.  Innocent  seemed  very  little  disposed  to  set  an 
example  of  that  spirit  of  concord  and  charity  which  the 
council  had  just  recommended  to  Christian  princes  ;  history 
can  but  deplore  the  zeal  and  ardour  he  evinced  in  carrying 
out  his  projects  of  vengeance  against  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many, at  the  risk  of  arousing  evil  passions,  of  perpetuating 
discord,  and  thus  giving  up  the  AVest  to  the  invasion  of  the 
barbarians.  In  the  second  sitting  of  the  council  he  was 
preparing  to  crush  his  enemy  and  completely  overwhelm 
him  with  the  weight  of  ecclesiastical  power,  when  Thada^us 
of  Suesse  demanded  a  delay  of  a  few  days,  to  allow  the  em- 
peror to  come  in  person  to  justify  his  conduct  and  demon- 
strate his  loyalty.  The  defender  of  Frederick  hoped  that 
the  presence  of  a  powerful  monarch,  by  awakening  in  the 
Diinds  of  the  assembly  the  respect  due  to  the  majesty  of 
knigs,  would  bring  about  the  triumph  of  justice.  The  pope 
consented,  though  very  unwillingly,  to  defer  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  menaces  ;  but  the  emperor  could  not  condescend 
to  appear  as  a  suppliant  before  an  assembly  convoked  by 
the  most  implacable  of  his  enemies:  he  did  not  come  to  the 
council,  and  when  the  required  period  of  delay  had  expii-ed, 
the  sovereign  pontiff  took  advantage  of  his  absence  to  re- 
proach him  afresh  with  his  bad  faith,  and  his  resistance  to 
the  laws  oi'  the  Chxu'ch. 


IIISTOIIY    OF    THE    CSUSADEa.  341 

At  the  moment  in  which  the  assembly  of  the  bishops 
tremblingly  awaited  the  terrible  sentence,  the  English  am- 
bassadors arose  to  complain  of  the  agents  of  tlie  court  cf 
Kome,  whose  ambition  and  avarice  were  ruining  the  kingdom 
of  England ;  they  at  the  same  time  protested  against  the 
feudal  supremacy  which  the  pope,  in  consequence  of  a  ces- 
sion made  by  King  John,  pretended  to  exercise  over  tLe 
English  monarchy  and  nation.  These  claims  could  not 
restrain  the  ever-boiling  anger  of  the  sovereign  pontitf.  In 
vain  Thadajus  again  rose  to  urge  that  a  great  number  of 
bishops  were  absent — that  several  princes  had  not  sent  their 
ambassadors  to  the  council ;  in  vain  he  declared  that  he 
should  appeal  from  this  to  a  more  numerous  and  more  solemr 
covnicil ;  nothing  could  turn  aside  the  storm  or  retard  the 
hour  of  vengeance.  Innocent  at  first  replied  with  modera- 
tion to  the  deputies  of  England,  and  even  to  those  of  Fre- 
derick ;  but  soon  assuming  the  tone  of  a  judge  and  a  master, 
"  I  am,"  said  he,  "  the  vicar  of  Jesus  Christ ;  all  that  which 
I  shall  bind  on  earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven,  according  to 
the  promises  of  the  Sou  of  God  made  to  the  prince  of  the 
apostles ;  and  tlierefore,  after  having  deliberated  upon  it 
with  our  brethren  the  cardinals,  and  with  the  council,  I 
declare  Frederick  attainted  and  convicted  of  sacrilege  and 
lieresy,  to  be  excommunicated  and  degraded  from  the  em- 
pire ;  I  absolve  from  their  oaths,  for  ever,  all  who  have  sworn 
fidelity  to  him  ;  I  forbid  any,  under  pain  of  excommunica- 
tion incurred  by  that  single  fault,  to  henceforth  yield  him 
obedience ;  to  conclude,  I  command  the  electors  to  elect 
another  emperor,  and  I  reserve  to  myself  the  right  of  dis- 
posing of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily." 

Daring  the  reading  of  this  sentence,  the  pope  and  the 
prelates  held  lighted  wax  tapers  in  their  hands,  and  bent 
towards  the  earth  in  sign  of  malediction  and  anathema. 
The  envoys  of  Frederick  retired  filled  with  confusion  and 
despair ;  Thada?us  of  Suesse  was  heard  to  pronounce  these 
words  of  the  Scripture  :  "  0  terrible  day  !  O  day  of  anger  and 
calamity  .'"A  deep  and  melancholy  silence  prevailed  through- 
out this  assembly,  into  the  bosom  of  which  it  appeared  as  if 
the  bolts  of  heaven  had  just  fallen  amidst  awful  peals.  The 
pope  alone  appeared  collected,   and   his   countenance  waa 


312  HISTORY   OF   THE    CKTJSADES. 

radiant  witli  joy ;  he  gave  out  tlie  Te  Deuii},  as  if  he  ha^ 
obtained  a  victory  over  the  infidels,  and  deo.ared  that  the 
council  had  terminated  its  labours. 

Such  was  the  council  of  Lyons,  too  celebrated  in  the  annals 
cf  the  middle  ages,  which  has  frequently  supplied  the  enemies 
of  religion  with  a  pretext  for  attacking  the  judgments  of  the 
C^iu'ch.  The  pope  in  his  opening  discourse  had  deplored 
the,  progress  of  heresy ;  but  always  more  eager  to  combat 
I'l^i  enemies  of  lis  power  than  those  of  religion,  he  did  not 
propose  a  single  measure  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  new 
errors.  In  this  council,  which  had  no  tendency  to  the  en- 
lightenment of  i  he  faithful,  the  majesty  of  kings  was  violently 
outraged  ;  all  th-e  maxims  of  the  rights  of  nations,  and  all  the 
precepts  of  scriptural  charity  were  in  it  trampled  under  foot. 
When  Innocent  announced  the  intention  of  deposing  the 
emperor,  not  a  single  bishop  raised  his  voice  to  divert  the 
sovereign  pontift'  fx'om  this  revolting  use  of  his  power.  The 
real  wrongs  that  Frederick  had  committed  against  the 
Church ;  the  remembrance  of  the  persecutions  he  had  exer- 
cised towards  several  bishops ;  the  intention  which  they  be- 
lieved he  entertained  of  pluudermg  the  clergy  ;  the  threaten- 
ing language  and  tone  of  the  pope  ;  that  invincible  influence 
imder  which  all  feel  themselves  in  a  numei'ous  assembly — all 
assisted  in  preventing  any  of  the  bishops  from  pleading  the 
cause  of  reason  or  recalling  the  inaxims  of  the  Gospel  to  the 
mind  of  the  enraged  pontiff.  Nevertheless  the  fothers  of  the 
council,  whatever  might  be  their  prejudices  or  their  resent- 
ments, did  not  take  pa.H  in  all  the  fury  of  Innocent,  and  did 
not  actively  assist  in  carrying  out  his  acts  of  injustice  and 
violence. 

The  pope  did  not  appeal  to  their  wisdom,  and  seemed 
afraid  to  ask  their  opiiiions.  Without  repeating  here  that 
whioh  has  frequently  been  said  in  schools  of  theology,  im- 
partial history  must  disapprove  of  the  silent  neutrality  of  the 
council ;  but  it  must  at  the  same  time  assert  that  the  odious 
decree  against  Frederick  was  not  au  act  of  the  Church;  that 
the  bishops  and  prelates  did  not  give  their  formal  approba- 
tion to  it;  and  that  the  shame  of  this  great  iniquity  tails 
entirely  upon  the  memory  of  Innocent.* 

*  We  find  in  the  great  theology  of  Tournely  (TraUede  I'Efflise,  torn,  ii.) 
a  very  learned  dissertation  upon  this  deposition  of  the  emperor  Frederick  1 1, 


nisTonY  ov  the  ckusades.  3  IS 

It  was  at  this  deplorable  period  tliat  the  cardinals,  bj 
order  of  the  pope,  clothed  themselves  for  the  first  time  in 

at  the  first  council  of  Lyons.  This  theologian  asserts  that  the  council 
had  nothing  at  all  to  do  witli  this  great  act  of  authority  of  Innocent  IV., 
and  brings  several  ffasons  to  support  his  opinion.  We  will  quote  some 
of  them,  leaving  our  readers  to  appreciate  thiir  value. 

"  Whilst  all  the  bulls  of  the  pope,  published  in  council,  begin  by 
these  words  :  '  We  have  decreed,  with  the  approbation  of  the  council, 
according  to  the  advioe  of  the  sacred  council,  &c.  (sacro  approbante 
concilio,  ex  communi  concilii  approbatione,  statuimus),'  we  read  at 
the  head  of  the  bull  in  question  :  '  Sentence  pronounced  against  the 
emperor  Frederick  by  the  pope,  Innocent  IV.,  in  presence  of  the  council 
(sacro  prse.iente  concilio),'  an  essential  difference,  which  is  likewise 
observal)ie  in  the  body  of  the  bull,  when  the  sovereign  pontiff  only  speaks 
in  his  own  name,  and  as  holding  the  place  of  Jesus  Christ  upon  earth. 
All  the  fathers  of  the  council,  says  Matthew  Paris,  on  hearing  the  sentence, 
vere  struck  with  surprise  and  horror,  sentiments  they  certainly  would 
not  have  felt  if  they  had  had  any  part  in  the  judgment. 

"  All  the  historians  of  the  time  attribute  this  act  of  authority  to  the 
pnpe,  without  even  mentioning  the  council;  and  Frederiok  II.,  when 
accusing  the  incompetence  of  the  judge,  his  partiality,  his  blindness,  and 
his  ingratitude,  when  writing  to  the  kings  of  France  and  England  and  the 
barons  of  his  kingdom  on  the  subject,  only  complains  of  the  pontiff,  and 
does  not  attach  the  least  reproach  to  the  prelates  who  composed  the 
assembly.  The  sentence  was  considered  as  so  completely  the  work  of  the 
pope,  that  the  Church,  which  received  the  decisions  of  the  council,  attached 
little  importance  to  the  bull,  and  that  this  bull  became  absolutely  a  party 
affair,  it  was  rejected  by  a  great  number  of  the  churches  of  Germany 
and  Italy.  The  kings  of  France  and  England  considered  it  as  injurious  to 
sovereign  majesty,  aiid  continued  to  treat  Frederick  as  legitimate  emperor. 
It  only  rendered  the  wars  between  the  Guelphs  and  Ghiuellines  more  ac  ive 
and  more  inveterate. 

"  The  pope  said  truly  that  he  had  deliberated  with  the  fathers  of  the 
council ;  but  he  adds,  that  the  deliberation  turned  upon  no  other  object 
but  the  excommunication  of  the  emperor  ;  that  he  did  not  at  all  speak  of 
the  article  of  the  deposition,  and  that  thence  came  the  surprise  and  horror 
which  the  prelates  manifested 

"  It  is  nevertheless  objected  that  the  pope  and  the  fathers  of  the  coun- 
cil, after  the  reading  of  the  sentence,  turned  down  the  waxlights  which 
they  held  and  extinguished  them,  and  that  afterwards  the  pope  gave  out 
the  Te  Deum,  in  which  the  prelates  assisted;  but  Matthew  Paris  believes 
that  the  circumstances  are  here  not  exact.  He  thinks  that  some  priests 
only,  attached  to  the  court  of  Rome,  lent  themselves  to  the  passion  of  the 
pope  against  Frederick,  and  performed  the  ceremony  of  the  waxlights, 
which  may  still  further  only  relate  to  the  excommunication  ;  otherwise 
how  can  we  reconcile  this  passage  of  the  historian  with  the  surprise  and 
horror  that  were  manifested,  according  to  him,  in  the  assembly  »'  the 
reading  of  the  sentence. 

"  The  pope  did  not  even  endeavour  to  persuade  anybody  that  he  was 


3-44  HISTORY   OF   THE    CRPSADr.a. 

the  scarlet  robe,  a  symbol  of  persecution,  and  a  sad  presage 
of  the  blood  that  was  about  to  flow.  Frederick  was  at  Turin 
■when  he  heard  of  his  condemnation  ;  at  this  news  he  called 
for  his  unperial  crown,  and  placing  it  upon  his  head,  ex- 
claimed in  a  loud  and  angry  voice,  "  There  it  is,  and  before 
it  shall  be  wrested  from  me,  my  enemies  shall  well  know  the 
terror  of  my  arms  ;  let  tliis  pontilf  tremble,  who  has  broken 
every  tie  that  bound  me  to  him ;  he  at  length  permits  me 
henceforth  to  listen  to  nothing  but  the  dictates  of  my  just 
anger."  These  threatening  words  announced  a  formidable 
contest,  and  every  friend  of  peace  must  have  been  seized 
with  terror :  the  fuiy  which  animated  the  emperor  and  the 

supported  by  the  authority  of  the  council.  He  declared  that  he  should 
know  how  to  maintain  irrevocably  all  that  he  had  done  relative  to 
Frederick." 

After  having  discussed  all  these  points,  Tournely  raises  doubts  upon 
the  cecumenicity  of  the  tirst  council  of  Lyons. 

"  The  council  of  Florence,"  says  this  theologian,  "  which  makes  an 
■temimeration  of  the  general  councils  held  before  that  period,  passes  by 
that  of  Lyons  in  silence,  and  in  fact  several  countries,  as  Germany,  Italy, 
Spain,  Brittany,  Sweden,  and  Poland,  had  no  bishops  there  ;  there  were 
few  prelates  from  France  or  England. 

"  In  the  same  way  the  council  of  Constance,  enumerating  in  a  formula, 
that  the  pope  about  to  be  elected  was  to  sign  all  the  oecumenic  councils 
wliich  had  preceded,  only  mentions  one  council  of  Lyons.  Now,  this 
rould  only  be  the  second,  for  that  was  very  solemn.  There  were  more 
than  five  hundred  bishops  at  it,  as  well  from  the  East  as  the  West,  and 
the  Greeks  in  it  acknowledged  the  divine  filiation. " 

Thadajus  ot  Suesse,  representative  of  the  emperor  Fredei  ick  II.  at  the 
council  or  Lyons,  and  zealous  defender  of  the  rights  of  that  prince,  appealed 
publicly  from  this  council  to  a  future  general  and  oscumenic  council.  One 
of  the  causes  which  might,  according  to  Tournely,  lead  several  bishops 
into  error,  but  which  will  appear  very  strange  at  the  present  day,  was, 
that  they  imagined  the  empire  really  was  a  feudatory  of  the  court  of  Rome. 
It  is  the  sovereign  pontiff,  they  say,  who  crowns  the  emperor  ;  he  has  tlien 
a  particular  and  special  rinht  over  tlie  emjiire  ;  he  can  depose  the  liead  of 
it  for  a  serious  matter.  Frederick,  in  his  letters  to  the  kings  of  France 
and  England,  mentions  and  combats  strongly  this  ridiculous  prejudice, 
and  the  foolish  pretensions  of  the  popes.  Gregory  IX,,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  Stephen,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  informs  him  that 
Frederick  is  engaged  by  oath  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land,  abandoning,  if  lie 
failed  in  his  promise,  his  states  and  his  p(  rson  to  the  sovereign  jiontitf. 
According  to  this,  the  fathers  niiglit  believe  that  the  deposition  was  a  con- 
sequence of  the  penalty  the  prince  had  incurred  as  a  jierjurer.  We  must 
refer  to  the  ages  in  which  these  questions  were  agitated  to  a|preci&te  iha 
influence  they  had  upon  events. 


mSTOKT    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  315 

pope  quickly  passed  into  the  minds  of  tlie  people ;  in  the 
provinces  of  Gri  rmany  and  Italy  all  flew  to  arms.  Amidst  the 
ayitatiou  in  which  the  AVest  was  then  plunged,  it  is  probable 
that  Jerusalem  and  the  Holy  Land  would  have  been  quite 
forgotten,  if  a  powerful  and  highly-revered  monarch  had  not 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  crusade  which  had  been 
proclaimed  in  the  council  of  Lyons. 

The  preceding  year,  at  the  very  moment  the  nations  of  the 
"West  heai'd  of  the  last  misfortunes  of  Palestine,  Louis  IX. 
of  France  fell  dangerously  ill.  The  most  earnest  prayers 
Mere  offered  up  by  the  people  of  his  kingdom  for  the  pre- 
sei'vation  of  the  virtuous  monarch.  Tlie  malady,  the  attacks 
of  which  became  every  day  more  violent,  at  length  created 
serious  alarm.  Louis  sunk  into  a  mortal  lethargy,  and  the 
intelligence  was  soon  circulated  that  he  was  dead.  The 
court,  the  capital,  the  provinces  were  struck  with  the  deepest 
grief ;  nevertheless,  the  king  of  France,  as  if  Heaven  had  not 
been  able  to  resist  the  prayers  and  tears  of  a  whole  nation, 
recovered,  even  wiien  apparently  at  the  portals  of  the  tomb. 
The  first  use  he  made  of  speech,  after  again  beholduig  the 
light,  was  to  ask  for  the  cross  and  express  his  determination 
of  going  to  the  Holy  Land. 

Those  who  surrounded  him  considered  his  return  to  life 
as  a  miracle  effected  by  the  crown  of  thorns  of  Christ,  and 
by  the  protection  of  the  apostles  of  France  ;  they  cast  them- 
selves on  their  knees  to  return  thanks  to  Heaven,  and  in 
the  joy  they  experienced,  scarcely  paid  attention  to  the  vow 
Louis  had  made  of  quitting  his  kingdom  and  going  to  fight 
against  the  ir^.dels  in  the  East.  When  the  king  began  to 
recover  his  strength,  he  repeated  his  yow,  and  again  asked 
for  the  cross  of  the  Crusaders.*     The  queen  Blanche,  his 

*  This  great  incident  in  the  life  of  Louis  IX.  differently,  and  indeed 
more  strikingly,  related  by  innst  French  historians.  "  When  he  felt  him- 
self better,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  all,  he  ordered  the  red  cross  to 
be  affixed  to  ifis  bed  and  his  vestments,  and  made  a  vow  to  go  and  fight 
for  the  tomb  of  Christ.  His  mother,  and  the  priests  tnemselves,  implored 
him  to  renounce  his  fatal  design.  It  vras  all  in  vain  ;  and  scarcely  was 
he  convalescent  than  he  called  his  mother  and  the  bishop  of  Paris  to  his 
bedside,  and  said  to  them,  '  Since  you  believe  that  I  was  not  perfectly 
myself  when  I  pronounced  my  vows,  tht  re  is  my  red  cross,  which  I  tear 
from  my  shoulders  ;  I  return  it  to  you  :  but  now,  fthen  you  must  perct^ive 
tVat  I  am  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  ray  faculties,  restore  to  me  my  cross ; 


b  iG  niSTOKT   or   THE    CRUSADES. 

mother,  the  princes  of  his  family,  and  Pierre  d'Auvergne, 
bishop  of  Paris,  then  endeavoured  to  divert  him  from  hia 
purpose,  and  conjured  him,  witli  tears  in  their  eyes,  to  wait 
till  he  was  perfectly  restored  to  health  before  he  directed  his 
thoughts  to  so  perilous  an  enterprise ;  but  Louis  thought  he 
^as  only  obeying  the  will  of  Heaven.  His  imagination  had 
been  forcibly  affected  by  the  calamities  of  the  Holy  Land ; 
Jerusalem  given  up  to  pillage,  the  tomb  of  Christ  profaned, 
were  constantly  present  to  his  mind.  Amidst  the  height  of 
a  burning  fever,  he  had  fancied  he  heard  a  voice  which  came 
from  the  East,  and  addressed  these  words  to  him  :  "  Kinff  of 
France,  thou  seest  the  outrages  offered  to  the  city  of  Christ ; 
it  is  thou  whom  Heaven  hath  ap2)ointed  to  avenge  them.''^ 
This  celestial  voice  resounded  still  in  his  ears,  and  would  not 
allow  him  to  listen  to  the  prayers  of  friendship  or  the  coun- 
sels of  human  wisdom.  Steadfast  in  his  resolution,  he  re- 
ceived  the  cross  from  the  hands  of  Pierre  d'Auvergne,  and 
caused  it  to  be  announced  to  the  Christians  of  Palestine — 
sending  them  at  the  same  time  succours  of  both  men  and 
money — that  he  would  cross  the  seas  as  soon  as  he  could 
assemble  an  army,  and  had  reestablished  peace  in  his 
dominions. 

This  information,  which  conveyed  such  joy  to  the  Chris- 
tian colonies,  spread  grief  and  consternation  through  all  the 
provinces  of  Prance.  The  sieur  de  Joinville  expresses  warmly 
the  regret  of  the  royal  family,  particularly  the  despair  of 
the  queen  mother,*  by  saying,  that  when  this  princess  saw 
her  son  wearing  the  cross,  she  icas  struck  as  fearfully  as  if 
she  had  looked  upon  him  dead.  The  late  disasters  of  Jeru- 
salem had  drawn  tears  from  most  Christians  in  the  West, 
but  without  inspiring  them,  as  in  the  px'ecediug  age,  with 
any  earnest  desire  of  going  to  fight  the  infidels.  It  was  im- 
possible to  see,  in  these  distant  expeditions,  anything  but 
great  perils   and   inevitable  reverses  ;    and   the   project  of 

for  He  who  is  acquainted  with  all  things,  knows  also  that  no  kind  of  food 
shall  enter  into  my  mouth  until  I  have  again  been  marked  with  His  holy 
eign.'  '  It  is  the  hand  of  Henven,'  cried  all  who  were  present ;  '  its  will 
be  done.'  "  {Bonnechose). — Trans. 

*  English  readers  should  acknowledge  a  familiar  acquaintance  in  this 
excellent  mother  and  good  queen  :  she  is  the  Lady  Blanche  of  Shakespear's 
Kiny  John. — Trans. 


niSTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADE3.  347 

recovering  the  city  of  God  awakened  more  alarm  than 
enthusiasm. 

The  sovereign  pontiff,  however,  sent  ecclesiastics  into  all 
the  Christian  states  with  a  charge  to  preach  the  holy  war. 
Cardinal  Eudes,  of  Chateauroux,  arrived  in  France  with  the 
express  commission  of  publisliing  and  caushig  to  be  executed 
the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Lyons  respecting  the  crusade. 
The  holy  expedition  was  preached  in  all  the  churches  of  the 
kingdom.  Contemporary  history  scarcely  mentions  the  effect 
of  these  preachings,  and  everything  leads  us  to  believe  that 
tliose  who  then  took  the  oath  to  fight  against  the  Saracens 
were  induced  to  do  so  more  by  the  example  of  the  king  than 
by  the  eloquence  of  the  holy  orators. 

In  order  to  give  more  solemnity  to  the  publication  of  the 
crusade,  and  to  excite  the  ardour  of  the  warriors  for  the  de- 
liverance of  the  holy  places,  Louis  IX.  convoked  a  parlia- 
ment in  his  capital,  in  which  were  assembled  the  prelates 
and  magnates  of  the  kingdom.  The  cardinal  legate  there 
repeated  the  exhortations  addressed  by  the  head  of  the 
Church  to  the  faithful.  Louis  IX.  spoke  after  the  cardinal 
of  Chateauroux,  and  retraced  the  picture  of  the  disasters  of 
Palestine.  "  According  to  the  expression  of  David,  an  im- 
pious nation  has  entered  into  the  temple  of  the  Lord ; 
blood  has  flowed  like  water  around  Jerusalem  ;  the  servants 
of  God  have  been  massacred  in  the  sanctuary  ;  and  their 
remains,  deprived  of  sepulture,  are  abandoned  to  the  birds 
of  heaven."  After  having  deplored  the  miseries  of  Sion, 
Louis  IX.  reminded  his  barons  and  knights  of  the  example 
of  Louis  the  Young  and  of  Philip  Augustus ;  he  exhorted 
every  generous  soldier  who  heard  him  to  take  arms,  to  go 
across  the  seas,  fight  against  the  infidels,  and  defend  the 
glory  of  God  and  of  the  French  name  in  the  East.  I^ouis, 
invoking  by  turns  the  charity  and  the  warlike  vii"tiies  of 
his  auditory,  endeavoured  to  awaken  in  all  hearts  both  in- 
spirations of  piety  and  sentiments  of  chivalry.  There  is  no 
necessity  for  repeating  what  was  the  effect  of  the  exhorta- 
tions and  prayers  of  a  king  of  France  who  addressed  him- 
self to  the  honour,  and  appealed  to  the  bravery  of  his  subjects. 
He  had  scarcely  ceased  speaking,  when  his  three  brothers, 
liobert,  count  c'Artois,  Alphouse,  duke  of  Poictiers,  and 
Charles,  duke  of  Anjou,  took  the  oath  to  go  and  defend  the 


348  HISTOET    OF    THE    CKUSAPES. 

heritage  of  Christ  and  the  French  colonies  in  Asia.  Queen 
Marguerite,  the  countess  d'Artois,  and  tlie  duchess  of  Poic- 
tiers,  likewise  took  the  cross  and  resolved  to  accompany  their 
husbands.  Most  of  the  bishops  and  prelates  who  were  pre- 
sent at  this  assembly,  influenced  by  the  discourse  of  the 
king  and  the  example  of  the  cardinal-legate,  did  not  hesitate 
to  enrol  themselves  in  a  war  for  -which,  it  is  true,  less  en- 
thusiasm was  shown  than  had  appeared  in  a  former  age,  but 
which  was  still  termed  the  war  of  God.  Among  the  great 
vassals  of  the  crown  who  swore  to  quit  France  for  the  pur- 
pose of  fighting  the  Saracens  in  Asia,  the  friends  of  the 
French  monarchy  must  have  numbered,  with  much  joy, 
Pierre  de  Dreux,  duke  of  Brittany,  Hugh,  count  de  la 
Marche,  and  several  other  lords  whose  jealous  ambition  had 
so  long  disturbed  the  kingdom.  Quickly  after  them  were 
seen  tlie  duke  of  Burgimdy,  Hugh  de  Chatillon,  the  count 
de  St.  Pol,  the  counts  of  Dreux,  Bar,  Soissons,  Blois,  Ehotel, 
Montfort,  and  Vendome  ;  the  seigneur  de  Beaujeu,  constable 
of  France,  and  John  de  Beaumont,  great  admiral,  and  great 
chamberlain ;  Philip  of  Courtenay,  Guy  of  Flanders,  Ar- 
chambaud  de  Bourbon,  young  Eaoul  de  Coucy,  John  of 
Barres,  Gilles  de  Mailly,  Robert  de  Bethune,  and  Oliver  de 
Thermes.  There  was  not  an  illustrious  fixniLly  in  the  king- 
dom that  did  not  supply  one  hero  for  the  crusade.  In  the 
crowd  of  these  noble  Crusaders,  history  is  gratified  in  ob- 
serving the  celebrated  Boileve,  who  was  afterwards  provost 
of  the  traders  of  Paris,  and  the  sieur  de  Joinville,  whose 
name  will  for  ever  appear  in  the  history  of  France  by  the 
side  of  that  of  Louis  IX. 

In  the  assembly  of  prelates  and  barons  several  measures 
were  adopted  for  tlie  maintenance  of  public  peace  and  the 
preparations  for  the  holy  war.  An  immense  number  of  pro- 
cesses at  that  period  disturbed  the  peace  of  families,  and 
those  ])rocesses,  of  which  many  were  decided  by  the  sword, 
often  amounted  to  actual  wars.  The  tribunals  were  enjoined 
to  terminate  all  afTairs  brought  before  them,  and  in  cases  in 
which  they  could  not  oblige  the  parties  to  acquiesce  in  a 
definite  judgu.snt,  tlie  judges  wei-e  directed  to  make  them 
swear  to  a  truce  of  five  years.  In  agreement  \\'\i\\  the 
authority  of  the  pope,  and  the  decrees  of  the  council  of 
Lyons,  it  was   ordered  that  ecclesiastics  should  pay  to  the 


HISTORY    OF    TKE    CRUSA.DES.  349 

king  the  tenth  of  their  revenues,  which  created  a  dissatisfac* 
tiou  in  the  clergy  that  Louis  had  great  trouble  in  dispelling. 
A  prescript,  issued  by  royal  authority,  in  concert  with  the 
■will  of  the  pope,  decreed  that  Crusaders  should  be  protected 
during  three  years  from  the  pursuits  of  their  creditors, 
reckoning  from  the  day  of  their  departure  for  the  Holy 
Land ;  this  prescript,  which  likewise  excited  much  murmux'- 
ing,  had  great  effect  in  determining  many  barons  and  knights 
to  leave  the  West. 

Louis  IX.  occupied  himself  constantly  in  carrying  his 
design  into  execution,  and  neglected  no  means  of  winning  to 
liis  purpose  all  the  nobility  of  his  kingdom  ;  his  piety  did 
not  disdain  to  employ,  for  what  he  considered  a  sacred  cause, 
all  the  empire  that  kings  generally  possess  over  their  cour- 
tiers ;  he  sometimes  even  lowered  himself  to  seduction  and 
trick,  persuaded  that  the  sanctity  of  the  crusade  would 
«^xcuse  everything.  After  an  ancient  custom,  the  kiugs  of 
France,  at  great  solemnities,  gave  such  of  their  subjects  as 
were  at  court  certain  capes  or  furred  mantles,  with  which 
the  latter  immediately  clothed  themselves  before  leaving  the 
court.  In  the  ancient  comptes  (a  sort  of  audits)  these  capes 
were  called  livrees  (whence,  no  doubt,  our  word  livery), 
because  the  monarch  gave  them  {les  livrait)  himself.  Louis 
ordered  a  vast  number  of  these  to  be  prepared  against 
Christmas  Eve,  upon  which  crosses  were  embroidered  in 
gold  and  silk.  The  moment  being  come,  every  one  covered 
himself  with  the  mantle  that  had  been  given  to  him,  and 
followed  the  m.onarch  to  the  cliapel.  What  was  tlieir 
astonishment  when,  by  the  light  of  the  wax  tapers,  they  at 
once  perceived  upon  all  before  them,  and  then  upon  tliem- 
selves,  the  sign  of  an  engagement  they  had  never  contracted. 
Such  was,  however,  the  character  of  the  French  knights, 
that  they  believed  themselves  obliged  to  respond  to  this 
appeal  to  their  bravery  ;  all  the  courtiers,  as  soon  as  divine 
service  was  ended,  joiued  in  the  laugh  with  the  sliilfulji slier 
of  men*  aud  took  the  oath  to  accompany  him  into  Asia. 

Kot^vithstanding  all  these  efforts,  the  pubKcation  of  the 
holy  war  created  in  the  nation  much  more  sorrow  than  war- 
like ardour,  and  the  approaching  departure  of  the  monarch 

•  See  in  oui  Appendix  this  fact  related  by  Matthew  Paris. 


350  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

afflicted  all  France.  Queen  Blanche,  and  the  most  prudent 
of  the  ministers,  who  had  at  first  endeavoured  to  divert 
Louis  IX.  from  tlie  crusade,  repeated  their  atte:npts  several 
times :  resolved  to  make  a  last  eftbrt,  they  went  to  the  king 
in  a  body.  The  bishop  of  Paris  was  at  their  head,  and 
spoke  for  all ;  this  virtuous  prelate  represented  to  Louis, 
that  a  vow  made  in  the  height  of  a  disease  ought  not  to 
bind  him  in  an  irrevocable  manner,  particularly  if  the  in- 
terests of  his  kingdom  imposed  upon  him  the  obligation  of 
dispensing  with  it.  "Everything  demanded  the  presence  of 
the  monarch  in  his  dominions ;  the  Poitevins  were  threat- 
ening to  take  up  arms  again ;  the  war  of  the  Albigeois  was 
ready  to  be  rekindled ;  the  animosity  of  England  was 
always  to  be  dreaded,  as  it  paid  little  heed  to  treaties ;  the 
w'ars  occasioned  by  the  ])retensions  of  the  pope  and  the  em- 
peror inflamed  all  the  states  adjoining  to  France,  and  the 
conflagration  was  not  unlikely  to  extend  to  that  kingdom." 
Many  of  the  nobles  to  wheat  Louis  had  confided  the  most 
important  functions  of  the  state,  spoke  after  the  bishop  of 
Paris,  and  represented  to  the  monarch  that  all  the  institu- 
tions fotmded  by  his  wisdom  would  perish  in  his  absence ; 
that  France  would  lose  by  his  departure  the  fruits  of  the 
victories  of  Saintes  and  Taillebotirg,  with  all  the  hopes  that 
the  virtues  of  a  great  prince  made  her  entertain.  Queen 
Blanche  spoke  the  last.  "  My  son,"  said  she,  "  if  Pi  ovidence 
has  made  use  of  me  to  watch  over  your  infancy  and  preserve 
yotir  crown,  I  have  perhaps  the  right  to  remind  you  of  the 
duties  of  a  monarch,  and  of  the  obligations  w  hich  the  safety 
of  the  kingdom  over  which  God  has  placed  you  imposes  upon 
you  ;  but  I  prefer  speaking  to  yoti  with  the  tenderness  of  a 
mother.  You  know,  my  son,  that  I  can  have  but  few  days 
to  live,  and  yotir  departure  leaves  me  only  the  thotight  oi'  an 
eternal  separation  :  happy  still  if  I  die  before  fame  may  have 
borne  into  Europe  the  intelligence  of  some  great  disasters. 
Up  to  this  day,  you  have  disdained  both  my  counsels  and  my 
prayers ;  but  if  you  will  not  take  pity  on  my  sorrows,  think 
at  least  of  your  children,  whom  you  abandon  in  the  cradle  ; 
they  stand  in  need  of  your  lessons  and  your  assistance ; 
what  will  beoome  of  them  in  your  absence  ?  are  they  not  as 
dear  to  you  as  the  Christians  of  the  East  ?  If  you  were 
BOW  in  Asia,  and  were  informed  that  your  deserted  family 


HISTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  351 

was  the  sport  and  prey  of  factions,  you  would  not  fad  to 
hasten  to  us.  Well !  all  these  evils  that  my  tenderness 
makes  me  dread,  yoiu-  depai'ture  is  most  likely  to  give  birth 
to.  Remain  then  in  Europe,  where  you  will  have  so  many 
opportunities  of  displaying  the  virtues  of  a  great  king,  of  a 
king  the  father  of  his  subjects,  the  model  and  support  of  the 
princes  of  his  house.  If  Christ  requires  his  heritage  to  be  de- 
livered, send  youf  treasures  and  your  armies  into  the  East ; 
God  wdl  bless  a  war  undertaken  in  his  name.  But  this  God, 
who  hears  me,  believe  me,  never  commands  the  accomplish- 
ment of  a  vow  which  is  contrary  to  the  great  designs  of  his 
providence.  No  ;  that  God  of  mercy  who  would  not  permit 
Abraham  to  complete  his  sacrifice,  does  not  permit  you  to 
complete  yours,  and  expose  a  life  upon  which  so  entirely 
depend  both  the  fate  of  your  family  and  the  welfare  of  your 
kingdom." 

On  finishing  these  words,  QueenBlanche  could  not  restrain 
her  tears ;  Louis  himself  was  deeply  moved,  and  threw  him- 
self into  the  arms  of  his  mother ;  but  soon  resuming  a  calm 
and  serene  countenance,  he  said :  "  My  dear  friends,  you 
know  that  all  Christendom  is  acquainted  with  my  resolution  ; 
during  several  months  the  preparations  for  the  crusade  have 
been  carried  on  under  my  orders.  I  have  written  to  all  the 
princes  of  Europe  that  I  was  about  to  leave  my  dominions 
and  to  repair  to  Asia ;  I  have  announced  to  the  Christians 
of  Palestine  that  I  would  succour  them  in  person ;  I  have 
myself  preached  the  crusade  in  my  kingdoms ;  a  host  of 
barons  and  knights  have  obeyed  my  voice,  followed  my  ex- 
ample, and  sworn  to  accompany  me  into  the  East.  AVhat 
do  you  now  propose  to  me  ?  to  change  my  projects  publicly 
proclaimed,  to  do  nothing  that  I  have  promised  to  do,  or 
that  Europe  expects  of  me,  and  to  deceive  at  once  the  hopes 
of  the  Church,  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine,  and  of  my 
faithful  nobility. 

"  Nevertheless,  as  you  think  that  I  was  not  in  possession 
of  my  reason  when  I  took  the  cross  ;  well,  I  give  it  back  to 
you  ;  there  is  that  cross  which  gives  you  so  much  alarm,  and 
which  I  only  took,  you  say,  in  a  fit  of  delirium.  But  now 
that  I  am  in  the  fidl  enjoyment  of  my  reason  I  ask  it  of 
you  again,  and  I  solemnly  declare  that  no  food  shall  enter 
my  u.outh  until  you  have  returned  it  to  me.  Your  reproaches 


;/52  HISTORY    or    TUE    CUTJSADES. 

and  your  complaints  aiFect  me  with  the  deepest  s  trrow;  but 
learu  to  be  better  acquainted  witli  my  duties  and  your  own  ; 
aid  me  in  seeking  for  true  glory;  second  me  in  the  powerful 
cause  in  which  I  am  engaged,  and  do  not  alarm  yourselvea 
on  account  of  my  destiny  or  that  of  my  family  and  people. 
The  God  who  made  me  victorious  at  TaiLlebourg  will  watch 
over  the  designs  and  plots  of  our  enemies ;  yes,  the  God 
who  sends  me  into  Asia  to  deliver  his  heritage,  will  defend 
that  of  my  children,  and  pour  his  blessings  upon  Trance. 
Have  we  not  still  her  who  was  the  support  of  my  childhood 
and  the  guide  of  my  youth,  her  whose  wisdom  saved  the 
Btate  in  so  many  perils,  and  who,  in  my  absence,  will  want 
neither  courage  nor  ability  to  crush  factions  ?  Allow  me, 
then,  to  keep  all  the  promises  I  have  made  before  God  and 
before  men  ;  and  do  not  forget  that  there  are  obligations 
which  are  sacred  for  me,  and  ought  to  be  sacred  for  you— 1 
mean  the  oath  of  a  Christian  and  the  word  of  a  king!" 

Thus  spoke  Louis  IX. :  Queen  Blanche,  the  bishop  of 
Paris,  and  tlie  other  counsellors  of  the  king  preserved  a  reli- 
gious silence,  and  from  that  time  only  thought  of  seconding 
the  endeavours  the  monarch  was  making  to  forward  the 
execution  of  an  undertaking  which  appeared  to  emanate 
from  God.* 

The  crusade  was  preached  at  this  time  in  all  the  countries 
of  Europe ;  but  as  most  states  were  filled  with  agitation  and 
discord,  the  voices  of  the  sacred  orators  were  lost  amidst  the 
din  of  factions  and  the  tumult  of  arms.  When  the  bishop 
of  Berytus  went  into  England,  to  entreat  the  English 
monarch  to  succour  the  Christians  of  the  East,  Heiny  III. 
was  fully  employed  in  repelling  the  aggressions  of  the  king 
of  Scotland,  and  in  appeasing  the  troubles  of  the  country 
of  Wales.  The  barons  menaced  his  authority,  and  did  not 
permit  him  to  engage  in  a  distant  war.  This  prince  not 
only  refused  to  take  the  cross,  but  forbade  the  preaching  of 
a  crusade  in  his  kingdom. 

*  It  is  Matthew  Paris  who  furnishes  us  with  information  relative  to 
this  attempt  to  persuade  St.  Louis.  This  is  the  chronicler  that  throws 
most  light  upon  the  events  of  that  period  ;  such  as  the  council  of  Lyons, 
the  quarrel  of  Frederick  and  the  pope,  and  the  crusade  of  the  king  of 
France.  We  aUo  find  some  details  in  William  of  Nangis,  in  Joinviile, 
and  in  the  Eco  ?siasttcal  Annals  of  Raynaldi. 


HISTOKT   OF    THE    CEUSADES.  35o 

All  Germany  was  in  a  blaze  in  consequence  of  the  (juar- 
rel  between  the  Church  and  the  Empire.  After  having 
deposed  the  emperor  at  the  council  of  Lyons,  Innocent  IV. 
offered  the  imperial  crown  to  any  one  who  would  take  up 
arms  against  tue  excommunicated  prince,  and  bring  about 
the  triumph  of  the  Holy  See.  Henry,  landgrave  of  Thu- 
ringia,  allowed  himself  to  be  seduced  by  the  promises  of  the 
sovereign  pontiif,  and  was  crowned  emperor  by  the  arch- 
bishops of  Mayence  and  Cologne,  and  a  few  other  ecclesias- 
tical electors.  From  that  event  civil  war  broke  out  in  all 
parts  ;  Germany  was  filled  with  missionaries  from  the  pope, 
with  the  power  of  the  evangelical  word  against  Frederick, 
wliom  they  styled  the  most  redoubtable  of  infidels.  The 
treasures  collected  for  the  equipments  of  tlie  holy  war  were 
emploj'ed  in  corrupting  fidelity,  laying  plots,  fomenting  trea- 
sons, and  keeping  up  troubles  and  discords  ;  so  that  it  may 
well  be  supposed  the  cause  of  Christ  and  the  deliverance  of 
Jerusalem  were  entirely  forgotten. 

Italy  was  not  less  agitated  than  Germany ;  the  thunders 
of  Eome,  so  often  hurled  at  Frederick,  had  redoubled  the  fury 
of  the  Guelphs  and  the  Ghibelliues.  All  the  republics  of 
Lombardy  were  leagued  in  opposition  to  the  party  of  the 
emperor ;  the  threats  and  the  manifestoes  of  the  pope  woidd 
not  allow  a  single  city  to  remain  neuter,  or  leave  peace  an 
asylum  in  the  countries  situated  between  the  Alps  and 
Sicily.  The  missionaries  of  Innocent  employed,  by  turns, 
the  arms  of  religion  and  of  policy ;  after  having  declared 
the  emperor  to  be  a  heretic  and  an  enemy  to  the  Church, 
tliey  represented  him  as  a  bad  prince  and  a  tyrant,  and 
dazzled  the  eyes  of  the  people  with  the  charms  of  liberty, 
always  so  powerful  a  motive  upon  the  minds  of  nations. 
The  sovereign  pontiff  sent  two  leg<'*tes  into  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily,  with  letters  for  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  peo^ 
pie  of  tlie  cities  and  country.  "  We  have  not  been  able  to 
see  without  some  surprise,"  wrote  Innocent,  "  that,  bur- 
dened as  you  are,  living  i;nder  tlie  opprobrium  of  servitude, 
and  oppressed  in  your  persons  and  your  propert}^,  you  have 
hitherto  neglected  the  means  of  securing  yourselves  the 
sweets  of  liberty.  Many  other  nations  have  presented  you 
with  an  example ;  but  the  Holy  See,  far  from  accusing  you, 
is  satisfied  with  pitying  you,  and  finds  your  excuse  in  the 

Vol.  11.— 16 


354  niSTOET  OF  the  CEIlBADES. 

fear  that  must  hold  possession  of  your  hearts  under  the  yoke 
of  a  new  Nero."  On  terminating  his  letter  to  the  Sicilians, 
the  pope  endeavoured  to  make  them  understand  that  God 
had  not  placed  them  in  a  fertile  region  and  beneath  a  smil- 
ing sky  to  wear  disgraceful  chains ;  and  that  by  shaking  off 
the  yoke  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  they  would  only 
second  the  views  of  Providence. 

Frederick,  who  had  at  first  defied  the  thunders  of  Eome, 
was  terrified  at  the  new  war  declared  against  him  by  the 
pope.  The  interdict  placed  upon  his  states,  the  terrible 
array  of  the  maledictions  of  the  Church,  strongly  affected 
the  minds  of  the  multitude,  and  might  at  length  shake  the 
fidelity  of  his  subjects ;  he  himself  felt  his  courage  forsake 
liim  ;  his  party  in  Italy  grew  weaker  every  day  ;  his  armies 
had  experienced  some  checks  in  Germany ;  many  conspira- 
cies had  been  formed  against  his  life,  and  amongst  the  con- 
spirators, he  had  the  grief  to  find  some  of  his  servants 
whom  he  had  loaded  with  kindnesses.  This  haughty 
monarch  became  convinced  that  he  had  no  course  but  to 
seek  a  reconciliation  with  the  Church,  and  addressed  himself 
to  Louis  IX.,  whose  wisdom  and  piety  rendered  him  the 
arbiter  of  sovereigns  and  nations.  Frederick,  in  his  letters, 
promised  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  king  of  France  and 
his  barons,  and  engaged,  beforehand,  to  go  in  person  to  the 
conquest  of  the  Holy  Land,  or  to  send  his  son,  tlie  king  of 
the  Homans.  In  order  to  interest  Louis  in  his  cause,  the 
emperor  offered  to  supply  him  with  provisions,  vessels,  and 
everything  he  should  stand  in  need  of  in  the  expedition  to 
the  East. 

Louis  eagerly  embraced  this  opportunity  for  reestablish- 
ing peace  in  Europe  and  assuring  the  success  of  the  holy 
war.  Several  ambassadors  were  sent  to  the  pope  at  Lyons, 
conjuruig  the  father  of  the  faithful  to  listen  to  the  voice  of 
mercy  rather  than  to  that  of  anger.  The  king  of  France 
had  two  long  conferences  with  Innocent  in  the  monastery 
of  Cluui,  and  supplicated  him  afresh  to  appease  by  his  cle- 
mency the  troubles  of  the  Christian  world ;  but  enmity  had 
been  carried  too  far  to  leave  any  hopes  of  peace  ;  it  was  not 
possible  for  Innocent  and  Frederick  to  pardon  each  other 
sincerely  the  outrages  they  had  mutually  committed.  The 
emperor  had  spared  neither  threats  nor  violences  against  the 


UISTORT    OF    THE    CEUSADES.  355 

popes ;  he  did  not  hate  them  more  for  the  injuries  ue  had 
received  from  them  than  for  those  he  had  done  them.  Ou 
the  other  side,  it  had  for  a  length  of  time  heen  determined, 
in  tlie  councds  of  Home,  to  effect  the  overthrow  of  the  house 
cf  Swabia,  which  was  suspected,  and  with  reason,  of  enter- 
taining the  project  of  invading  Italy  and  establishing  the 
seat  of  imperial  domination  in  the  city  of  St.  Peter.  Tliis 
policy,  embraced  with  ardour,  had  assumed  all  the  character 
of  a  personal  vengeance  in  the  mind  of  Innocent.  The 
triumpli,  even,  of  the  pontiff,  whilst  flattering  his  pride  and 
ambition,  appeared  to  double  his  hatred,  and  the  hope  of 
completing  the  ruin  of  his  enemy  rendered  him  implacable. 

In  vain  the  emperor  of  Germany,  overcome  by  fear  rather 
than  won  by  tlie  love  of  peace,  promised  to  descend  from  his 
throne,  and  pass  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  Palestine,  on 
condition  that  he  should  receive  the  benediction  of  the  pope, 
and  that  his  son  Conrad  should  be  raised  to  the  empire.  This 
entire  abnegation  of  power,  tliis  strange  abasement  of  royal 
majesty,  produced  no  effect  upon  Iimocent,  who  did  not  be- 
lieve, or  feigned  not  to  believe,  the  promises  of  Frederick ; 
in  vain  Louis  IX.,  whose  mind  was  incapable  of  suspecting 
imposture,  represented  to  the  pope  the  advantages  that 
Europe,  Chi'istendom,  and  the  com't  of  Eome  itself  might 
derive  from  the  repentance  and  offers  of  the  emperor ;  in 
vain  he  spoke  to  him  of  the  vows  and  the  safety  of  pilgrims, 
of  the  glory  and  peace  of  the  Church  ;  the  discourses  of  tlie 
holy  king  were  scarcely  listened  to,  and  his  pious  mind  could 
not  view,  without  being  moved  with  disgust,  this  inflexible 
rigour  in  the  father  of  the  Christian  world. 

Whilst  the  report  of  these  discords,  upon  gaining  the 
East,  spread  joy  among  the  infidels,  the  unhappy  inhabitants 
of  Palestine  gave  themselves  up  to  despair  on  learnmg  that 
so  many  untoward  events  retarded  the  preparations  for  the 
crusade.  Sevemd  messages  from  the  Christians  beyond  the 
seas  were  sent  to  the  sovereign  pontiff'  to  intercede  for  a 
prince  from  whom  they  hoped  for  such  powerful  assistance. 
The  patriarch  of  Armenia  wrote  to  the  court  of  Eome  to 
demand  favour  for  Frederick ;  he  demanded  it  in  the  name 
of  the  threatened  Christian  colonies  ;  in  the  name  of  the  city 
of  God,  fallen  into  ruins ;  in  the  name  of  the  sepulchre  of 
Christ,  profaned  by  barbarians.     The  pope  made  no  reply 


S50  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

wliatever  to  the  patriarch  of  the  Armenians,  and  appeared 
to  have  forgotten  Jerusalem,  the  lioly  sepulchre,  and  tlie 
Christians  of  Syria ;  he  liad,  indeed,  but  one  thought,— that 
of  carrying  on  the  war  against  Trederick.  Innocent  pursued 
his  redoubtable  enemy  even  to  the  East,  and  endeavoured  to 
induce  the  sultan  of  Cairo  to  break  his  engagements  witli 
llio  emperor  of  Germany.  The  sidtan  of  Cairo  received, 
with  as  great  joy  as  surprise,  a  message  which  informed  him 
80  authentically  of  the  divisions  that  existed  among  the 
Christian  prmces ;  he  answered  the  pope  witli  a  severity  full 
of  contempt ;  and  the  more  he  was  pressed  to  be  unfaithful 
to  the  treaties  made  with  Frederick,  the  more  he  affected  to 
display  a  fidelity  from  which  he  hoped  to  obtain  an  advantage 
over  the  Christian  Church. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  emperor  of  Germany,  urged 
on  to  despair,  in  some  sort  justified  the  most  violent  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court  of  Rome  by  his  conduct.  He  could 
not  pardon  Louis  IX.  for  having  remained  neuter  in  a 
quarrel  that  interested  all  Christendom,  and  if  the  Arabian 
historian  Yafey  may  be  believed,  he  sent  an  ambassador 
seci'etly  into  Asia  to  warn  the  Mussidraan  powers  of  the 
expedition  projected  by  the  king  of  France.  Throwing  off 
at  once  the  tone  of  submission  to  the  pope,  he  resolved  to 
repel  force  by  force,  and  violence  by  violence.  Some  suc- 
cesses which  he  obtained  in  Germany,  raised  his  courage, 
and  completely  dissipated  all  his  scruples.  He  laid  siege  to 
the  city  of  Parma,  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  army.  Hor- 
rible cruelties  signalized  his  first  triumphs ;  the  bishop  of 
Arezzo,  w^ho  fell  into  his  hands,  with  many  other  prisoners 
of  war,  were  loaded  with  irons,  and  handed  over  to  the 
executioner  without  even  the  ceremony  of  a  trial. 

In  the  iutoxication  of  success,  Frederick  threatened  to 
cross  the  Alps,  and  attack  Innocent  within  the  walls  of 
Lyons.  Heaven,  however,  would  not  permit  the  execution 
of  a  project  formed  by  hatred  and  revenge.  The  Guelphs 
beat  and  dispersed  the  imperial  army.  Fortune  changed, 
and  the  irresolute  character  of  Frederick  changed  as  sud- 
denly witli  it.  Victory  had  inflamed  his  pride  and  redoubled 
his  fury ;  a  single  defeat  cast  him  into  despondency,  and 
rendered  him  again  accessible  to  fear.  From  that  time  he 
resumed  the  part  of  a  suppliant  to  the  pope  ;  from  that 


HISTORY    O^    THB    CKUSADES,  357 

time  protestations  and  prayers  &ti*med  to  cost  his  terrified 
mind  no  effort. 

As  the  extent  of  his  empire  gave  umbrage  to  the  court  of 
Rome,  Frederick  promised  to  divide  his  dominions,  and  giv« 
Sicily  to  his  son  Henry,  and  Germany  to  his  son  Conrad. 
He  submitted  his  religious  belief  to  the  examination  of 
several  bishops,  and  sent  their  decision  to  the  pope.  He 
went  at  last  even  so  far  as  to  promise  to  come  in  person  to 
solicit  the  clemency  of  Innocent.  The  sovereign  pontiff  had 
just  caused  the  count  of  HoJand  to  be  nominated  emperor, 
in  the  place  of  the  landgrave  of  Thuringia,  who  had  died  on 
the  field  of  battle.  In  this  state  of  things  he  dreaded  less 
the  hostilities  and  angry  threats  of  Frederick,  than  he  did 
his  protestations  of  submission  and  repentance.  The  sup- 
plications of  princes  and  nations,  who  demanded  favour  for 
a  power  he  wished  to  destroy,  annoyed  Innocent ;  they 
seemed  to  accuse  him  in  the  eyes  of  Christendom,  of  obsti- 
nacy in  his  refusal,  and  without  inducing  him  to  renounce 
his  policy,  only  embarrrassed  him.  in  the  execution  of  his 
designs. 

The  pope  remained  constantly  inflexible ;  but  astonished 
Europe  began  to  ask  what  powerfid  interest  it  was  that 
commanded  all  these  rigours.  Frederick,  pui'sued  with  so 
much  inveteracy,  found  at  length  the  number  and  zeal  of 
his  friends  and  partisans  increase.  Germany,  Cologne, 
and  several  other  cities,  rejected  the  decrees  of  the  Holy 
See,  and  proceeded  to  violent  excesses.  The  angry  pope 
launched  all  his  thunders  against  the  guilty,  and  by  an 
injustica  which  characterizes  these  times  of  discord  and  ven- 
geance, many  of  the  penalties  he  pronounced  extended  to 
the  fourth  generation.  This  senseless  rage  completed  the 
alienation  of  men's  minds,  and  the  fanaticism  of  heresy  was 
added  to  the  furies  of  civil  war. 

As  the  court  of  Eome,  under  the  imposing  pretext  of  the 
crusade,  levied  tributes  in  all  the  states  of  Europe  to  keep 
up  the  fire  of  sedition  and  revolt,  so  many  violences,  and  so 
much  injustice  infused  dissatisfaction  everywhere,  and  gave 
birth  to  a  spirit  of  opposition  among  nations  even,  that  had 
been  exempt  frem  the  consequences  of  the  terrible  quarrel. 
The  commissaries  of  the  Holy  See  ruined  the  provinces  of 
France ;  they  pervaded  the  cities  and  countiies,  compelling 


358  nisTOET  OF  tub  crusades. 

the  curates  and  cliaplains  of  the  nobles  to  sell  all  their  littU 
property  ;  they  required  from  all,  church  dues ;  and  from  reli 
gious  communities,  now  the  twentieth  for  the  crusade  against 
Constantinople,  then  the  tenth  for  that  of  Palestine,  and  at 
last  a  contribution  towards  carrying  on  the  war  against  the 
emperor.  The  French  nobility,  stimidated  by  a  feeling  of 
patriotism,  by  the  spirit  of  chivalry  which  led  all  the  preux 
of  tliat  time  to  enter  the  lists  against  iniquity  of  any  kind, 
and  perhaps  also  by  the  fear  of  being  oppressed  in  their 
turn,  spoke  loudly  in  favour  of  Frederick,  and  expressed 
their  anger  at  seeing  the  kingdom  of  France  a  prt;y  to  the 
agents  of  the  pope.  Just  remonstrances  were  at  first  made  ; 
but  in  a  short  time  no  measures  were  observed,  and  they 
proceeded  so  far  as  to  agitate  the  question,  whether  they 
ought  to  acknowledge  a  pontiff,  whose  conduct  appeared  so 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Grospel,  as  the  vicar  of  Jesus 
Christ.  The  principal  French  nobles  at  length  formed  a 
confederacy  against  the  proceedings  of  the  pope  and  the 
clergy.  Throughout  this  new  struggle,  Louis  IX.,  equally 
removed  from  that  sacrilegious  impiety  which  pretends  to 
brave  everything,  and  from  that  superstitious  pusillanimity 
which  believes  itself  obliged  to  suffer  everything,  managed 
to  restrain  the  excesses  of  both  parties,  and  maintain  peace ; 
tlie  league  which  was  then  formed,  without  embittei'ing 
men's  minds,  succeeded  in  enlightening  them ;  it  served, 
during  the  absence  of  the  king,  to  repress  the  enterprises  of 
the  Holy  See,  and  many  writers  trace  to  this  period  the 
origin  of  those  Galilean  hberties  which  have  constituted  the 
glory  of  the  French  clergy  up  to  modern  times. 

Nevertheless,  Louis  IX.  was  constantly  employed  in  pre- 
parations for  his  departure.  As  no  other  route  to  the  East 
was  available  but  that  by  sea,  and  as  the  kingdom  of  France 
had  no  port  in  the  Mediterranean,  Louis  made  the  acquisition 
of  the  territory  of  Aigues-Mortes,  in  Provence ;  the  port, 
choked  with  sand,  was  cleansed,  and  a  city  large  enough  to 
receive  the  crowd  of  pilgrims  was  built  on  the  shore.  Louis 
at  the  same  time  busied  himself  in  proAdsioning  his  array, 
and  preparing  magazines  in  the  isle  of  Cyprus,  where  he 
meant  to  land.  Thibaidt,  count  de  Bar,  and  the  sieur  de 
Beaujeu,  sent  into  Italy,  found  everything  necessary  for  the 


HISTOIIY    or    THE    CKUSADES.  35S 

provisioning  and  transport  of  an  army,  either  in  the  repnbh'c 
of  Venice,  or  in  the  rich  provinces  of  Apulia  and  Sicily, 
whither  the  directions  of  tlie  emperor  Frederick  had  pre* 
ceded  them. 

Tlie  fame  of  these  preparations  soon  reached  Syria,  and 
the  authors  of  the  times  describe  the  Mussulman  powers  aa 
struck  with  terror,  and  as  immediately  and  earnestly  em- 
ployed in  fortifying  their  cities  and  their  frontiers  against  the 
approaching  invasion  of  the  Franks.  Such  popular  rumours 
as'were  then  in  circulation  that  history  has  deigned  to  pre- 
serve, accuse  the  Saracens  of  having  employed  perfidious 
means  and  odious  stratagems  to  avenge  thelnselves  upon  the 
Christian  nations,  and  ruin  their  enterprise.  It  was  asserted 
that  the  life  of  Louis  IX  w^as  in  danger  from  the  emissaries 
of  tlie  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain ;  it  was  reported.in  cities, 
and  the  multitude  did  not  fail  to  give  credit  to  it,  that  the 
pepper  which  came  from  the  East  was  empoisoned ;  and 
Matthew  Paris,  a  grave  historian,  does  not  hesitate  to  affirm 
that  a  great  number  of  persons  died  of  it  before  this  horrible 
artifice  was  discovered.  We  may  well  believe  that  the  policy 
of  the  time  itself  invented  these  gross  fables,  to  render  the 
enemies  they  were  about  to  combat  more  odious,  and  that 
indignation  might  inci'case  and  animate  the  courage  of  the 
warriors.  It  is  natural  also  to  suppose,  that  such  rumours 
had  their  origin  in  popular  ignorance,  and  that  they  gained 
credit  from  the  opinion  that  was  then  entertained  of  the 
manners  and  characters  of  infidel  nations. 

Three  years  had  passed  away  since  the  king  of  France 
assumed  the  cross.  He  convoked  a  new  parliament  at 
Paris,  in  which  he  at  length  fixed  the  departure  of  the  holy 
expedition  for  the  month  of  June  of  the  following  year 
(1248).  The  barons  and  prelates  renewed  with  him  the 
promises  of  fighting  against  the  infidels,  and  engaged  to  set 
out  at  the  period  assigned,  under  the  penalty  of  incurring 
ecclesiastical  censures.  Louis  took  advantage  of  the  mo- 
ment that  the  magnates  of  his  kingdom  were  assembled  in 
the  name  of  religion,  to  require  that  they  should  take  the 
oath  of  fealty  and  homage  to  his  children,  and  to  make 
them  swear  (these  are  the  expressions  of  Joinville)  "  that 
they  should  be   ioyal  to   his  family,  if  any  misadventure 


3G0  niSTOKY    OF    TnE    CRUSADES. 

Bhould  befall  his  person  in  the  holy  voyage  beyond  the 
seas."* 

It  was  then  that  the  pope  addressed  a  letter  to  the  nobility 
and  people  of  Prance,  in  which  he  celebrated  in  solemn  terms 
the  bravery  and  other  warlike  virtues  of  the  French  nation 
and  its  pious  monarch.  The  sovereign  pontiff  gave  his  bene- 
diction to  the  French  Crusaders,  and  threatened  with  the 
thunders  of  the  Church  all  who,  having  made  the  vow  of 
pilgrimage,  deferred  their  departure.  Louis  IX.,  who  had 
no  doubt  requested  this  warning  from  the  pope,  saw  With 
joy  all  the  nobility  of  his  kingdom  hasten  to  join  his  stan- 
dard ;  many  nobles,  whose  ambition  he  had  repressed,  were 
tlie  first  to"  set  the  example,  for  fear  of  awakening  old  mis- 
trusts or  incurring  fresh  disgraces  ;  others,  seduced  by  the 
hiibitual  spirit  of  courts,  declared  themselves  with  ardour 
champions  of  the  cross,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining,  not  the 
rewards  of  Heaven,  but  those  of  the  earth.  The  character 
of  Louis  IX.  inspired  the  greatest  confidence  in  all  the 
Christian  warriors.  "  If,  till  this  time,"  said  they,  "  God 
has  permitted  the  crusades  to  be  nothing  but  a  long  course 
of  reverses  and  calamities,  it  is  because  the  imprudence  of 
the  leaders  has  compromised  the  safety  of  the  Christian 
armies  ;  it  is  because  discord  and  Hcentiousness  of  manners 
have  reigned  too  long  among  the  defenders  of  the  cross  :  but 
what  evils  have  we  to  dread  under  a  prince  whom  Heaven 
appears  to  have  inspired  with  its  own  wisdom, — under  a 
prince  who,  by  his  firmness,  has  succeeded  in  suppressing 
every  division  in  his  own  country,  and  is  about  to  exhibit  to 
the  JEast  an  example  of  all  the  virtues  ?  " 

Many  English  nobles,  among  whom  were  the  earls  of 
Salisbury  anil  Leicester,  resolved  to  accompany  the  king  of 
France,  and  share  with  him  the  perils  of  the  crusade.  The 
earl  of  Salisbury,  grandson  of  "  Fair  Rosamond,"  who  had 
gained  by  his  exploits  the  surname  of  "  Long  Sword,"  had 
just  been  stripped  of  all  his  possessions  by  Henry  III.  In 
order  to  place  himself  in  a  condition  to  make  preparations 
for  the  war,  he  addressed  himself  to  the  pope,  and  said  to 
him,  "  Beggar  as  I  am,  I  have  made  a  vow  to  perform  the 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land.     If  Prmce  Eichard,  brother 

*  Que  loyaute  ils  porteraient  a  sa  famille,  si  aucune  malle  chose  avenait 
4e  la  personne  au  saint  veage  d'outre-mer. 


MISTOEY    OF    THE    CEU3ADES.  361 

to  the  king  of  England,  has  been  able  to  obtain,  without 
taking  the  cross,  the  privilege  of  levying  a  tax  upon  those 
who  have  just  laid  it  down,  I  have  thought  that  I  might 
obtain  a  similar  favour; — I,  who  have  no  resource  but  in 
the  charity  of  the  faithful."  This  discourse,  which  informs 
us  of  a  very  curious  fact,  made  the  sovereign  pontiff  smile  : 
the  earl  of  Salisbury  obtained  the  favour  he  asked,  and 
deemed  it  his  duty  to  set  out  for  the  East. 

The  preachings  for  the  holy  war,  which  had  produced  but 
little  effect  in  Italy  and  Grermany,  had  nevertheless  been 
successful  in  the  provinces  of  Friesland  and  Holland,  and  in 
some  of  the  northern  kingdoms.  Jiaco,  kmg  of  Norway, 
celebrated  for  his  bravery  and  exploits,  took  the  oath  to 
fight  against  the  infidels  ;  and  the  Norwegians,  who  had 
several  times  distmguished  themselves  in  the  holy  wars, 
followed  the  example  of  their  monarch.  Haco,  after  com- 
pleting his  preparations,  wrote  to  Louis  IX.  to  announce 
his  approaching  departure.  He  asked  him  permission  to 
land  upon  the  coast  of  France,  and  to  furnish  himself  there 
with  the  supplies  necessary  for  his  army.  Louis  made  a 
most  cordial  reply,  and  proposed  to  the  Norwegian  prince  to 
share  with  him  the  command  of  the  crusade.  Matthew  Paris, 
who  was  charged  with  the  message  from  Louis  IX.,  informs 
us  in  his  History  that  the  king  of  Norway  declined  the  gene- 
rous offer  of  the  French  king,  persuaded,  be  said,  that  har- 
mony could  not  long  subsist  between  the  Norwegians  and 
the  Fi'ench, — the  first,  of  an  impetuous,  restless,  and  jealous 
character,  the  others,  full  of  pride  and  haughtiness. 

Ilaco,  after  having  made  this  reply,  thought  no  more  of 
embarking,  and  remained  quietly  in  his  kingdom,  history 
being  perfectly  unable  to  discover  the  motives  which  pro- 
duced this  sudden  change.  It  may  be  behoved,  that  in 
accordance  with  the  example  of  several  other  Christian  mo- 
narchs,  this  prince  had  made  use  of  the  crusade  as  a  cloak 
for  his  political  designs.  By  le\'yin^  a  tax  of  a  third  upon 
the  revenues  of  the  clergy,  he  had  amassed  treasures  which 
he  might  employ  in  strengthening  his  power.  The  army  he 
had  raised  in  the  name  of  Christ  might  minister  to  his  am- 
bition  much  more  effectually  in  Europe  than  in  the  phiins  of 
Asia.  The  pope,  from  whom  he  had  received  the  title  of 
king,  at  first  exhorted  him  to  assume  the  sign  of  the  Cru- 

16* 


3G2  nisTOET  OF  the  ceusades, 

saders ;  but  everything  leads  us  to  believe  that  'le  afterwarda 
advised  him  to  remain  in  the  West,  where  he  lioped  to  raise 
in  him  one  more  enemy  against  the  emperor  of  Germany 
Thus  the  king  of  Norway  had  promised  to  go  into  the  East 
in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  favour  and  protection  of  tlie 
court  of  Rome  ;  and  to  preserve  this  favour  and  this  support, 
he  had  but  one  thing  to  do,  and  that  was  to  forget  his 
promises. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  pope,  at  that 
time,  took  but  very  little  interest  in  the  success  of  the 
eastern  crusade.  W?  may  judge  of  this  by  the  facility 
with  which  he  liberated  so  many  from  their  vows  of  fighting 
against  the  infidels  :  he  went  even  so  far  as  to  forbid  the 
Crusaders  from  Friesland  and  Holland  to  embark  for  Pales- 
tine. In  vain  Louis  IX.  made  some  serious  remonstrances 
on  this  head ;  Innocent  would  not  listen  to  him.  Engrossed 
by  one  passion,  he  found  it  much  more  advantageous  to 
grant  dispensations  for  the  voyage  to  Syria ;  for,  on  one 
part,  those  dispensations  which  were  bought  with  solid 
money,  contributed  to  fill  his  treasury,  and  on  the  other, 
they  left  soldiers  in  Europe  that  he  might  arm  against  his 
personal  enemies. 

Thus  Erance  was  the  only  country  in  which  the  crusade 
was  really  an  object  of  interest ;  the  piety  and  zeal  of 
Louis  IX.  brought  back  all  those  whom  the  indifterence  of 
the  pope  had  cooled  ;  and  the  love  of  the  French  for  their 
king,  replacing  religious  enthusiasm,  sufliced  for  the  removal 
of  all  obstacles.  The  cities  whose  liberties  the  monarch 
had  protected,  voluntarily  sent  him  considerable  sums.  The 
farmers  of  the  royal  domains,  whicli  were  then  very  extensive, 
advanced  the  revenues  of  a  year.  The  rich  taxed  themselves, 
and  poured  their  hoards  into  the  coffers  of  the  king ; 
poverty  dropped  its  mite  into  the  poor-boxes  of  cliurches  ; 
and  we  may  add,  that  at  that  period  there  was  scarcely  a  will 
made  in  the  kingdom  which  did  not  contain  some  legacy 
towards  tlie  expenses  of  the  holy  war.  The  clergy  were  not 
content  with  addressing  prayers  to  Heaven  for  the  crusade, 
they  paid  the  tenth  of  their  revenues  for  the  support  of  the 
soldiers  of  the  cross. 

The  barons,  nobles,  and  princes,  who  equipped  themselves 
at  ^hfxr  awn  expense,  imposed  taxes  on  their  vassals,  and 


HTSTOET   OF   THE    ?I17BADE8.  3G3 

found,  after  the  example  of  the  king  of  Prance,  the  money 
necessary  for  the  voyage  in  the  revenues  of  their  domains 
and  in  the  pious  generosity  of  the  towns  and  cities.  Many, 
as  in  other  crusades,  pledged  their  lands,  sold  their  property, 
and  ruined  themselves,  to  provide  means  to  support  their 
soldiers  and  knights.  They  forgot  their  families,  they  forgot 
themselves  in  the  sad  preparations  for  departure, and  appeared 
never  to  look  forward  to  the  period  of  return.  Many  pre- 
pared themselves  for  the  voyage  as  they  would  have  prepared 
for  exile  or  death ;  the  most  pious  of  the  Crusaders,  as  if 
they  only  went  to  the  East  to  find  a  tomb,  were  pai'ticularly 
anxious  to  appear  before  God  in  a  state  of  grace ;  they  ex- 
piated their  sins  by  penitence ;  they  pardoned  offences, 
repaired  the  ill  they  had  done,  disposed  of  their  goods,  gave 
them  to  the  poor,  or  divided  them  amongst  their  natural 
heirs. 

This  disposition  of  men's  minds  was  greatly  to  the  advan- 
tage of  humanity  and  justice  ;  it  imparted  generous  senti- 
ments to  people  of  property ;  whilst,  in  the  wicked,  it 
awakened  a  remorse  that  was  nearly  allied  to  virtue.  Amidst 
civd  wars  and  feudal  anarchy,  a  crowd  of  men  had  enriched 
themselves  by  strife,  rapine,  and  brigandage ;  religion  in- 
spired them  -nith  a  salutary  repentance,  and  this  time  of 
penitence  was  marked  by  a  great  number  of  restitutions, 
which  for  a  moment  made  the  triumphs  of  iniquity  to  be 
forgotten.  The  famous  count  de  la  jNfarche  set  the  example  ; 
his  conspiracies,  his  revolts,  his  unjust  enterprises  had  often 
troubled  the  peace  of  the  kingdom,  and  ruined  a  great 
number  of  families  ;  he  became  desirous  of  expiating  his 
faults  ;  and  to  mitigate  the  just  anger  of  God,  he,  by  his  will, 
ordered  a  complete  restitution  to  be  made  of  all  the  property 
lie  had  acquired  by  injustice  and  violence.*  The  sieur  de 
Joiuville  tells  us,  with  great  simplicity,  in  his  History, 
that  his  conscience  did  not  reproach  him  with  anything 
eerious,  but  that,  nevertheless,  he  assembled  his  vassals  and 
neighbours  to  offer  them  reparation  for  the  wrongs  he  might 
have  done  them  without  knowing  it. 

In  those  days  of  repentance  monasteries  were  founded 

*  We  do  not  observe  that  this  worthy  penitent  opened  his  hand  and 
relaxed  his  grasp  whilst  living ;  deuth-bed  repentances  and  posthumous 
restitutions  art  very  suspicious  affairs. — Trans. 


SGi  HISTOEY   or   THE    Ca"SADES. 

and  treasures  lavished  on  churches  :  "  The  most  sure  means," 
said  Louis  IX.,  "  to  avoid  perishing  like  the  impious,  is  rK 
love  and  enrich  the  place  in  which  dwells  the  glory  of  the 
Lord."  The  piety  of  the  Crusaders  was  not  forgetful  of  the 
poor  and  infirm  ;  their  numerous  offerings  endowed  cloisters 
as  asylums  for  want ;  hospices,  or  small  convents,  for  the  re- 
ception of  pilgrims  ;  and  particularly  leper  hospitals,  which 
were  established  in  all  the  provinces,  the  melancholy  abodes 
of  victims  of  the  holy  wars. 

Louis  IX.  distinguished  himself  by  his  liberality  towards 
churches  and  monasteries  ;  but  that  which  must  particularly 
have  drawn  upon  him  the  blessings  of  his  people,  was  the 
care  he  took  to  repair  all  injustice  committed  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  government.  The  holy  monarch  knew,  that  if 
kings  are  the  images  of  God  upon  earth,  they  are  never 
so  truly  so  as  when  justice  is  seated  beside  them  on  the 
throne.  Eestitution-offices,  established  by  his  orders  in  the 
royal  domains,  were  charged  with  the  repairing  of  all  wrongs 
that  might  have  been  committed  by  the  agents  or  farmers 
of  the  king.  In  most  of  the  great  cities  it  was  the  duty  of 
two  commissaries,  one  an  ecclesiastic,  the  other  a  layman, 
to  hear  and  decide  upon  complaints  made  against  his 
ministers  and  officers  :  a  noble  exercise  of  the  supreme 
authority,  which  rather  employs  itself  in  seeking  out  the 
unfortunate  to  assist  them,  than  the  guilty  to  punish  them  ! 
\\  hich  watches  for  the  murmurs  of  the  poor,  encourages  the 
weak,  and  submits  itself  to  the  tribunal  of  tlie  laws !  It 
was  not  sufficient  for  Louis  to  have  established  regula- 
tions for  the  administration  of  justice, — their  execution  ex- 
cited his  most  anxious  solicitude.  Preachers  announced  the 
intentions  of  the  king  in  all  the  chm*ches,  and  as  if  he 
thought  himself  responsible  to  God  for  all  judgments  pro- 
nounced in  his  name,  the  monarch  secretly  sent  holy 
ecclesiastics  and  good  monks  to  make  fresh  observations, 
and  learn  from  faithful  reporters,  if  the  judges  whom  he 
believed  to  be  worthy  men,  were  not  themselves  corrupt. 
Q'he  historian  pauses  complacently  over  this  touching  picture  ; 
so  noble  an  example  presented  to  the  kings  of  the  earth, 
appeared  likely  to  bring  down  the  blessings  of  Heaven  upon 
Saint  Louis  ;  and  when  we  reflect  upon  the  deplorable  results 
of  this  crusade,  with  the  chroniclers  of  hia  own  time,  wo 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LUTJSADES.  365 

feel  astonished  that  so  many  calamities  should  have  been  the 
reward  of  such  exalted  virtue.* 

The  preparations  were  now  carried  on  with  redoubled  zeal 
aud  activity ;  all  tlie  provinces  of  France  appeared  to  be  in 
arms  ;  the  people  of  cities  and  country  had  but  one  thought, 
and  that  was  the  crusade.  The  great  vassals  assembled  their 
knights  and  troops;  the  nobles  and  barons  visited  each 
other,  or  exchanged  messengers,  in  order  to  settle  the  day  of 
their  departure.  Eolations  and  friends  engaged  to  unite  their 
banners,  and  place  everything  in  common — money,  glorv, 
and  perils.  Devotional  practices  were  mingled  with  military 
preparations.  M  arriors  were  seen  laying  aside  the  cuirass 
and  sword,  and  walking,  barefooted  and  in  their  shirts,  to 
visit  monasteries  and  churches,  to  which  the  relics  of  saints 
attracted  the  concourse  of  tlie  faithful.  Processions  were 
formed  in  every  parish ;  all  the  Crusaders  appeared  at  the 
foot  of  the  altars,  and  received  the  symbols  of  pilgrimage 
from  the  hands  of  the  clergy.  Prayers  were  put  up  in  al' 
churches  for  the  success  of  the  expedition.  In  families, 
abundance  of  tears  were  shed  at  the  moment  of  departure ; 
and  most  of  the  pilgrims,  on  receiving  these  last  endearments 
of  their  friends,  seemed  to  feel,  more  than  ever,  the  value  of 
all  they  were  leaving  behind  them.  The  historian  of  Saint 
Louis  tells  us,  that  after  visiting  Blanchicourt  and  Saint- 
TJrbain,  where  holy  relics  were  deposited,  he  would  not  once 
tiu'u  his  eyes  towards  Joisivjiie,  for  his  heart  was  softened  at 
tlie  idea  of  the  beautiful  castle  he  was  leaving,  and  of  his 
two  children.t  The  leaders  of  the  crusade  took  with  them 
all  the  warlike  youth,  and  left  in  many  countries  nothing 
but  a  weak  and  luiarmed  papulation ;  many  abandoned 
castles  and  fortresses  must,  naturally,  fall  to  ruins ;  much 
fiourishing  land  must  be  changed  into  a  desert,  and  a  vast 
many  famiUes  must  be  left  without  support.  The  people, 
no  doubt,  had  cause  to  regret  the  nobles  whose  authority 
was  supported  by  kindnesses,  and  who,  after  the  example  of 

*  These  calamities  were  but  a  portion  of  God's  great  law  of  cause  and 
effect — they  were  begun  in  error  and  ended  in  failure.  M^hat  connection 
is  there  between  Louis'  just  government  of  hi-s  kingdom  and  his  mad  and 
foolish  expeditions  to  the  East } — Trans. 

t  II  ue  voulut  oncques  retourner  ses  yeux  vers  Joinville,  pour  ce  que  la 
coeur  J  li  attendrit  du  biau  chastel  qu'il  laissait,  et  de  ses  deux  enfants. 


366  nisTOKY  OF  the  crusades. 

Siiin*-  Louis,  loved  truth  and  justice,  and  protected  the  weak 
and  the  innocent ;  but  there  were  some  whose  departure 
was  witnessed  with  gladness  ;  and  more  tlian  one  town,  more 
than  one  village,  rejoiced  at  seeing  the  donjon,  from  which 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  experience  all  the  miseries  of 
servitude,  empty  and  abandoned. 

It  was  an  affecting  spectacle  to  see  the  families  of  artisans 
and  poor  villagers  lead  their  children  to  the  barons  and 
luiights,  and  say  to  them  :  "  You  will  be  their  fathers  ;  you 
will  watch  over  them  amidst  the  perils  of  war  and  of  the 
sea."  The  barons  and  knights  promised  to  bring  back  their 
soldiers  to  the  West,  or  to  perish  with  them  in  fight ;  and 
the  opinion  of  the  people,  the  nobility,  and  the  clergy,  de- 
voted, beforehand,  all  who  should  fail  in  this  sacred  promise, 
to  the  anger  of  God  and  the  contempt  of  men. 

Amidst  these  preparations,  the  most  profound  calm  pre- 
vailed throughout  the  kingdom.  In  all  preceding  crusades, 
the  multitude  had  exercised  great  violence  against  the  Jews  ; 
but  by  the  firmness  and  wisdom  of  Saint  Louis,  the  Jews, 
though  depositaries  of  immense  wealth,  and  always  skilful 
in  taking  advantage  of  circumstances  to  enrich  themselves, 
were  respected  among  a  nation  they  had  plundered,  and 
Avhich  was  now  completing  its  own  ruin  by  the  holy  war. 
Adventurers  and  vagabonds  were  not  admitted  beneath  the 
banners  of  the  cross  ;  and,  upon  the  demand  of  Saint  Louis, 
the  pope  forbade  all  who  had  committed  great  crimes  to 
take  up  arms  in  the  cause  of  Christ.  These  precautions, 
which  had  never  been  observed  in  former  crusades,  were 
highly  calculated  to  insiu'e  the  maintenance  of  order  and 
discipline  in  the  Christian  army.  Among  the  crowd  that 
presented  themselves  to  go  into  Asia,  artisans  and  labourers 
met  with  the  best  reception, — which  is  a  remarkable  circum- 
stance, and  clearly  proves  that  views  of  a  wise  policy  wore 
mingled  with  sentiments  of  devotion,  and  that,  though  the 
ostensible  object  was  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem,  hopes 
were  entertained  of  founding  useful  colonies  in  the  East. 

At  the  appointed  time  Louis  IX.,  accompanied  by  his 
brothers,  the  duke  of  Anjou  and  the  count  d'Artois,  repaired 
to   tlie  abbey  of  St.   Denis.*     After  having  implored  the 

*  Concrniing  the  departure  of  Saint  Louis,  and  the  facts  that  follow. 
consult  William  of  Nangis,  William  of  Puits,  Matthew  Paris,  Sanuti,  &6- 


HISTOllY    OF    THE    CKUSAUES.  367 

support  of  the  apostles  of  France,  he  received  from  the 
hands  of  th'j  legate  the  pilgrim's  statf  and  scrip,  and  that 
oriflarame  which  his  predecessors  had  already  twice  unfurled 
before  the  nations  of  the  East.  Louis  then  returned  to 
Paris,  where  he  heard  mass  in  the  church  of  Nctre  Dame. 
The  same  day  he  quitted  his  capital,  not  again  to  enter  it 
before  his  return  from  the  Holy  Land.  The  people  and 
clergy  were  softened  to  tears,  and  accompanied  him  to  the 
abbey  of  St.  Antoiue,  singing  psalms  by  the  way.  There 
he  mounted  on  horseback  to  go  to  Corbeil,  at  which  place 
the  Queen  Blanche  and  Queen  Marguerite  were  to  meet 
hhn. 

The  king  gave  two  more  days  to  the  affairs  of  his  king- 
dom, and  confided  the  regency  to  his  mother,  M'hose  firmness 
and  wisdom  had  defended  and  preserved  the  crown  during 
the  ti'oubles  of  his  minority.  If  anything  coidd  excuse 
Louis  IX.,  and  justify  his  pious  obstinacy,  it  was  his  leaving 
his  country  in  profound  peace.  He  had  renewed  the  truce 
Avith  the  king  of  England ;  and  Grermany  and  Italy  were  so 
occupied  with  their  own  internal  discords,  that  they  could 
not  give  France  the  least  subject  for  alarm.  Louis,  after 
having  employed  every  precaution  against  the  spirit  of  dis- 
affection, took  with  him  into  the  Holy  Land  almost  all  the 
powerful  nobles  that  had  disturbed  the  kingdom.  The 
county  of  Macon,  sold  at  the  end  of  the  preceding  crusade, 
had  recently  reverted  to  the  crown ;  Normandy  had  escaped 
from  the  yoke  of  the  English ;  the  counties  of  Thoulouse 
and  Provence,  by  tlie  marriage  of  the  counts  of  Anjou  and 
Poictiers,  w^ere  about  to  become  apanages  of  the  princes  of 
the  royal  family.  Louis  IX.,  after  he  took  the  cross,  never 
ceased  in  his  endeavours  to  preserve  the  recent  conquests  of 
France,  to  appease  the  murmurs  of  the  people,  and  remove 
every  pretext  for  revolt.  The  spirit  of  justice,  which  was 
observable  in  all  his  institutions ;  the  remembrance  of  his 
virtues,  which  appeared  more  estimable  amidst  the  general 
grief  caused  by  his  departure  ;  the  religion  which  he  had 
caused  to  flourish  by  his  example,  were  quite  sufficient  to 
maintain  order  and  peace  during  his  absence. 

As  soon  as  Louis  had  placed  the  administration  of  hia 
kingdom  in  other  hands,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  exercisea 
of  piety,  and  appeared  to  be  no  more  than  the  most  meek 


368  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRCSAJiES. 

of  Christians.  The  dress  and  attributes  of  a  pilg  im  became 
the  only  adornments  of  a  powerful  monarch.  He  wore  no 
more  splendid  stuffs,  no  more  valuable  furs ;  his  arms  even, 
and  the  harness  of  his  horses,  glittered  with  nothing  but  the 
polish  of  steel  and  iron.  His  example  had  so  much  intlu- 
f  uce,  says  Joinville,  that  on  the  voyage  not  a  single  instance 
of  an  embroidered  coat  was  seen,  either  upon  the  king  or 
any  one  else.  AVhen  endeavoimng  to  reform  splendovu'  in 
equipages  or  dress,  Louis  caused  the  money  he  had  been 
accustomed  to  expend  in  these  to  be  distributed  to  the  poor. 
Thus  royal  magnificence  was  in  him  nothing  but  the  luxury 
of  charity. 

Queen  Blanche  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Cluny.  This 
^^rincess  was  persuaded  she  should  never  see  her  son  again 
until  they  met  in  heaven,  and  took  leave  of  him  in  the  most 
affectionate  manner ;  the  tears  of  mother  and  son  bearing 
witness  to  the  truth  of  their  grief  at  parting.  On  his  way, 
be  saw  the  pope  at  Lyons,  and  conjured  him,  for  the  last 
lime,  to  be  merciful  to  Frederick,  whom  reverses  had  humi- 
iiated,  and  who  implored  pardon.  After  having  represented 
the  great  interests  of  the  crusade,  after  having  spoken  in 
the  name  of  the  numerous  pilgrims  who  were  abandoning 
everything  for  the  cause  of  Christ,  the  pious  mind  of  the 
king  was  astonished  to  find  the  pontiff  still  inexorable.  The 
king  then  directed  all  his  attention  to  the  prosecution  of 
his  journey.  Innocent  promised  to  protect  the  kingdom 
of  France  against  the  heretic  Frederick  and  the  king  of 
England  ;  the  latter  of  whom  he  always  styled  his  vassal :  he 
witnessed  without  regret  the  departure  of  a  prince  venerated 
for  his  love  of  justice,  whose  presence  in  Europe  might  be 
an  obstacle  to  his  policy.  The  sovereign  pontiff"  had  not 
much  ti'ouble  in  keeping  his  promise  of  defending  the  inde- 
pendence and  peace  of  France  ;  for  the  discords  he  excited 
in  other  states  preserved  that  kingdom  from  all  foreign 
annoyance  during  the  time  of  the  crusade. 

The  fleet,  which  awaited  Louis  at  Aigues-lNIortes,  was 
composed  of  twenty-eight  vessels,  without  reckoning  those 
that  were  to  transport  the  horses  and  the  provisions.  The 
king  embarked,  followed  by  his  two  brothers,  Charles  duko 
of  Aiijou,  and  liobert  count  d'Artois,  and  the  queen  Mar- 
guerite, who  did  not  dread  less  the  idea  of  remaining  witb 


HISTOET    OF    THE    CKU8ADES.  369 

her  raotber-in-law  than  tliat  of  living  away  from  her  hus- 
band.* Alphonse,  count  of  P:)ictiers,  deferred  his  departure 
till  the  following  year,  and  returned  to  Paris  to  assist  the 
queen  regent  with  his  counsels  and  authority.  When  the 
whole  army  of  the  Crusaders  was  embarked,  the  signal  was 
given,  the  priests,  according  to  the  cistom  in  maritime  ex- 
peditions, sang  the  Veni  Creator,  and  the  fleet  set  sail. 

France  had  then  no  marine,  the  sailors  and  pilots  were 
almost  all  Spaniards  or  ItaKans.  Two  Genoese  performed 
the  functions  of  commanders  or  admirals.  A  great  part  of 
tlie  barons  and  kuiglits  bad  never  before  seen  the  sea,  and 
everything  they  saw  filled  them  with  surprise  and  dread  ; 
they  invoked  all  the  saints  of  Paradise,  and  recommended 
their  souls  to  Grod.  The  good  Joinville  does  not  at  all  dis- 
semble his  fright,  and  caniiot  help  saying :  "  A  great  fool  is 
he  who,  having  any  sin  on  his  soul,  places  himself  in  such  a 
danger ;  for  if  he  goes  to  sleep  at  night,  he  cannot  be  cer- 
tain he  shall  not  fi.nd  himself  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea  in 
the  morning."t 

Louis  IX.  embarked  at  Aigues-Mortes,  the  25th  of 
August,  and  arrived  at  Cyprus  on  the  21st  of  Septembei-.J 
Henry,  grandson  of  Guy  of  Lusignan,  who  obtained  the 
kingdom  of  Cyprus  in  the  third  crusade,  received  the  king 
of  France  at  Limisso,  and  conducted  him  to  his  capital  of 
Nicosia,  amidst  tlie  acclamations  of  the  people,  nobility,  and 
clergy. 

*  Like  many  good  and  affectionate  mothefs,  Blanche  was  very  jealous 
of  the  influence  of  a  young  wife  over  her  son.  Principally  for  territorial 
advantig3s,  Louis  married  Marguerite  of  Provence,  when  he  was  nineteen 
and  the  princess  thirteen.  Immediately  after  the  ceremony,  Blanche 
separated  the  newly-married  couple  and  kept  them  apart  for  six  years, 
under  j)retext  of  the  youth  of  tlie  new  queen. — Trans. 

t  Bien  fou  celui  qui,  ayant  quelque  peche  sur  son  ame,  se  met  en  un 
tel  danger;  car  si  on  s'endort  au  soir,  on  ne  sait  si  on  se  trouvera  ie  matin 
au  fond  de  la  mer. 

X  Mictiaud  has  omitted  to  mention  the  cause  of  Louis'  unfortunate 
clioice  of  a  routp, — the  residence  in  Cyprus  proving  so  injurious  to  the 
army.  Tlie  most  regular  and  advisable  route  wouhl  have  been  by  Sicily  ; 
but  after  Louis  had  in  vain  tried  every  means  of  subduing  the  anger  of 
the  { (>j)e,  his  .superstitious  reverence  for  the  head  of  the  Ci-nrch  jirevrdled 
over  even  his  goi  d  sense  and  his  pradciice,  and  be  declined  stopping  in 
Sicily,  bemuse  that  island  was  part  of  the  douiiuions  of  an  ezcommuni- 
cated  prince. — Trans. 


370  niSTOKY    OF    THE    CEC  SAJ)E8. 

A  »liort  time  after  the  arrival  of  the  Crusaders,  it  waa 
decided  in  a  council,  that  the  arms  of  the  Christians  should, 
in  the  first  place,  be  directed  against  Egypt.  The  reverses 
that  had  been  met  with  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  in  pre- 
ceding vs'ars,  did  not  at  all  alarm  the  king  of  France  and  his 
barons  ;  it  is  even  more  than  probable  that  Louis,  before  he 
left  his  kingdom,  had  formed  tlie  design  of  carrying  the  war 
into  the  country  from  which  the  Mussvdmaus  drew  their 
wealth  and  their  strength.  The  king  of  Cyprus,  who  had 
recently  received  the  title  of  ki^ig  of  Jerusalem  from  tlie 
pope,  the  more  strongly  applauded  this  determination,  from 
its  giving  himgreason  to  hope  to  be  delivered  from  the  most 
formidable  of  his  neighbours,  and  the  most  cruel  enemy  of 
the  Christian  colonies  in  Syria.  This  prince  also  caused  a 
crusade  to  be  preached  in  his  kingdom,  for  the  sake  of  being 
placed  in  a  condition  to  accompany  the  French  Crusaders, 
and  associate  himself  usefully  in  their  conquests.  He  pro- 
posed to  the  king  of  France  and  his  barons  to  wait  till  he 
had  concluded  his  preparations.  "  The  lords  and  prelates 
of  Cyprus,"  says  WiUiam  of  Nangis,  "  all  took  the  cross, 
appeared  before  Louis,  and  told  him  they  would  go  with  him 
wherever  it  should  please  him  to  lead  tliem,  if  he  would 
stay  tiU  the  winter  had  passed  away."  As  Louis  and  the 
principal  French  nobles  appeared  but  little  disposed  to  delay 
their  march,  the  Cypriots  spared  neither  protestations  of 
friendship,  caresses,  nor  prayers  to  detain  them.  Every  day 
was  devoted  to  rejoicings  and  feastings,  in  which  the  nobility 
and  wealthy  men  of  the  kingdom  exhibited  \he  splendour  of 
eastern  courts.  The  enchanting  aspect  of  the  isle,  a  conn* 
try  rich  in  all  the  delicious  productions  of  nature,  particu- 
larly that  Cyprus  wine  which  Solomon  himself  has  not  dis- 
dained to  celebrate,  seconded  in  a  powerful  manner  the 
entreaties  and  seductions  of  the  court  of  Nicosia.  It  was 
decided  that  the  Christian  army  should  not  depart  before 
the  following  spring. 

It  was  not  long  before  they  became  fuUy  aware  of  the 
error  they  had  comiuitted.  Amidst  the  excessive  abundance 
that  reigned  in  their  camp,  the  Crusaders  gave  themselves 
up  to  intemperance ;  in  a  country  in  which  pagan  fables 
placed  the  altars  of  voluptuousness,  the  virtue  of  the  pil- 
pfrims  was   every  day  exposed  to  fresh  trials ;  a  protracted 


niSTOKY    or    TUE    CEtJSAUES.  371 

idleness  relaxed  the  discipline  of  the  army,  and,  to  crown 
these  evils,  a  pestilential  disease  exercised  great  ravages 
among  the  defenders  of  the  cross.  The  pilgrims  had  to 
lament  the  death  of  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  knights 
from  this  calamity.  Contemporary  chronicles  mention  among 
the  lords  and  prelates  that  were  victims  to  it,  the  counts  of 
Dreux  and  Vendome,  Eobert,  bishop  of  Beauvais,  and  the 
brave  William  des  Barres  ;  the  army  had  likewise  to  regi'et 
the  loss  of  the  last  of  the  race  of  the  Archambault  de  Bour- 
bons, whose  county  became  afterwards  the  heritage  of  the 
children  of  Saint  Louis,  and  gave  to  the  royal  family  of 
IVance  a  name  that  it  has  rendered  for  ever  illustrious  in 
the  annals  of  that  country. 

A  great  number  of  barons  and  knights  were  in  want  of 
money  to  maintain  their  troops,  and  Louis  freely  opened  his 
treasury  to  them.  The  sieur  de  Joinville,  who  had  no  more 
than  one  hundred  and  twenty  livres  toui'nois*  left,  received 
from  the  monarch  eight  hundred  livres ;  a  considerable  sum 
in  those  days. 

Many  of  the  nobles  complained  of  ha\'itag  sold  their  lands 
and  ruined  themselves  to  follow  the  king  to  the  crasade. 
The  liberality  of  Louis  could  not  possibly  satisfy  all  these 
complainants.  A  great  number  of  knights,  after  being 
ruined  by  the  abode  in  the  isle  of  Cyprus,  could  not  endure 
the  idleness  they  were  condemned  to,  but  were  anxious  to 
set  out  for  Syria  or  Egypt,  hoping  to  make  the  Saracens  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  war.  Louis  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble 
to  restrain  them ;  historians  agree  in  saying  that  he  was 
only  half  obeyed ;  therefore,  he  had  much  more  frequent 
occasion  to  exercise  his  patience  and  evangelical  mildness 
than  his  authority ;  and  if  he  succeeded  in  appeasing  all  dis- 
cords and  suppressing  all  murmurs,  it  was  less  by  the  ascen- 
aancy  of  his  power  than  by  that  of  his  virtue. 

Differences  arose  between  the  Greek  clergy  and  the  Latin 
clergA^  of  the  isle  of  Cyprus.  Louis  succeeded  in  putting 
an  end  to  them.  The  Templars  and  Hospitallers  appealed 
to  him  as  judge  in  their  constantly  reviving  quarrels ;  he 
made  them  swear  to  be  reconciled,  and  to  have  no  other 

*  The  French  had  a  custom  of  reckoning  sums  by  twenties :  in  the  text 
of  JoinvLUe  this  stands,  "  six  vingts  livres  touruois.'" — Trans. 


372  aisTOKY  or  tue  crusades. 

enemies  than  those  of  Christ.  The  Genoese  and  Pisans 
resident  at  Ptolemais,  had  long  and  serious  disputes,  both 
parties  having  recourse  to  arms,  and  nothing  appeared  able 
to  check  the  lury  and  scandal  of  a  civil  war  in  a  Christian 
city.  The  wise  mediation  of  Louis  reestablished  peace. 
Aitho,  king  of  Armenia,  and  Bohemond,  prince  of  Antiocli 
and  Tripoli,  implacable  enemies,  both  seat  ambassadors  to 
the  kiiig  of  France  :  he  induced  them  to  conclude  a  truce  : 
thus  Louis  IX.  appeared  among  the  nations  of  the  East  a3 
an  angel  of  peace  aiud  concord. 

At  this  period  the  territory  of  Antioch  was  ravaged  by 
vagabond  bands  of  Turcomans ;  Louis  sent  Bohemond  five 
hundred  cross-bowmen.  Aitho  had  just  formed  an  alliance 
wdth  the  Tartars,  and  was  preparing  to  invade  the  states  of 
the  sultan  of  Iconium  in  Asia  Minor.  As  the  Armenian 
prince  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  in  the  East  for  skill  and 
bravery,  many  French  knights,  impatient  to  display  their 
valour,  left  Cyprus  for  the  pm'pose  of  joining  his  standard 
and  sharing  the  fruits  of  his  victories.  Joinville,  after 
having  spoken  of  their  departure,  says  nothing  of  their  ex- 
ploits, and  only  informs  us  of  their  unhappy  destiny  by  these 
words:  "  not  one  of  them  ever  came  back."* 

Fame  had  announced  the  arrival  of  Louis  throughout  all 
the  countries  of  the  East,  and  the  news  produced  a  great 
sensation  among  both  Mussulmans  and  Christians.  A  pre- 
diction, that  was  credited  in  the  most  distant  regions,  and 
which  missionaries  found  spread  even  through  Persia, 
announced  that  a  king  of  the  Franks  was  destined  speedily 
to  disperse  all  infidels  and  deliver  Asia  from  the  sacrilegious 
worship  and  laws  of  Mahomet.  It  was  believed  that  the 
time  was  now  come  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  predic- 
tion. A  crowd  of  Christians  hastened  from  Syria,  Egypt, 
and  all  the  countries  of  the  East,  to  salute  him  whom  Groa 
had  sent  to  fulfil  his  divine  promises. 

It  was  at  this  period  tliat  Louis  received  an  embassy  that 
excited  the  curiosity  and  attention  of  the  Crusaders  in 
the  highest  degree ;  the  marvellous  account  of  it  occupies  a 
conspicuous  place  in  the   chronicles  of  the  middle  ages.f 

*  Oncques  nul  d'eux  ne  revint. 

t  Maithesv  Phhs,  William  of  Nangis,  Mid  Zanflietare  agreed  concerning 
LJiis  embassy.     We  shall  reveit  to  it  in  our  Appendix, 


HISTOET    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  37S 

Tins  embassy  came  from  a  Tartar  prince,  named  Ecalthai,* 
who  professed  liimself  to  be  converted  to  the  Christian  faitb, 
and  displayed  the  most  ardent  zeal  for  the  triumph  of  tlie 
Gospel.  The  head  of  this  deputation,  named  David,  remitted 
to  the  king  a  letter  filled  with  sentiments  expressed  with  so 
much  exaggeration  as  ought  to  have  rendered  it  doubtful ; 
he  said  that  the  great  khan  had  received  baptism  three  years 
before,  and  that  he  was  prepared  to  assist  the  expedition  of 
the  French  Crusaders  with  all  his  power.  The  news  of  this 
embassy  soon  spread  througli  the  army,  and  from  that  time 
nothing  was  talked  of  but  the  promised  succour  of  the  great 
khan  or  emperor  of  tlie-  Tartars ;  the  leaders  and  soldiers 
flocked  to  the  residence  of  Louis  to  see  the  ambassador  of 
the  prince  Ecalthai,  whom  they  considered  as  one  of  the 
jirst  barons  of  Tartary. 

The  king  of  France  interrogated  the  deputies  several 
times  respecting  their  journey,  their  country,  and  the 
character  and  disposition  of  their  sovereign ;  and  as  all  he 
heard  flattered  his  most  cherished  thoughts,  he  conceived  no 
mistrust,  and  discovered  no  signs  of  imposture  in  their  re- 
plies. The  Tartar  ambassadors  were  received  at  his  court, 
and  admitted  to  his  table  ;  he  himself  conducted  them  to  the 
celebration  of  divine  service  in  the  metropolitan  church  of 
Nicosia,  where  all  the  people  were  edified  by  their  devotion. 

At  their  departure,  tlie  king  of  France  and  the  legate  of 
the  pope  charged  them  with  several  lettersf  for  the  prince 
Ecalthai  and  the  great  khan  of  the  Tartars.  To  these  letters 
were  added  magnificent  presents  ;  among  which  was  a  scarlet 
tent,  upon  which  Louis  had  caused  to  be  worked  "  The 
Annunciation  of  the  Virgin  Marv,  the  Mother  of  God,  and 
all  the  other  points  of  faith."  Tlie  king  wrote  to  Queen 
Blanche,  as  did  the  legate  to  the  sovereign  pontitf,  to 
announce  the  extraordinary  embassy  that  had  arrived  from 
the  most  distant  regions  of  the  East.  The  propitious  news 
of  an  alliance  with  the  Tartars,  who  were  thea  looked  upon 

*  Deguignes  informs  us  that  the  prince  Ecalthai  was  the  lieutenant  of 
the  khan  of  the  Tartars  in  Asia  Minor. 

f  Most  of  the  articles  which  form  the  correspondence  between  Christen - 
Aom  and  the  Tartars  are  collected,  in  the  book  of  Moshemius,  entitled 
Historia  Tartoi  urn  Ecclesiasiica :  the  letters  of  this  correspondence  do 
not  all  merit  the  same  attention  or  the  same  confidence. 


374  HisTOUT  or  riiE  crusades. 

as  the  most  formidable  of  all  nations,  spread  joy  among  tlie 
people  of  the  West,  and  increased  their  hopes  of  the  success 
of  the  crusade. 

Missionaries  that  were  sent  into  Tartary  by  Louis  wore 
very  soon  satisfied  that  the  conversion  of  the  great  khan  was  . 
nothing  but  a  fable.  The  IMogul  ambassadors  liad  advanced 
many  other  impostures  in  their  accounts,  which  has  induced 
some  learned  moderns  to  thiidt  that  this  great  embassy* 
Avas  notliing  but  a  trick,  the  contrivance  of  which  may  be 
attributed  to  some  Armenian  monks.  However  it  may  be, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  tlie  Moguls,  who  were  at  war 
with  the  Mussulmans,  might  have  some  interest  in  con- 
ciliating the  Christians,  and  might  be  led,  from  that  time,  to 
consider  the  Franks  as  useful  auxiliaries. 

AVinter,  in  the  mean  time,  was  drawing  towards  an  end, 
and  the  period  fixed  upon  for  the  departure  of  the  French 
Crusaders  was  approaching.  The  king  of  France  ordered  a, 
great  number  of  fiat-bottomed  boats  to  be  constructed,  to 
facilitate  the  descent  of  the  Christian  army  upon  the  coast 
of  Egypt.  As  the  Genoese  fleet,  in  which  the  French  had 
embarked  at  Aigues-Mortes,  had  left  the  port  of  Lemisso, 
it  required  considerable  trouble  to  get  together,  from  all 
parts,  vessels  sufficient  to  transport  the  army  and  the  nu- 
merous magazines  formed  in  the  isle  of  Cyprus.  Louis  IX. 
applied  to  the  Genoese  and  Venetians  established  on  the 
coast  of  Syria,  who,  to  the  great  scandal  of  the  knights  and 
barons,  showed,  in  this  instance,  more  cupidity  than  devo- 
tion, and  placed  an  exorbitant  price  upon  services  demanded 
of  tnem  in  the  name  of  Christ. 

At  this  time  Louis  received  a  communication  from  the 

*  M.  Abel-Remusat,  in  his  learned  Memoir  upon  the  Tartars,  explains 
several  doubtful  circumstances  of  this  embassy  ;  he  examines  the  opposite 
versions,  and  does  not  at  all  adopt  the  opinion  of  M.  Deguignes,  who 
views  the  Mogul  ambassadors  as  nothing  but  impostors.  If  it  inny  be 
allowed  me,  after  these  two  great  authorities,  to  offer  an  opinion,  I  should 
^ay  that  the  arrival  of  Louis  having  created  a  great  sensation  in  the  East, 
Ecalthai,  governor  of  aU  the  provinces  of  Asia,  n)ight  send  emissaries  to 
ascertain  the  designs  and  strength  of  the  Frai'ks  ;  and  it  may  be  believed 
that  these  emissaries,  to  perform  their  mission  with  more  success,  feigned 
several  circumstances  calculated  to  increase  their  credit  in  the  minds  of 
the  Christians.  It  ajipears  to  us  that  this  opinion  may  reconcile  tii&t 
which  is  opposite  in  that  of  the  two  writers  quoted. 


HTSTOET    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  375 

emperor  of  Germauy,  still  pursued  by  tlie  thunders  of  Homo. 
This  prince  sent  provisions  to  the  Crusaders,  and  expressed 
great  grief,  in  his  letters,  at  being  unable  to  share  the  perils 
of  the  holy  war.  The  king  of  France  thanked  Frederick, 
and  sighed  at  the  obstinacy  of  the  pope,  which  deprived  th(^ 
defenders  of  the  cross  of  such  a  powerfui  auxiliary. 

Preparations  were  continued  with  the  greatest  activity ; 
every  day  fresh  Crusaders  arrived,  who  came  from  the  ports 
of  the  West,  or  had  passed  the  winter  in  the  isles  of  the 
Archipelago,  or  on  the  coasts  of  Greece.  All  the  nobility 
of  Cyprus  had  taken  the  cross,  and  were  preparing  for  their 
conflict  witli  the  infidels.  The  greatest  harmony  prevailed 
between  the  two  nations  ;  in  the  Greek  as  well  as  the  Latin 
chui'ches,  prayers  were  oifered  up  to  Heaven  for  the  success 
of  the  Christian  arms ;  and  throughout  the  host  nothing 
was  talked  of  but  the  wonders  of  the  East,  and  the  riches 
of  Egypt,  which  they  were  about  to  conquer. 

whilst  enthusiasm  and  joy  were  thus  exuberant  among 
the  Christian  warriors,  the  grand  masters  of  St.  John  and 
the  Temple  wrote  to  Louis  IX.,  to  consult  him  upon  the 
possibility  of  opening  a  negotiation  with  the  sultan  of  Cairo. 
The  leaders  of  these  two  orders  anxiously  desired  to  break 
the  chains  of  their  knights  who  were  detained  in  captivity 
since  the  defeat  of  Gaza ;  they  did  not  otherwise  partake 
with  the  Crusaders  their  blind  confidence  in  victory  ;  ex- 
perience of  other  crusades  had  taught  them  that  the  warriors 
of  the  West,  at  first  very  redoubtable,  almost  always  began 
their  wars  with  spleudour,  but  that  afterwards,  weakened  by 
discord,  exhausted  by  the  fjitigues  of  a  distant  expedition, 
and  sometimes  led  away  by  their  natural  inconstancy,  they 
only  thought  of  returning  into  Europe,  abandoning  the 
Christian  colonies  to  all  the  furies  of  an  enemy  irritated  by 
former  defeats.  According  to  these  considerations,  the  two 
grand  masters  would  have  wished  to  take  advantage  of  the 
powerful  succours  from  the  West,  to  conclude  a  useful  and 
durable  peace.  The  mode  of  negotiation  presented  them 
much  greater  future  advajitages  than  a  war,  whose  chances 
were  doubtful,  and  whose  perils  might,  in  the  end,  all  recoil 
upon  them. 

Tiieir  pacific  message  arrived  at  the  moment  when  nothing 
v/as  spoken  of  in  the  Christian  army  but  the  conquests  thej 


376  niSTonr  of  the  cbtjsades. 

were  about  to  make ;  when  all  minds  were  heated  by  the 
enthusiasm  of  glory,  and  the  hope  of  a  rich  booty.  The 
proposition  alone  of  peace  with  the  infidels  was  a  true  sub* 
iect  of  scandal  for  these  warriors,  who  believed  themselve# 
called  upon  to  destroy,  throughout  tlie  East,  the  domuiation 
mid  the  power  of  all  the  enemies  of  Christ.  The  general 
surpi'ise  and  indignation  gave  credence  to  the  blackest  ca- 
lumnies against  the  grand  master  of  the  Temple,  who  wat3 
loudly  accused  of  keeping  up  a  secret  intelligence  with  the 
sultan  of  Cairo,  and  of  having  joined  in  barbarous  ceremo- 
nies to  bind  this  impious  union.  Louis  IX.,  who  did  not 
come  into  the  East  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  and  to  deliver 
only  a  few  prisoners,  shared  the  indignation  of  his  compa- 
nions in  arms,  and  forbade  the  grand  masters  of  the  Temple 
and  St.  John  to  reiterate  propositions  insulting  to  the 
Cliristian  warriors,  insulting  to  him. 

The  Crusaders,  intoxicated  with  their  future  success,  were 
not  aware  of  half  the  obstacles  they  were  about  to  encoun- 
ter ;  they  thought  more  about  the  wealth  than  the  strength 
of  their  enemies ;  acquainted  with  neither  the  climate  nor 
the  country  to  which  their  wishes  were  directed,  their  igno- 
rance redoubled  their  security,  and  fed  hopes  that  were 
doomed  soon  to  fade  away. 

The  leaders  of  the  crusade  were  particularly  sanguine 
w  ith  respect  to  the  divisions  of  tlie  Mussulman  princes,  who 
were  quarrelling  for  the  provinces  of  S 'ria  and  Egypt :  in 
fact,  since  the  death  of  Saladin,  discord  had  rarely  ceased  to 
trouble  the  family  of  the  Ayoubites.  But  as  their  dissen- 
sions broke  out  in  civil  wars,  and  as  civil  wars  rendered  the 
population  more  warlike,  their  empire,  which  grew  weaker 
every  day  inwardly,  often,  consequently,  became  the  stronger 
outwardly ;  when  common  danger  united  the  Mussulman 
powers,  or  that  one  of  those  ])owers  mastered  the  rest,  every- 
tliing  was  to  be  dreaded  from  an  empire  always  tottering  in 
peace,  but  which  seemed  to  derive  fresh  strength  from  tlie 
animosities  and  perils  of  a  war  against  the  Clu'istians. 

Malek  Saleh  Ncgmcddin,  who  then  reigned  in  Egypt,  was 
the  son  of  the  sultan  Camel,  celebrated  by  the  victory  gained 
at  Mansourah  over  the  army  of  Jolni  of  Brieime  "and  the 
legate  Pelagius.  Driven  from  the  throne  by  a  conspiracy, 
he  endeavoured  to  recover  it  by  arms ;  conquered,  he  fell 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  37V 

into  the  chains  of  his  rival,  and  profited  by  the  lessons  of 
adversity.  Very  soon,  the  esteem  in  which  his  abilities  were 
held ;  the  hatred  which  the  prince  who  reigned  in  his  place 
inspired ;  the  want  of  change,  and  perhaps  a  certain  par- 
tiality for  revolt  and  treason,  recalled  him  to  empire.  The 
new  sovereign  showed  himself  mnch  more  skilful  and  more 
fortunate  than  his  predecessors ;  he  knew  how  to  preserve 
obedience  in  the  provinces;  to  maintain  discipline  iu  liis 
army ;  and  to  keep  fear  alive  among  his  enemies.  He  had 
taken  ad\'autage  of  the  arms  of  the  Carismians  to  get  pos- 
fefssion  of  Damascus,  and  to  crush  both  the  Christians  and 
their  allies.  From  this  period  INegmeddin  extended  his 
conquests  upon  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  and  at  length 
gathered  imder  his  laws  the  greater  part  of  the  empire  of 
Saladin. 

At  the  moment  Louis  IX.  landed  in  the  isle  of  Cyprus, 
the  sultan  of  Cairo  was  in  Syria,  where  he  was  making  war 
against  the  prince  of  Aleppo,  and  held  the  city  of  Emessa  in 
siege.  He  was  acquainted  with  all  the  projects  of  the 
Christians,  and  gave  orders  for  the  defence  of  all  the  avenues 
of  Egypt.  When  he  learnt  that  the  Christian  army  was 
about  to  embark,  he  immediately  abandoned  the  siege  of 
Emessa,  and  concluded  a  truce  with  enemies  of  whom  he 
entertained  very  little  dread,  to  return  to  his  states  that 
were  threatened  with  invasion. 

Tiie  Orientals  considered  the  French  as  the  bravest  people 
of  the  race  of  the  Franks,  and  the  king  of  France  as  the 
most  redoubtable  monarch  of  the  West.  The  preparations 
of  Negmeddin  were  commensurate  with  the  dread  these  new 
enemies  naturally  inspired.  He  neglected  nothing  iu  for- 
tifying the  coasts  or  in  provisioning  Damietta,  which  was 
most  likely  to  be  the  object  of  the  first  hostilities.  A 
numerous  fieet  was  equipped,  descended  the  Nile,  and  was 
placed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river ;  an  array,  commanded  by 
Fakreddin,  the  most  skilful  of  the  emirs,  encamped  on  the 
coast,  to  the  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  at  the  very 
same  point  where,  thirty-three  years  before,  the  army  of 
John  of  Brienne  had  landed. 

All  these  preparations  would,  no  doubt,  have  been  sufii^ 
cient  to  meet  the  first  attacks  of  the  Crusaders,  if  the  sultaa 
of  Cairo  had  been  able  to  direct  them  himself,  and  command 
Vol.  II.— 17 


378  HI8T0ET   OF   THE    CEtTSADES. 

his  troops  in  person ;  but  he  was  attacked  by  a  disease  which 
liis  physicians  pronounced  to  be  mortal.  In  a  state  of 
things  in  which  everything  dejDcnded  upon  the  presence  and 
life  of  the  prince,  the  certainty  of  his  approaching  end 
necessarily  weakened  confidence  and  zeal,  cooled  the  general 
courage,  and  was  injurious  to  the  execution  of  all  the  measures 
taken  for  the  defence  of  the  country. 

Such  was  the  military  and  political  situation  of  Egypt  at 
the  time  Louis  embarked  from  the  ports  of  the  isle  of 
Cyprus.  Many  historians  say,  that  before  his  departure, 
according  to  the  custom  of  chivalry,  he  sent  a  herald-at-arms 
to  the  sultan  Negmeddiu,  to  declare  war  against  him.  In 
the  early  crusades,  many  Christian  princes  had  in  this  manner 
addressed  chivalric  messages  to  the  Mussulman  powers  they 
were  about  to  attack :  it  is  quite  possible  that  Louis  might 
imitate  this  example ;  but  the  letter  attributed  to  him  bears 
no  character  of  truth  about  it.  The  same  historians  add, 
that  the  sultan  of  Cairo  could  not  refrain  from  tears  on 
reading  the  letter  of  St.  Louis.  His  reply,  quoted  in  Ma- 
krisy,  is  at  least  conformable  to  his  known  character,  and  to 
the  spirit  of  the  Mussulman  princes.  He  affected  to  brave 
the  unexpected  threats  and  attacks  of  the  disciples  of 
Christ ;  he  referred  with  pride  to  the  victories  of  the  Mus- 
sulmans over  the  Christians ;  and  whilst  reproaching  the 
king  of  Prance  with  the  injustice  of  his  aggressions,  he 
quoted  in  his  letter  this  passage  from  the  Koran : — "  They 
who  fight  unjustly  shall  perish." 

This  message  contained  predictions  that  were  but  too 
fidly  realized  in  the  end.  There  is  nothing,  however,  to  lead 
us  to  believe  that  any  correspondence  was  then  established 
between  Louis  and  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  Prudence,  at  leajst, 
required  the  king  of  France  to  send  messengers  and  emis- 
saries into  Egypt,  to  reconnoitre  the  state,  strength,  and 
resoiu'ces  of  the  country.  It  is  more  than  probable,  that  in 
preceding  crusades  it  was  not  only  in  obedience  to  the  spirit 
of  chivalry,  but  to  ascertain  the  position  of  their  enemies 
that  ambassadors  were  sent ;  we  must  confess,  however,  that 
we  cannot  find  in  any  chronicle  of  tlie  times  evidence  of 
their  having  taken  any  precaution  of  this  kind.  A  foresiglit 
which  might  bear  the  slightest  association  with  timidity, 
stratagem,  or  even  policy,  was  not  the  least  in  accordance 


niSTOET   OF   THE    CRUSADES.  37S 

witli  tlie  character  of  Louis  and  his  knights.  History  ii.as 
no  hesitation  iii  affirming  that  the  Crusaders,  ready  at  this 
period  to  embark  for  Egypt,  knew  nothing  of  the  countriea 
into  wliich  they  were  about  to  carry  their  arms,  but  thut 
which  they  had  learnt  from  the  uncertain  accounts  of  common 
report. 

The  signal  of  departure  was  given  on  the  Friday  before 
Pentecost ;  and  a  numerous  fleet,  in  which  embarked  the 
French  army  and  the  warriors  of  the  isle  of  Cyprus,*  sailed 
gallantly  out  from  the  port  of  Limisso.  "  This  was  a  thing 
most  beautiful  to  behold,"  says  Joinville ;  "  for  it  appeared 
as  if  the  sea,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  was  covered  with 
the  sails  of  vessels,  which  were  to  the  number  of  eight  hun- 
dred, as  well  large  as  small."  All  at  once  a  wind  blowing  full 
from  the  coast  of  Egypt  gave  rise  to  a  violent  storm,  which 
dispersed  all  the  fleet ;  and  Louis  IX.,  who  was  forced  to 
put  back  to  port,  found,  with  great  grief,  that  at  least  the 
half  of  his  vessels  had  been  carried  by  the  wind  on  to  the 
coasts  of  Syria.  At  this  moment  of  disappointment,  how- 
ever, imexpected  reinforcements  arrived,  which  restored  the 
hopes  of  Louis  and  his  captains.  These  consisted  of  the 
duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  passed  the  winter  in  the  INIorea  ; 
AVilliam  of  Salisbury,  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  English 
knights ;  and  William  of  Villehardouin,  prince  of  Achaia, 
who  forgot  the  dangers  of  the  Latin  empire  of  Constanti- 
nople to  go  and  fight  the  infidels  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile 
and  the  Jordan.  Without  waiting  for  the  vessels  which  the 
tempest  had  dispersed,  they  again  set  sail,  and  the  fleet,  with 
a  favourable  wind,  directed  its  course  towards  Egypt.  On 
the  foiu'th  day,  at  sunrise,  the  watch  on  deck  cried,  "Land! 
land  !"  A  sailor,  who  served  as  pilot,  ascended  to  the  round 
top  of  the  leading  vessel,  and  such  was  the  sentiment  which 
tlie  sight  of  the  land  inhabited  hy  the  infidels  iuspii'ed  in  the 
Christians,  that  this  man  cried  out,  "  We  have  nothing  to 
do  hut  to  recommend  ourselves  to  God;  for  here  we  are, 
before  Damietta."  These  words  flew  from  rank  to  rank,  and 
the  whole  fleet  drew  as  near  as  they  could  to  ^-he  vessel  of 
Louis  IX.     The  principal  leaders   endeavoiu'ed  to  get  on 

*  No  clironicle  says  that  the  king  of  Cj^irus  svent  with  Louis,  altliough 
he  h.iil  taken  the  woss.  This  prince  is  neve,  mentioned  in  any  of  the 
events  of  the  war. 


3R0  niSTORT   OF   THE    CETJSADES, 

board  of  it ;  the  king  awaited  them  in  a  warlike  attitada 
mid  exported  them  to  otter  thanks  to  Grod  for  having  brought 
them  face  to  face  with  the  enemies  of  Jesus  Christ.  As  the 
greater  part  of  the  leaders  seemed  to  fear  his  life  would  be 
too  much  exposed  in  the  course  of  a  war  which  must  be 
terrible  :  "  Follow  my  example,"  said  he  to  them  ;  "  leave  me 
to  brave  all  perils,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  hottest  fight  never 
once  think  that  the  safety  of  the  state  and  the  Church  re- 
sides in  my  person ;  you  yourselves  are  the  state  and  the 
Church,  and  you  ought  to  see  in  me  nothing  but  a  man 
whose  life,  like  that  of  any  other,  may  be  dissipated  like  a 
shadow^,  when  it  shall  please  the  God  for  whom  we  combat." 
Thus  Louis  forgot  himself  and  his  state,  and  before  the 
infidels,  the  king  of  France  was  but  a  simple  soldier  of  Jesua 
Christ. 

This  discourse  animated  the  courage  of  the  barons  and 
knights  ;  orders  were  given  for  the  whole  fleet  to  prepare 
for  action.  In  every  vessel  the  warriors  embraced  each 
other  with  joy  at  the  approach  of  peril ;  such  as  quarrels 
had  alienated,  swore  to  forget  all  divisions  and  injuries,  and 
to  conquer  or  to  die  together.  Joinville  says  he  forced  two 
knights,  who  had  been  irreconcilable  enemies,  to  make 
peace,  by  persuading  them  that  their  discord  might  draw 
down  the  maledictions  of  Heaven,  and  that  union  among 
the  Christian  soldiers  could  alone  open  to  them  the  road  to 
Egypt. 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  were  thus  preparing,  the  Mussul- 
mans neglected  nothing  for  their  defence  ;  their  sentinels 
fiad  perceived  the  Christian  fleet,  from  the  walls  of  Damietta, 
niid  the  news  was  soon  spread  through  the  city  ;  a  bell, 
which  had  remained  in  the  great  mosque  since  the  conquest 
of  John  of  Brienne,  gave  the  signal  of  danger,  and  was 
heard  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Four  Mussulman  galleys 
advanced  to  reconnoitre  the  strength  of  the  Crusaders ; 
tliree  of  them  were  sunk,  and  the  fourth,  getting  back  with 
great  diificuk}-  to  the  JSile,  announced  to  the  infidels  what 
enemies  they  had  to  contend  with. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Christian  fleet  advanced  in  order  of 
])attle,  and  cast  anchor  within  a  quarter  of  a  league  of  the 
coast,  at  the  mtaient  at  which  the  sun  had  performed  hali 
his  daily  course.     The  shore  and  sea  presented  th.e  most  im- 


HISTOKY    01'    THE    CEUSADES.  38i 

posing  spectacle ;  the  coast  of  Egypt  was  lined  icith  all  the 
powers  of  the  solJan,  who  were  people  goodly  to  look  upon 
The  sea  appeared  to  be  covered  with  ships,  over  which 
floated  the  banners  of  the  cross.  The  Mussulman  fleet, 
laden  with  soldiers  and  machines  of  war,  defended  the 
entrance  of  the  Nile.  Fakreddin,  tlie  leader  of  the  infidei 
army,  appeared  amidst  their  ranks  in  a  panoply  so  splendid, 
that  Jomville,  in  his  surprise,  compares  him  to  the  sun. 
The  heavens  and  the  earth  resounded  with  the  noise  of  the 
bended  horns  and  the  naccaires,*  a  kind  of  enormous  kettle- 
drum, a  thing  very  frightful  to  hear,  and  very  strange  to  the 
French.t 

All  the  leaders  assembled  in  council  in  the  king's  vessel ; 
some  proposed  to  defer  the  descent  till  the  vessels  which 
had  been  dispersed  by  the  tempest  should  rejoin  them  :  "To 
attack  the  infidels  without  having  all  their  forces,  would  be 
to  give  them  an  advantage  that  might  greatly  elevate  their 
pride ;  and  even  if  success  were  certain,  it  appeared  but  just 
to  wait,  that  all  the  Crusaders  might  have  their  share  of  the 
glory  they  came  so  far  to  seek."  Some  went  still  further, 
and  spoke  of  the  embarrassments  and  perils  of  a  descent  in 
an  unknown  country ;  of  the  disorders  which  must  accom- 
pany a  first  attack;  and  of  the  diflTiculty  of  rallying  the  army 
and  fleet,  if  the  obstacles  they  met  \di\\  should  prove  invin- 
cible. Louis  IX.  did  not  at  all  agree  with  this  opinion : 
"  We  have  not  come  thus  far,"  he  said,  "to  listen  coolly  to 
the  menaces  and  insults  of  our  enemies,  or  to  remain,  during 
several  days  motionless  spectators  of  their  preparations. 
To  temporize  is  to  raise  their  courage,  and  weaken  the 
ardour  of  the  French  warriors.  AVe  have  neither  road  nor 
port,  in  which  we  can  shelter  ourselves  from  the  winds,  or 
from  the  unexpected  attacks  of  the  Saracens  ;  a  second 
tempest  may  again  disperse  what  remains  of  our  fleet,  and 
deprive  us  of  all  means  of  beginning  the  war  with  a  chance 
of  success.  To-day  God  ofi'ers  us  victory ;  later  he  will 
punish  us  for  having  neglected  the  opportunity  to  conquer." 

The   majority    of   the   leaders   were    of  the    opinion   of 

•  This  word  comes  to  us  from  the  Arabs,  with  the  instrument  which  it 
designates.     The  Arabs  pronounce  it  nakarah. 

f  chose  epouvantable  a  ouir  et  moult  etranga  aux  Franfais.— 

JoiiH}iUe. 


382  HISTOki'    OF    THE    CKtJSADES. 

Louis  IX.,  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  descent  should  be 
made  on  the  morrow.  A  strict  watch  was  preserved  durii^g 
the  night ;  a  vast  number  of  flambeaux  wei"e  kept  burning, 
and  vessels  were  placed  near  the  mouth  of  the  !Nile,  to 
observe  the  motions  of  the  Saracens. 

At  daybreak  the  whole  fleet  weighed  anclior,  and  t^-e 
Mussulmans  at  the  same  time  got  under  arms.  Their  in- 
fantry and  cavalry  occupied  the  entire  shore  of  the  point  at 
which  they  expected  the  Crusaders  to  land. 

When  tbe  vessels  di'ew  near  the  shore,  the  Christian  war- 
riors got  into  the  barks  that  accompanied  the  fleet,  and 
ranged  themselves  in  two  lines.  Louis  IX.,  accompanied 
by  the  two  princes  his  brothers,  and  his  chosen  knights, 
placed  himself  at  the  right  point.  The  cardinal  legate,  bear- 
ing the  cross  of  the  Saviour,  was  on  his  right  hand,  and  in  a 
bark  in  front  of  him  floated  the  oriflamme  of  France. 

The  count  of  Jaffa,  of  the  illustrious  family  of  Brienne, 
was  at  the  left  point  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Nile ;  he  ap- 
peared at  the  head  of  the  knights  from  the  isle  of  Cyprus 
and  the  barons  of  Palestine.  He  was  on  board  the  lightest 
bark  of  the  fleet.  This  boat  bore  the  arms  of  tlie  counts  of 
Jaft'a,  painted  on  its  poop  and  prow.  Around  his  standard 
floated  banderoles  of  a  thousand  colours,  and  three  hundred 
rowers  impelled  the  vessel  through  the  waves  like  the  flight 
of  the  swallow  over  the  stream.  Erard  of  Brienne,  sur- 
rounded by  a  chosen  troop,  oc(5upied  the  centre  of  the  line, 
withBaldwin  of  Rheims,  who  commanded  a  thousand  warriors.  . 
The  knights  and  barons  stood  erect  in  their  boats,  looking 
earnestly  at  the  shore,  lance  in  hand,  with  their  horses  beside 
them.  In  the  front  and  on  the  wings  of  the  army,  a  crofld 
of  crossbow-men  were  placed  to  keep  ofl"  the  enemy.* 

As  soon  as  they  were  within  bowshot,  a  shower  of  stones, 
arrows,  and  javelins  was  poured  at  the  same  instant  f-i'om  the 
sliore  and  from  the  line  of  the  Crusaders.  The  ranks  of  the 
Christians  appeared  for  a  moment  shaken.  The  king  com- 
manded the  rowers  to  redouble  their  effbrts  to  gain  the 
shore.  He  himself  set  the  first  example  ;  in  spite  of  tlie 
legate,  who  endeavoured  to  restrain  him,  he  plimged  into 
the  waves,  in  full  armour,  his  buckler  over  his  breast,  and 
his  sword  in  hand ;  the  water  being  up  to  his  shoulders :  the 

*    )  n  a<lniirable  SJubjpct  fnr  a  ]nv^'^  histor'cal  pirtnrr  — Tr  *^''. 


HISTOBY    OF    THE    CRL'SADES.  IjHc 

uvhole  Christian  army,  after  the  example  of  the  king,  cast 
tliemselves  into  the  sea,  crying,  "Jlontjoie!  Si.  Denis!'"  This 
multitude  of  men  and  horses,  endeavouring  to  gain  the  shore, 
elevated  the  waves  which  broke  at  tlie  feet  of  the  Saracens  ; 
the  warriors  pressed  on,  clashing  against  each  other  in  their 
progress — nothing  was  heard  but  the  noise  of  the  waves  and 
the  oars,  the  cries  of  the  soldiers  and  trie  sailors,  and  the 
tumidtuous  shock  of  the  barks  and  vessels,  which  advanced 
in  disorder. 

The  Mussulman  battalions  assembled  on  the  shore  could 
not  stop  the  French  warriors.  Joinville  and  Baldwin  of 
Elieims  landed  the  first ;  after  them  came  the  count  of  Jaffa. 
They  were  drawing  u.p  in  order  of  battle,  wlien  the  cavalry 
of  the  Saracens  came  pouring  down  upon  them ;  the  Cru- 
saders closed  in  their  ranks,  covered  them.selves  with  their 
bucklers,  and  presenting  the  points  of  their  lances,  checked 
the  impetuosity  of  the  enemy.  All  their  companions  who 
had  reached  the  shore,  immediately  formed  in  rear  of  this 
battalion. 

Ali'cady  the  criflamme  was  planted  on  the  shore ;  Louis 
had  landed.  Without  giving  the  least  reflection  to  the  dan- 
ger, he  immediately  fell  cu  his  knees  to  ofter  up  his  thanks 
to  Heaven  ;  and  .^springing  up  again,  filled  with  fresh  ardoiu", 
called  his  bravest  kniglits  around  him.  An  Arab  historian 
relates  that  the  king  of  the  Franks  then  caused  his  tent  to 
be  pitched,  which  was  of  a  briglit  scarlet,  and  attracted  all 
eyes.  At  length,  all  the  army  being  landed,  a  sanguinsiry 
contest  began  on  every  part  of  tlie  coast ;  the  Saracens  and 
Franks,  seeking  and  attacking  each  other,  formed  one  con- 
flicting mass.  Xobody  remained  inactive ;  tlie  two  fleets 
quickly  became  engaged  at  tlie  mouth  of  the  Nile.  Wliilst 
the  shore  and  the  sea  resounded  thus  with  the  shock  of  arms, 
Queen  Marguerite  and  the  duchess  of  Anjou,  who  remained 
on  board  a  vessel  at  a  distance,  awaited  in  terrible  anxiety 
the  issue  of  the  double  battle ;  they  otfcred  up  fervent 
prayers,  and  pious  ecclesiastics  assembled  around  them, 
joined  in  holy  psalms  to  obtain  the  protection  of  the  God  of 
armies. 

The  fleet  cf  ihe  Saracens  was  soon  dispersed;  many  of 
the  vessels  were  sunk,  the  remainder  escaped  up  the  river. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  troops  of"  Fakreddin,  broken  in  all 
iiirccti'- as,  retired  iu  the  greatest  confusion;  the  French 


S84  HISTORY    OF    THE    CEL'SADES. 

pursuing  them  up  to  their  intrencliments.  After  a  last 
desperate  struggle,  tlie  Mussulmans  abandoned  their  camp 
and  the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  leaving  several  of  their 
emirs  on  the  field  of  battle  :  nothing  coidd  resist  the  French, 
animated  by  the  presence  and  the  example  of  their  king. 

In  the  course  of  the  battle  several  messenger  pigeons  had 
been  sent  to  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  whose  malady  confined  him 
in  a  small  town  situated  between  Damietta  and  Mansourah  : 
as  no  answer  was  received,  a  report  of  his  death  began  to 
prevail,  and  completed  the  discouragement  of  the  Egyptian 
troops.  Many  of  the  emirs  were  impatient  to  know,  and  at 
the  same  time  were  doubtful  of  the  fate  that  awaited  them 
imder  a  new  reign.  Several  deserted  their  standards,  and 
by  that  means  augmented  the  disorder:  towards  evening 
the  whole  army  dispersed,  and  the  soldiers,  abandoned  by 
their  leaders,  thought  of  nothing  but  seeking  safety  in 
flight.*  The  Crusaders  remained  masters  of  the  coast  and 
of  both  banlis  of  the  Nile ;  and  this  glorious  victory  had 
cost  but  little  Christian  blood,  for  only  two  or  three  knighta 
were  killed:  of  the  French  nobles  the  armv  had  only  to 
deplore  the  count  de  la  Marche,  who  appeared  to  seek  death, 
and,  dying  thus  by  the  side  of  his  king,  exniated,  say  our 
historians,  his  numerous  treasons  and  crim^es. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  day,  the  tents  were  pitched  on  the 
field  of  battle ;  the  clergy  chanted  the  Te  JJeum,  and  the 
night  was  passed  in  rejoicings.  Whilst  the  victorious  army 
was  thus  giving  itself  up  to  exultation,  the  greatest  confu- 
sion reigned  in  Damietta  ;  the  fugitives  'nad  passed  through 
the  city,  spreading,  as  they  went,  the  contagion  of  the  fear 
that  pursred  them.  Fakreddiu  himself  gave  no  orders  for 
the  securit;^  cf  the  place :  the  inhabitants  expected  every 
Instant  ■^o  see  the  French  enter ;  som.e  dreaded  a  surprise, 
others  feared  a  siege ;  there  was  no  one  to  reassure  them, 
and  the  darkness  of  night  came  on  to  coiaplete  tneir  terror 
and  confusion.     Fear  rendered  them  barbarous ;  they  piti- 

*  Upon  the  battles  that  preceded  the  taking  of  Damietta,  and  upon  the 
taking  of  that  city,  Joinville  niny  be  consulted,  aa.  the  'iiistorian  that  fur- 
nishes the  greatest  number  of  details.  William  of  Nangis,  Matthew 
Paris,  but  particularly  Guy  de  Melun,  may  be  read  with  advantage.  Wi 
have  quoted  in  our  tcit  the  Arabian  authors  that  have  spoken  of  tliesr: 
event  fl 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  385 

lessly  massacred  all  the  Christians  that  were  in  the  city ;  the 
troops,  on  retiring,  pillaged  the  houses  and  set  lii'e  to  the 
public  edifices ;  wiiole  families  abandoned  their  homes,  car- 
rying with  them  their  furniture  and  movable  wealth.  The 
garrison  was  composed  of  the  bravest  of  the  Arab  tribe  of 
the  Benou-Kenaneh  ;*  but  fear  gained  dominion  over  tliem 
a^  well  as  the  rest ;  they  abandoned  the  towers  and  the 
ramparts  intrusted  to  their  guardianship,  and  fled  away 
with  the  army  of  Fakreddin.  Before  the  dawn  of  day,  the 
city  was  without  defenders,  and  almost  without  inhabitants. 

The  columns  of  flame  that  arose  from  the  bosom  of  the 
city  were  soon  observed  in  the  Christian  camp ;  the  whole 
horizon  was  on  fire.  On  the  morrow,  at  daybreak,  the  sol- 
diers advanced  towards  the  city,  all  the  gates  of  which  they 
found  open.  They  met  with  nothing  in  the  streets  but  the 
carcasses  of  the  victims  immolated  by  the  despair  and  fana- 
ticism of  the  infidels,  and  a  few  living  Christians,  who, 
having  contrived  to  conceal  tliemselves  from  the  murderers 
and  executioners,  had,  in  their  turn,  massacred  all  the 
Mussulmans  whom  age  and  infirmities  prevented  from  flying 
with  their  compatriots.  The  soldiers  returned  to  announce 
what  they  had  seen,  and  could  scarcely  gain  credit  from 
their  companions.  The  army  advanced,  cautiously  in  order 
of  battle.  When  they  were  assured  that  the  city  was 
deserted,  the  Crusaders  took  possession  of  it.  They  em- 
ployed themselves,  in  tlie  first  place,  to  stop  the  progress  of 
the  flames  :  then  the  soldiers  spread  tliemselves  throughout 
the  city,  for  the  purpose  of  pillaging  it,  and  all  that  escaped 
the  conflagration  became  the  reward  of  victory. 

In  the  mean  tim.e,  the  king  of  France,  the  pope's  legate, 

*  At  this  period  the  national  troops  had  neither  the  courage  nor  the 
constancy  that  the  labours  of  war  rei|uire.  'I'he  Arabs,  who  had  entered 
Egyi't  as  conquerors  with  Amron-Ben  al-As,  had  disappeared,  without 
leaving  successors  capable  of  supporting  iheir  reputation.  There  were  no 
means  of  recruiting  the  army  but  by  slaves  bought  in  the  nor.h  of  Asia 
and  in  Europe,  or  by  wandering  Arabs,  who,  accustomed  to  a  hardy, 
active  life,  still  showed  some  energy.  This  latter  measure  presented 
another  advantage.  By  bringing  these  nomads  under  the  yoke  ot  military 
discipline,  the  nations  were  delivered  from  the  deprc-dations  of  men  who 
lived  by  war.  It  wus  with  this  motive  that  llic  pacha  of  Egypt  of  ti.e 
present  day  has  enrolled  the  Arabs  of  liis  states  under  his  banners. — See 
♦he  Voymje  of  Belzoni  in  E<jyj)l  and  Nnniidia. 

17* 


386  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

and  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  followed  by  a  crowd  of  pre- 
lates and  ecclesiastics,  entered  Damietta  in  procession,  and 
repaired  to  the  great  mosque,  which  was  once  more  converted 
into  a  church,  and  consecrated  to  the  Holy  Virgin,  the 
mother  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  French  monarch,  tlie  clergy, 
and  all  the  leaders  of  the  army,  marched  with  heads  un- 
ccvered  and  barefooted,  singing  psalms  of  thanksgiving, 
and  attributing  to  God  all  the  glory  of  this  miraculous 
conquest. 

The  news  of  this  victory  was  soon  spread  through  all  the 
Egyptian  provinces.  The  continuator  of  Tabary,  who  was 
then  at  Cairo,  informs  us  in  his  History,  that  this  event  was 
considered  as  one  of  the  greatest  calamities.  All  Mussul- 
mans were  sunk  in  despondency  and  fear;  the  most  brave 
even  despaired  of  being  able  to  save  Egypt. 

Negmeddin  was  still  ill,  and  unable  to  mount  on  horse- 
back ;  the  defeat  of  his  army,  and  the  factory  of  the 
Christians,  were  announced  to  him  by  the  soldiers  and 
"'jihabitants  that  had  fled  from  Damietta.  He  broke  into  a 
violent  rage  against  the  gamson,  and  pronounced  a  sentence 
of  instant  death  upon  fifty-four  of  the  most  guilty :  in  vain 
Lhey  alleged  the  retreat  of  the  emir  Eakreddiu  as  an  excuse  ; 
the  sultan  said  they  merited  death  for  having  feared  the  arms 
jf  their  enemies  more  than  the  anger  of  their  master.  One 
:>f  these,  condemned  to  suifer  with  his  son,  a  young  man  of 
>ingular  beauty,  implored  the  sultan  to  allow  him  to  die 
first ;  the  sultan  refused  even  this  grace,  and  the  unhappy 
father  luiderwent  the  agony  of  seeing  his  son  killed  before 
his  eyes,  ere  he  himself  was  handed  over  to  ihe  executioner. 
When  we  reflect  upon  the  barbarity  of  these  executions,  we 
are  astonished  that  a  prince  without  an  army  should  find 
instruments  to  execute  his  wrath,  or  even  that  he  shoui'd 
dare  to  display  it  in  this  frightful  manner  upon  deserters 
and  cowards  ;  but  this  public  and  awful  exhibition  of  punish- 
ment, which  kept  up  the  belief  in  the  power  of  the  master, 
acted  strongly  upon  the  minds  of  the  nniltitude,  and  assisted 
in  bringing  back  the  vulgar  crowd  of  the  Mussulman  sol- 
diery to  discipline  and  order.  But  it  was  not  thus  witli  the 
principal  emirs  ;  already  but  little  disposed  to  tremble;  before 
a  sovereign  whom  they  regarded  as  their  own  work,  and  who 
stood  in  such  need   of  theii-  support.     The    sultan    would 


nirfJ'OKl'    OF    THE    CHUSAUES.  S8? 

^dllingly  have  pimished  Fakreddin,  but  the  circunistanco?), 
says  an  Arabian  historian,  dictated  patience.  He  contented 
himself  with  addressing  a  few  reproaches  to  him.  "  Tht 
presence  of  these  Franks,"  said  he  to  him,  "must  havt 
something  very  terrible  in  it,  since  men  like  you  cannot 
support  it  during  one  whole  day."  These  words  created 
more  indignation  than  fear  among  the  emirs  that  were 
present,  and  some  of  them  looked  at  Fakreddin,  as  if  to  tell 
bim  they  were  ready  to  sacrifice  the  sultan  ;  but  the  print  of 
the  cold  hand  of  death  was  on  the  brow  of  the  sultan,  and 
the  sight  of  a  dying  man  took  away  the  wish  to  commit  a 
useless  crime : — deplorable  situation  of  a  prince  who  had 
within  a  few  leagues  of  him  a  formidable  enemy,  that  he  was 
not  able  to  contend  with ;  near  him  traitors,  that  he  did  not 
dare  to  punish  ;  and  who,  whilst  seeing  his  authority  every 
day  diminish,  and  feeling  himself  hourly  dying,  appeared 
to  have  no  salvation  to  expect  lor  either  himself  or  his 
empire ! 

During  this  time  the  Crusaders  established  themselves  in 
Damietta  without  obstacle ;  Queen  Marguerite  and  the 
other  princesses,  with  the  legate  and  the  clergy,  occupied 
the  palaces  and  principal  houses ;  the  rest  of  the  city  was 
abandoned  to  the  pilgrims  who  did  not  bear  arms :  the 
towers  and  ramparts  were  guarded  by  five  hundred  knights, 
and  the  Christian  army  was  encamped  upon  the  plain  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nile.  In  this  situation  the  Crusaders  only 
thought  of  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  victory  in  peace,  and 
appeared  to  have  forgotten  that  they  had  still  enemies  to 
contend  with. 

The  sultan  of  Cairo  had  caused  himself  to  be  transported 
to  Mansourah,  whei-e  he  endeavoured  to  rally  his  army,  and 
re-establish  discipline  among  the  troops.  Whetlier  he  had 
recovered  from  his  terror,  or  that  he  was  willing  to  conceal 
his  alarm  and  the  progress  of  his  malady,  he  sent  several 
messages  to  Louis  IX.  In  one  of  these  letters,  Negmeddin, 
joining  menaces  to  irony,  congratulated  the  king  ol"  France 
upon  his  arrival  in  Egypt,  and  asked  him  at  wliat  period  it 
would  please  him  to  depart  again.  The  Mussulman  prince 
added,  among  other  things,  that  the  quantity  of  i)n)visions 
and  agricultural  instruments  witli  which  the  Crusaders  had 
burdened  theii'  vessels,  appeared  to  him  to  be  a  useless  pre- 


oSvS  IIISXOBY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

caution ;  and  to  perform  the  duties  of  hospitality  towards 
the  I'rauks,  in  a  manner  worthy  of  himself  and  them,  he 
engaged  to  supply  them  with  corn  during  their  sojourn  in 
his  states.  Negmeddin,  in  another  message,  offered  the  king 
of  France  a  general  battle  on  the  25th  day  of  June,  in  a 
place  that  should  be  determined  upon.  Louis  IX.  answered 
the  first  letter  of  the  sultan  by  saying  that  he  had  landed  in 
Egypt  on  the  day  he  had  appointed,  and  as  to  the  day  of  his 
departure,  he  should  think  about  it  at  leisure.  With  regard 
to  the  proposed  battle,  the  king  contented  himself  with 
replying,  tliat  he  would  neither  accept  the  day  nor  choose 
the  place,  because  all  days  and  all  places  were  equally  fit  for 
fighting  with  infidels.  The  French  monarch  added,  that  he 
would  attack  the  sultan  wherever  he  shoidd  meet  with  him  ; 
that  he  would  pursue  him  at  all  times  and  without  inter- 
mission ;  and  woidd  treat  him  as  an  enemy  till  God  had 
touched  his  heart,  and  Christians  might  consider  him  as  a 
brother. 

Fortune  presented  King  Louis  with  an  opportunity  and 
the  means  of  accomplishing  his  threats.  The  Crusaders,  whom 
the  tempest  had  separated  from  the  fleet,  continued  to 
arrive  every  day,  and  the  knights  of  the  Temple  and  of 
St.  John,  who  had  been  accused  of  being  anxious  for  peace, 
ioined  the  banners  of  the  army,  and  breathed  nothing  but 
war.  They  were  acquainted  with  the  count)-y,  and  with  the 
best  manner  of  cojnbating  the  infidels;  and  v\ith  this  usefid 
reinforcement,  the  king  was  able  to  undertake  an  expedition 
against  Alexandria,  or,  by  obtaining  possession  of  Mansourali, 
render  himself  master  of  the  route  to  Cairo.  After  the  taking 
of  Damietta,  several  of  the  lenders  had  proposed  to  pursue 
the  Mussulmans,  and  take  advantage  of  the  terror  that  the 
iirst  victory  of  the  Christians  had  inspired.  But  the  period 
was  approaching  at  which  the  waters  of  the  Nile  began  to 
rise,  and  the  remembrance  of  the  overthrow  of  Pelagius  and 
John  of  Briemie,  dispelled  the  idea  of  marching  against  the 
capita!  of  Egypt.  Before  he  pursued  his  conquests,  Louis 
wished  to  wait  the  arrival  of  his  brother,  the  count  of  Poic- 
tiers,  who  was  to  embark  with  the  arriere  ban  of  the  kingdom 
of  France.  Most  historians  view  in  this  delay  the  cause  of 
all  the  evils  that  after  wards  befell  the  Crusaders.  We  liave 
nothing  like  sufficient  positive  documents  to  test  the  truth 


HISTORT   OF   THE   CRUSADES.  389 

of  tlieir  opinion  ;  but  we  may  say  with  certainty,  that  thk 
inaction  of  the  Christian  army  became,  from  tliat  time,  a 
80urc3  of  most  fatal  disorders. 

These  disorders  began  to  break  out  when  the  division  took 
place  of  the  booty  made  at  the  taking  of  Damietta.  To  ani- 
mate the  courage  of  the  Crusaders,  the  treasures  of  this 
citv,  the  entrepot  of  the  merchandises  of  the  East,  had  often 
been  boasted  of;  but  as  the  richest  quarters  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  the  conflagration,  and  as  the  inhabitants  had, 
when  they  fled,  taken  their  most  valuable  effects  with  them, 
^he  spoils  were  very  for  from  answering  the  hopes  of  the 
viccorious  army.  In  spite  of  the  threats  of  the  legate,  several 
of  the  Crusadera  had  not  brought  all  that  fell  into,  theii 
hands  to  the  common  stock.  The  whole  of  the  booty  ob- 
tauied  in  the  city  only  produced  the  sum  of  six  thousand 
livres  tournois*  to  be  di\ided  among  the  Crusaders,  whose 
surprise  and  indignation  found  vent  in  violent  murmurs. 

As  it  had  been  determined  that  no  division  should  be 
made  of  the  provisions,  but  that  they  should  be  preserved  in 
the  royal  magazines,  for  the  support  of  the  army,  this  reso- 
lution, so  contrary  to  ancient  usages,  gave  birth  to  loud 
complaints.  Joinville  informs  us  that  t\\c  prud'homme  John 
of  Yalery,  whose  stern  probity  and  bravery  were  the  admi- 
ration of  the  whole  army,  addressed  some  warm  representa- 
tions to  the  king  on  this  subject.  John  of  Valery  alleged 
the  laws  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  custom  pursued  till  that 
time  in  the  crusades  ;  he  mentioned  the  example  of  John  of 
jBrienne,  who,  at  the  first  conquest  of  Damietta,  had  only 
retained  one-third  of  the  riches  and  provisions  found  in  the 
City,  abandoning  the  rest  to  the  gene^-al  army.  This  custom 
wts  even  less  consecrated  by  the  holy  wars  than  by  the 
feudal  laws,  according  to  which  every  lord  carried  on  the  war 
at  his  own  expense,  and  by  right  had  a  share  in  all  the  plunder 
obt  ined  from  the  enemy.  But  it  might  be  objected,  that 
Lo  is  IX.  furnished  most  of  the  leaders  of  the  army  with 
mcney,  and  by  that  the  counts  and  barons  had  renounced 

*  The  livre  Tournois  was  so  called  from  being  coined  at  Tours,  and 
was  one-fifth  less  in  value  than  the  livre  coined  in  Paris  ;  thus  afterwards 
the  livre  Tournois  was  v8./ued  at  twenty  sous,  that  of  Paris  at  twenty-five. 
The  sum  mentioned  would  thus  only  iimoimt  to  little  more  than  j^200 
which  appears  almost  inpossiblr  — TuanS! 


390  HISTOHY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

tlie  conditions  of  the  fendal  compact.  This  law  of  the  di- 
vision of  provisions,  which  had,  in  fact,  been  observed  in 
preceding  crusades,  sufficiently  accounts  for  the  '  scarcity 
that  had  so  often  desolated  the  Christian  armies.  The  pious 
monarch  was  anxious  to  avoid  evils  tliat  were  the  fruit  of 
want  of  prudence  and  foresight,  and  refused  to  listen  to  the 
complaints  of  most  of  the  French  nobles.  Thus,  says  Join- 
ville,  scarcity  continued,  and  made  the  people  very  much 
dissatisfied.* 

This  spirit  of  dissatisfaction  was  quickly  joined  by  other 
disorders,  the  consequences  of  which  were  still  more  de- 
plorable. The  knights  forgot,  in  their  fatal  inactivity,  both 
tlieir  warlike  virtues  and  the  object  of  the  holy  war.  The 
riches  of  Egypt  and  the  Kast  being  promised  to  them,  the 
loi'ds  and  barons  made  haste  to  consume,  in  festivities  and 
pleasures,  the  money  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  libe- 
rality of  the  king,  or  by  the  sale  of  their  lands  and  castles. 
The  passion  for  gaming  had  got  entire  possession  of  botli 
leaders  and  soldiers  ;  after  losing  their  fortune,  they  risked 
even  their  horses  and  arms.  Even  beneath  the  shadow  of 
the  standards  of  Christ,  the  Crusaders  gave  themselves  up 
to  all  the  excesses  of  debauchery ;  the  contagion  of  the  most 
odious  vices  pervaded  all  ranks,  and  places  of  prostitution 
were  found  even  in  the  close  vicinity  of  the  pavilion  inhabited 
by  the  pious  monarch  of  the  French. 

To  satisfy  the  boundless  taste  for  luxury  and  pleasure, 
recourse  was  had  to  all  sorts  of  violent  means.  The  leaders 
of  the  army  pillaged  the  traders  that  provisioned  the  camp 
and  the  city ;  they  imposed  enormous  tributes  upon  them, 
and  this  assisted  greatly  in  bringing  on  scarcity.  The  most 
ardent  made  distant  excursions,  surprised  caravans,  devas- 
tated towns  and  plains,  and  bore  away  Mussulman  women, 
whom  they  brought  in  triumph  to  Damietta.  The  sharing 
even  of  this  sort  of  booty  often  gave  rise  to  angry  quarrels,  and 
the  whole  camp  resounded  with  complaints,  threats,  and 
confusion. 

One  of  the  most  afflicting  phases  of  this  picture  was,  that 
the  authority  of  the  king  became  less  respected  daily ;  aa 
corruption  increased,  the  habits  of  obedience  declined ;  the 

*  Ainsi  demeura  la  besogne,  dont  tnaintes  gens  se  tinrent  mal  satis* 
faits.  — Joinv'Me. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  39T 

laws  were  without  power,  and  virtue  had  no  longer  any 
empire.  Loiiis  IX.  met  with  opposition  to  his  wishes,  even 
from  tlie  princes  of  his  own  family.  The  count  d'Artois, 
a  young,  ardent,  and  presumptuous  prince,  unable  to  en- 
dure either  rivalry  or  contradiction,  proud  of  his  military 
renown,  and  jealous  to  excess  of  that  of  others,  was  in  the 
habit  of  constantly  provoking  the  other  leaders,  and  of 
heaping  upon  them,  without  motive,  the  most  outrageous 
atironts.  The  earl  of  Salisbury,  to  whom  he  had  beliaved 
very  ill,  complained  of  him  to  Louis,  and  being  unable  to 
obtain  the  satisfaction  he  demanded,  in  his  anger  pro- 
nounced those  memorable  words  :  "  You  are  then  not  a  king, 
if  yon  are  unable  to  administer  justice^  This  indocility  of 
the  princes,  and  the  licentiousness  of  the  great,  completed 
the  disorder  ;  every  day  relaxation  of  discipline  was  observed 
to  increase  :  the  guarding  of  the  camp,  which  extended  far 
over  the  plains  and  along  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  was  scarcely 
attended  to  ;  the  advanced  posts  of  the  Christian  army  were 
constantly  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  without 
being  able  to  oppose  any  other  means  of  resistance  than 
imprudent  and  rash  bravery,  which  only  increased  the 
danger. 

Among  the  Mussulman  soldiers  sent  to  harass  the  Cru- 
saders, the  most  successful  in  their  mission  were  the  Bedouin 
Arabs  ;  intrepid  warriors,  indefatigable  horsemen,  having  no 
other  country  but  the  desert,  no  other  property  but  their 
horses  and  arms,  the  hopes  of  plunder  supported  them  through 
all  toils,  and  taught  them  to  brave  all  dangers.  With  the 
Arabs  of  the  desert  were  joined  some  Carismiau  horsemen, 
who  had  escaped  from  the  ruin  of  their  warlike  nation. 
Accustomed  to  live  by  brigandage,  both  these  watched  night 
and  day,  to  dog  the  Christian  soldiers,  and  appeared  to 
possess  the  instinct  and  activity  of  those  wild  animals  that 
prowl  constantly  around  the  dwellings  of  man  in  search  of 
their  prey.  The  sultan  of  Cairo  promised  a  golden  byzant 
for  f  very  Christian  head  that  should  be  brought  into  his 
cam{  ;  sometimes  the  Arabs  and  Carismians  surprised  the 
Crusaders  who  wandered  from  the  army,  and  often  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  darkness  of  night  to  get  access  to  the  camp  ; 
Bentinels  asleep  on  their  posts,  knights  in  bed  in  theii' tents, 
were  struck  by  invisible   hands,  and  when  day  appeared  to 


392  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

lighten  tlie  scene  of  carnage,  the  barbarians  fled  along  the 
banks  of  the  Nile,  to  demand  their  wages  of  the  sultan  of 
Egypt. 

These  surprises  and  nocturnal  attacks  had  a  considerable 
elll^ct  in  reanimating  the  courage  of  the  Mussulmans.  To 
raise  the  confidence  of  the  multitude  and  the  army,  great 
care  was  taken  to  exhibit  the  heads  of  the  Christians ;  all 
captives  were  paraded  about  in  triumph,  and  the  least  ad- 
vantage obtained  over  the  Franks  was  celebrated  through- 
out Egypt.  •  Contemporary  liistorians,  led  away  by  common 
exaggeration,  talk  of  the  most  trifling  combats  as  memorable 
victories;  and  we  are  astonished,  at  the  present  day,  to  read 
in  the  history  of  a  period  so  abounding  in  great  military 
events,  that  in  the  month  of  Eamadau  thirty-seven  Chris- 
tians were  brought  in  chains  to  Cairo,  that  they  were 
followed,  some  days  afterwards,  by  thirty-eight  other  cap- 
tives, among  wliom  were  distinguished  five  knights  The 
activity  of  Negmeddin  appeared  to  increase  as  his  end  ap- 
proached. He  employed  the  greatest  exertions  to  get  to- 
gether all  his  troops  ;  was  indefatigably  attentive  in  watching 
the  movements  of  the  Crusaders,  and  seldom  failed  to  take 
advantage  of  their  errors.  Men  were  employed  night  and 
day  in  repairing  the  towers  and  fortifications  of  Mausourah  ; 
the  Mussulman  fleet,  which  had  ascended  the  Nile,  cast 
anchor  immediately  in  front  of  the  city.  Whilst  these  pre- 
parations were  going  on,  news  arrived  that  the  garrison  of 
Damascus  had  taken  possession  of  ilie  city  of  Sidon,  belong- 
ing to  the  Franks,  and  that  the  important  place  of  Carac 
had  just  declared  in  favour  of  Negmeddin.  This  unexpected 
intelligence,  the  sight  of  the  prisoners,  but  above  all,  the  in- 
activity of  the  Christian  army,  whicli  was  attributed  to  fear, 
completed  the  dissipation  of  the  terror  of  the  Mussulmans. 
Whilst  new  reinforcements  were  every  day  arriving  in  the 
camp  of  the  sultan,  the  people  flocked  in  crowds  to  the 
mosques  of  Cairo  and  the  other  cities  of  Egypt,  to  invoke 
the  protection  of  Heaven,  and  return  thanks  to  the  G.  ^d  of 
Mahomet,  for  having  prevented  the  Christians  from  taking 
advantage  of  their  victories. 


BOOK    XIV. 


A.D.  1248—1255. 

Whilst  the  Christian  army  was  forgetting  in  its  sojourn 
at  Damietta  both  the  laws  of  discipline  and  the  object  of 
the  holy  war,  Alphonse,  count  of  Poictiers,  prepared  to  set 
out  for  the  East.  All  the  churches  of  France  still  resounded 
with  pathetic  exhortations  addressed  to  the  Christian  war- 
riors ;  the  bishops,  in  the  name  of  the  sovereign  pontiff, 
conjured  the  faithful  to  second,  by  means  of  chanty,  the 
enterprise  against  the  Saracens ;  an  apostolic  brief,  granted 
to  the  brother  of  the  king  not  only  the  tribute  imposed 
upon  the  Crusaders  who  repurchased  their  vow,  but  all  tlie 
sums  destined  by  testament  to  acts  of  piety,  the  object  of 
which  was  not  distinctly  signified.  These  sums  must  have 
been  considerable,  but  could  scarcely  suffice  for  the  expenses 
of  an  expedition  which  bore  the  appearance  of  another 
crusade.  The  knights  and  barons  who  had  not  been  affected 
by  the  example  of  Louis  IX.  showed  but  very  little  enthu- 
siasm, or  else  wanted  money  for  so  long  a  voyage.  Piety 
and  the  love  of  glory  were  not  powerful  enough  to  seduce 
them  to  join  the  banners  of  the  holy  war.  History  has  pre- 
served an  agreement,  by  which  Hugh  Lebrun,  count  of 
Angouleme,  consented  to  set  out  for  the  crusade  with  twelve 
kniglits,  but  on  the  express  condition  that  the  count  of 
Poictiers  should  feed  tliem  at  his  own  table  during  the  ex- 
pedition ;  that  he  would  advance  the  seigneur  Hugh  Lebrun 
the  sum  of  four  thousand  livres ;  and  should  pay  Lim,  in 
perpetuity,  a  pension  of  six  hundred  livres  tournois.  This 
agreement  and  several  other  similar  ones  were  innovations 
in  the  military  usages  of  feudalism,  and  even  in  the  usages 
consecrated  by  the  holy  wars. 

The  English  nobles,  however,  were  impatient  to  follow 
the  (jxample  set  them  by  Louis  IX.     We  read  in  Matthew 


394  HISTORY  or  the  crusades. 

Paris,  that  the  English  lords  and  knights  had  already  sold 
or  enipawTied  their  lauds,  and  i)laced  themselves  entirely  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Jews ;  which  appeared  to  be  the  pre- 
liminary of  a  departure  for  the  Holy  Land.  It  is  not  out 
of  place  to  add  here,  that  this  impatience  to  set  out  for  the 
East,  arose  less  from  a  religious  motive  than  from  the  spirit 
of  opposition  that  ani-nated  the  uai'ons  against  their  monarch, 
Henry  III.,  who  was  accused  of  being  desirous  of  taking 
advantage  of  the  absence  of  Louis  IX.,  and  did  ail  in  his 
power  to  retain  the  barons  and  lords  of  his  kingdom ;  and  aa 
tlie  latter  resisted  his  solicitations  with  contempt,  he  resolved 
to  employ  the  influence  of  the  Church  ;  "  so  that,"  saya 
]\[atthew  Paris,  "  like  a  young  child  who,  having  been  ill- 
used,  goes  to  its  mother  to  complain,  the  king  of  England 
carried  his  complaints  to  the  sovereign  pontiff",  adding  tliat 
he  proposed  to  go  himself,  and  lead  his  barons  shortly  to  the 
Holy  Land."  The  pope,  in  his  replies,  forbade  Henry  III. 
to  undertake  anything  against  the  kingdom  of  France;  but, 
at  the  same  time,  he  threatened  with  the  thunders  of  the 
Church,  all  the  knights  and  barons  that  should  leave  the 
kingdom  against  the  will  of  the  king.  Henry,  supported  by 
the  autliority  of  the  pope,  ordered  the  commanders  at  Dover 
and  the  other  ports  to  take  measures  that  no  Crusader 
should  embark.  Thus  the  court  of  Rome  .on  one  side 
preached  the  crusade,  and-  on  the  other  prevented  the  de- 
parture of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross ;  which  must  have 
tended  to  dissipate  all  the  illusions  and  annihilate  the  spirit 
of  the  holy  war. 

Eaymond,  count  of  Thoulouse,  had  likewise  taken  the 
oath  to  combat  the  infidels  ;  but  the  inconstancy  of  his 
character,  and  the  policy  of  the  pope,  soon  led  him  into 
other  enterprises.  His  age  had  seen  him,  by  turns,  full  of 
'ieal  for  the  Church,  ardent  to  persecute  it ;  the  apostle  of 
heresy,  and  the  terror  of  heretics  ;  sometimes  abandoned  to 
the  furies  of  revolt,  sometimes  submissive  to  servitude ; 
braving  the  thunders  of  the  court  of  Eome,  afterwards 
seeking  the  favour  of  the  pontiffs  ;  pursued  by  unjust  wars, 
and  himself  declaring  war  without  a  motive.  At  the  epoch 
of  which  we  are  speaking,  the  count  of  Thoulouse  had  given 
up  ail  idea  of  fighting  against  the  infidels,  and  was  preparing 
to  minister  to  tlie  personal  vengeance  of  Innocent  IV.,  bj 


HI  STOUT     )F    THE    CRUSADES.  395 

turning  his  arms  against  Thomas  of  Savoy,  who  had  recently 
married  a  daughter  of  the  emperor  Frederick,  in  opposition 
to  the  commands  of  the  pope.  He  had  already  received  tht 
money  necessary  for  his  preparations  from  the  pope,  and  had 
taken  leave  of  his  daughter,  the  countess  of  Poictiers,  about 
to  depart  for  the  East,  when  he  fell  sick  at  Milan.  From 
that  time  all  the  projects  of  his  ambition  faded  away,  and, 
to  borrow  the  expression  of  a  modern  historian,  he  went  into 
another  ivorld  to  learn  the  result  of  the  incomprehensible 
varieties  of  his  life. 

AVith  him  the  illustrious  house  of  Thoidouse  became 
extinct,  a  house  of  which  several  of  tlie  princes  had  been 
heroes  of  the  holy  wars,  others  deplorable  victims  of  crusades. 
The  county  of  Thoulouse  thus  became  a  property  of  the 
family  of  the  king  of  France,  and  whilst  Louis  IX.  was 
dissipating  his  armies  and  his  treasures  in  vain  endeavours 
to  make  conquests  in  the  East,  conquests  less  brilliant,  but 
also  less  expensive,  more  useful  and  more  durable,  were  in- 
creasing the  power  of  the  monarchy  and  extending  the  limits 
of  the  kingdom. 

Grermany,  Holland,  and  Italy,  filled  with  troubles,  at  that 
time  occupied  all  the  attention  of  Frederick  II.,  and  did  not 
allow  him  to  turn  his  thoughts  towards  the  East.  He  sent 
the  coimt  of  Poictiers  fifty  horses  and  a  quantity  of  pro- 
Aasions,  delighted,  as  he  said,  to  seize  an  opportunity  of 
acquitting  some  of  the  obligations  he  had  received  irom 
France  ;  he  put  up  prayers  for  the  success  of  the  crusade, 
and  deeply  regretted  his  inability  to  take  a  part  in  it. 
Frederick  had  lived  as  the  count  of  Thoulouse  had  done, 
and  like  him,  he  was  soon,  in  another  world,  to  behold  the 
end  of  his  ambition,  of  the  inconstancy  of  his  designs,  and 
of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune. 

Although  the  count  of  Poictiers  was  little  favoured  by 
circumstances,  he  finished  his  preparations  and  got  together 
an  army.  The  new  Crusaders  embarked  at  Aigues-Mortes, 
at  the  moment  the  news  of  the  taking  of  Damietta  arrived 
in  the  West.  The  Christian  army  expected  them  in  Egvpt 
with  greater  anxiety,  from  the  circumstance  of  the  Sea  ol 
Damietta  having  been,  for  more  than  a  month,  agitated,  un- 
ceasingly, by  a  furious  tempest.  Three  weeks  before  their 
arrival,  all  the  pilgrims  had  put  up  prayers  on  tlieir  account ; 


396  HISTOKT   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

on  the  Saturday  of  each  week  they  went  in  procession  to  the 
seashore,  to  implore  the  protection  of  Heaven  in  favour  of 
the  warriors  about  to  join  the  Christian  army.  At  length, 
after  a  passage  of  two  months,  the  count  of  Poictiers  disem- 
barked before  Damietta.  His  arrival  not  only  diffused  joy 
and  hope  among  the  Crusaders,  but  permitted  them  to  leave 
their  long  and  fatal  state  of  inactivity. 

Louis  IX.  assembled  the  council  of  the  princes  and  barons, 
to  consult  them  on  the  line  of  march  most  advisable  to  be 
taken,  and  upon  measures  for  perfecting  the  conquest  of 
Egypt.  Several  of  the  leaders  proposed  to  lay  siege  to 
A-lexandria :  they  represented  that  that  city  had  a  com- 
modious port ;  that  the  Christian  fleet  would  there  find 
certain  shelter ;  and  that  tliey  could  there  procure  munitions 
and  provisions  with  great  facility  :  this  was  the  opinion  of 
all  that  had  experience  in  war.  The  headstrong  youth  of 
the  array,  persuaded  that  they  had  sacrificed  sufficiently  to 
prudence,  by  remaining  several  months  in  idleness,  main- 
tained that  they  ought  to  proceed  iuunediately  against  Cairo  ; 
they  thought  nothing  of  the  dangers  the  Christian  army 
must  encounter  in  an  unknown  country,  where  they  must 
expect  to  meet  with  enemies  irritated  by  fanaticism  and 
despair.  The  count  d'Artois  put  himself  particularly  for- 
ward among  those  who  wished  them  to  attack  the  capital  of 
Egypt.  "  AV'^hen  you  wish  to  kill  the  serpent,"  cried  he,  "  you 
ought  always  first  to  endeavour  to  crush  his  head."  This 
opinion,  expressed  with  warmth,  prevailed  in  the  council ; 
Louis  himself  partook  of  the  ardour  and  hopes  of  short- 
sighted youth,  and  the  order  was  given  for  marching  towards 
Cairo.* 

The  army  of  the  Crusaders  consisted  of  sixty  thousand 
fighting  men,  more  than  twenty  thousand  of  whom  were 
horse.  A  numerous  fleet  ascended  the  Nile,  laden  with  pro- 
visions, baggage,  and  machines  of  war.  Queen  Marguerite, 
with  the  countesses  of  Artois,  Anjou,  and  Poictiers,  remained 
at  Damietta,  where  the  king  had  left  a  garrison  under  the 
command  of  Olivier  de  Thermes. 

The  Crusaders  encamped  at  Pharescour  the  7th  of  Decern* 
ber ;  terror  had  preceded  their  triumphant  march,  and  every 

*  At  this  period  Louis  IX.  was  but  thirty-three  yeais  old. — Trans. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  397 

thing  seemed  to  favour  their  enterprise.  One  crcumstance, 
of  which  tliey  were  ignorant,  wouhl  have  increased  the 
security  and  joy  of  the  Christian  knights  if  they  liad  known 
of  it ;  Negineddin,  after  having  struggled  for  a  long  time 
against  a  cruel  malady,  was  at  length  dead.  This  death 
mig-lit  have  produced  serious  trouble  in  both  the  Egyptian 
nation  and  army,  if  it  had  ]iot  been  carefully  concealed  for 
several  days.  After  the  sultan  had  breathed  his  last,  the 
Mamelukes  guarded  the  gates  of  his  palace  as  if  he  had  been 
still  living;  ])rayers  were  put  up,  and  orders  were  issued  in 
his  name  :  with  the  Mussulmans,  nothing  interrupt  ed  the 
preparations  for  defence  or  attention  to  the  war  against  the 
Christians.  All  these  precautions  were  the  work  of  a 
woman — a  woman  who  had  been  purchased  as  a  slave,  and 
had  become  the  favourite  wife  of  Negmeddin.  The  Arabian 
historians  are  eloquent  in  the  praise  of  the  courage  and 
talents  of  Chegger-Eddour,  and  agree  in  saying,  that  no 
woman  surpassed  her  in  beauty,  and  no  man  excelled  lier  in 
genius. 

After  the  death  of  Negmeddin,  the  sultana  assembled  tlio 
principal  emirs ;  in  this  council  the  command  of  Egvpt  was 
given  to  Fakreddin,  and  they  acknowledged  as  sultau 
Almoadain  Touranschah,  whom  his  father  had  banished  to 
Mesopotamia  :  some  authors  assert  that  in  this  council  it 
was  resolved  to  send  ambassadors  to  the  king  of  the  Franks, 
to  propose  peace  in  the  name  of  the  prince  of  whose  death 
he  was  still  ignorant.  The  ambassadors,  in  order  to  obtain 
a  truce,  were  to  offer  tiie  Christians  Damietta  with  its 
territories,  and  Jerusalem  with  several  other  cities  of  Pales- 
tine. It  was  not  probable  that  this  negotiation  should 
succeed ;  the  Christians  had  advanced  too  far,  and  had  too 
mtich  ciHifidence  in  their  arms,  to  listen  to  any  proposition. 

The  Christian  army  pursued  its  march  along  the  banks  of 
the  Nile,  and  entered  the  town  of  Scharmesah,  without 
meeting  any  other  enemy  than  five  hundred  Mussvilmau 
horsemen.  These  horsemen  at  first  evinced  nothing  but 
pacific  intentions,  and,  from  the  smallness  of  tlunr  nund)ers, 
they  inspired  no  dread.*     Louis  IX.,  whose  protection  they 

*  There  is  here  an  apjiarent  contradiction  between  the  version  of 
Ducange  and  tliat  of  MM.  Meiot,  Sfillier,  and  Caperonier  :  in  tlie  latter 
Kc  read  that  these  five  hundred  Mussulmans  were  sent  to  harass   the 


S98  HISTORY   OP   THE    CRUSADES. 

seemed  to  implore,  forbade  the  Crusaders  to  attack  tliem ; 
but  the  Mamebikes,  abusing  the  confidence  that  was  placed 
in  them,  and  taking  advantage  of  a  favourable  opportunity, 
fell  all  at  once  upon  the  Templars,  and  killed  a  knight  of 
that  order.  A  cry  to  arms  immediately  rung  through  the 
French  army,  and  the  Mussulman  battalion  was  assailed  on 
all  sides  :  such  as  did  not  fall  beneath  the  swords  of  the 
Crusaders,  were  dro^vrled  in  the  Nile.  In  proportion  with 
the  approach  of  the  Christians  to  Mansourah,  the  anxiety 
and  terror  of  the  Egyptians  increased  :  the  emir  Fakreddin 
exposed  the  dangers  of  the  country  in  a  letter  that  was  read 
at  the  hour  of  prayer  in  the  great  mosque  of  the  capital. 
After  the  formula,  "  In  the  name  of  God  and  of  JSLaliomet  his 
prophet,"  the  letter  of  Fakreddin  began  by  these  words  of  tlie 
Koran :  "  Hasten,  great  and  small,  the  cause  of  God  has  need 
of  your  arms  and  of  your  wealth.''^  "  The  Fi-nnka,"  added  the 
emir,  "the  Franks  (Heaven  curse  them)  are  arrived  in  our 
country  with  their  standards  and  their  swords ;  they  wish  to 
obtain  possession  of  our  cities  and  ravage  our  provinces  : 
what  Mussulman  can  refuse  to  march  against  them,  and 
avenge  the  glory  of  Islamism  ?" 

Upon  hearing  this  letter  read,  all  the  people  were  melted 
to  tears ;  the  greatest  agitation  prevailed  throughout  the 
city  of  Cairo ;  the  death  of  the  sultan,  which  began  to  be 
known,  added  greatly  to  the  general  consternation ;  oi'ders 
were  sent  to  raise  troops  in  all  the  Egyptian  ])rovinces  ;  war 
was  preached  in  all  the  mosques,  and  the  imauns  endeavoured 
by  every  means  to  awaken  fanaticism,  in  order  to  combat  the 
depression  of  despair. 

The  Christian  army  arrived  before  the  canal  Aschmoum 

French  army,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  a  deceit,  or  ruse  de  guerre ;  in 
that  of  Ducange.  on  the  contrary,  we  find  this  sentence:  "He  [the 
sultan]  sent  to  the  kinc;,  as  a  rvse,  five  hundred  of  his  best-mounted 
horsemen,  they  tclHiig  the  king  that  they  were  come  to  assist  him,  him 
and  all  his  army."  We  find  nothing  like  this  in  the  edition  of  MM. 
Melot,  Sallier,  and  Caperouier  ;  it  is  probable  that  this  seiitfuce  mny  have 
been  interpolated  in  the  manuscript,  for  we  cannot  believe  that  five  hun- 
dred Mussulman  horsemen  could  have  been  received  as  friends  in  tlie 
Christian  army,  who  stood  in  no  need  of  auxiliaries,  and  who  certairdy 
did  not  look  for  them  among  the  Saracens.  \\'^e  avail  ourselves  of  this 
opportunity  lu  warn  our  readers  that  the  various  editions  of  Joinville 
often  v:ir\  Ml  important  (urcumstances.  and  that  they  should  at  all  tiroes 
oe  suljeiled  to  a  very  critical  r.vamination. 


HISTORY    OF    TUB    CJtUSADES,  30G 

Theriah  on  the  19th  of  December.  The  Mussulman  army 
was  encamped  on  the  opposite  shore,  having  the  Isile  on  its 
left,  and  behind  it  the  city  of  Mansourah ;  close  to  them,  in 
the  direction  of  Cairo,  the  Saracens  had  a  numerous  fleet 
upon  the  river.  That  of  the  Christians  had  advanced  to  the 
head  of  the  canal.  Everything  seemed  to  announce  that 
the  fate  of  the  war  would  be  decided  on  this  spot.  The 
Crusaders  marked  out  their  camp  in  the  place  in  which  the 
army  of  John  of  Brienne  had  encamped  thirty  years  before. 
The  remembrance  of  a  great  disaster  ought  to  have  served 
them  as  a  lesson,  and,  at  least,  have  tempered  the  excessive 
confidence  that  the  too  easy  conquest  of  Damietta  had  given 
them. 

The  canal  of  Aschmoura  was  of  the  width  of  the  Seine, 
its  bed  was  deep,  and  its  banks  steep.  In  order  to  cross  it, 
it  was  necessary  that  a  dike  should  be  constructed :  the 
work  was  begun,  but  as  fast  as  they  heaped  up  the  sand  and 
stones,  the  Saracens  dug  away  the  earth  in  front  of  the  dilie, 
and  thus  removed  further  back  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
canal ;  in  vain  the  causeway  advanced,  the  Crusaders  had 
always  the  same  distance  to  fill  up,  and  each  of  the  trenches 
dug  by  the  enemy  tended  to  make  their  labours  useless.  lu 
addition  to  which,  they  were  night  and  day  interrupted  in 
their  works,  and  were  constantly  exposed  to  the  arrows  and 
javelins  of  the  Saracens. 

xllthough  the  Mussulman  general  had  fled  without  fight- 
ing at  the  first  appearance  of  the  Franks,  the  chronicles  of 
the  times  speak  very  highly  of  his  bravery  and  military 
talents.  They  add  that  he  had  been  made  a  knight  by 
Frederick  II.,  and  that  he  bore  the  arms  of  the  emperor  of 
Germany  with  those  of  the  sultans  of  Cairo  and  Damascus 
upon  his  escutcheon.  These  distinctions  might  draw  the 
attention  of  the  multitude ;  but  that  which  was  for  F'akred- 
din  a  true  title  of  glory  is,  that  he  was  able,  by  his  speeches 
and  his  example,  to  reanimate  the  courage  and  confidence  of 
a  conquered  army. 

Scarcely  had  the  Crusaders  seated  themselves  down  in 
their  camp,  and  begun  the  works  necessary  for  the  passage 
of  the  Aschmouni,  than  Fakreddin  sent  a  party  of  troops  to 
Scharmesah,  to  attack  the  rear  of  the  Christian  army.  The 
Saracens,  by  this  unexpected  assault,  spr^'ad  disorder  and 


400  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

terror  tliroiigh  the  camp  of  their  enemies.  The  first  advan- 
tage redoubled  their  audacity,  and  soon  after  an  assault  was 
made  upon  the  Christians,  along  the  whole  line  of  their 
camp,  extending  from  the  canal  to  the  Nile.  The  Mussul- 
mans several  times  passed  the  intrenchments  of  the  Crusa- 
•ders ;  the  duke  of  Anjou,  Guy  count  of  Forest,  the  sieur 
de  Joinville,  and  several  other  knights,  were  compelled  to 
exert  all  their  bravery  to  repidse  from  their  camp  an  enemy 
whom  every  fresh  combat  taught  that  the  French  were  not 
invincible,  and  that  it  was  at  least  possible  to  stop  them  on 
their  march. 

Conflicts  took  place  every  day  in  the  plain  and  upon  the 
river.  Several  vessels  belonging  to  the  Christians  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Mussulmans;  the  Arabs,  constantly  prowl- 
ing round  the  camp,  bore  away  into  captivity  every  man 
that  ventured  to  stray  from  his  colours.  As  the  emir  Fak- 
reddin  could  only  learn  from  the  reports  of  prisoners  the 
state  and  disposition  of  the  Cln-istian  army,  he  promised  a 
recompense  for  every  captive  that  should  be  brought  into  his 
tents  :  all  the  means  that  audacity  and  cunning  could  sug- 
gest were  employed  to  surprise  the  Crusaders.  It  is  related 
that  a  j\[ussulman  soldier  having  buried  his  head  in  a  melon 
that  had  been  hollowed  out,  threw  himself  into  the  JSTile,  and 
swam  down  the  stream.  The  melon,  which  appeared  to 
float  upon  the  water,  attracted  the  eyes  of  a  Christian  war- 
rior, who  sprang  into  the  river,  and  as  he  stretched  out  his 
hand  to  seize  tl)e  floating  melon,  he  himself  was  seized  and 
dragged  away  to  the  camp  of  the  Mussulmans.  This  anec- 
dote, more  whimsical  than  instructive,  is  related  by  several 
Arabian  historians,  who  scai'cely  say  anything  of  the  pre- 
ceding combats.  Such  are  the  spirit  and  character  of  the 
greater  part  of  oriental  histories,  in  which  the  most  frivo- 
i?us  details  often  take  the  place  of  useful  truths  and  impor- 
tant events. 

Whilst  the  armies  were  thus  in  face  of  each  other,  the 
Crusaders  pursued  the  work  they  had  begun  upon  the  Asch- 
moum.  Towers  of  wood  and  machines  were  constructed,  to 
protect  the  workmen  employed  in  making  the  dike  upon 
which  the  Christians  were  to  cross  the  canal.  On  their  side, 
the  Mussulmans  redoubled  their  eflbrts  to  prevent  their 
enemies  from  completing  their  work.     The  dike  advanced 


HISTOHT    OF    THE    CHUaADKS.  401 

but  very  slowly,  and  tlie  wooden  to^vcra  that  liad  bco^i  con- 
strueted  in  front  of  the  causeway,  c<)uld  not  defend  eitlicr 
the  workmen  or  tl;e  eoWiers  against  the  arrowa,  Ktonea,  and 
fiery  dartt*  tlmt  were  being  constantly  launched  from  the 
camp  of  the  Egyptians.  Xotliing  could  equal  the  surpri.'^e 
and  terror  that  the  slight  alone  of  the  Greek  fire  cau>sed  iiie 
Christian  anny.  According  to  the  relation  of  ocular  wit- 
nesses, this  redoubtable  fire,  cast  sometimes  through  a  brass 
tube,  and  .sometimes  by  an  instrunu'iit  that  was  called  the 
2)erri€re,  was  of  the  size  of  a  tuii  or  large  cask ;  the  flaming 
tail,  which  it  drew  after  it,  was  many  feet  in  length  ;  the 
Crusaders  imagined  they  beheld  a  fiery  dragon  flying  tlirough 
the  air;  the  noise  of  its  explosion  resembled  that  of  thun- 
der, whicli  rolls  in  repeated  peais.  When  it  was  launched 
during  the  night,  it  cast  a  lurid  splendour  over  the  whole 
camp.  At  the  first  siglit  of  thi;^  terrible  fire,  the  knights 
set  to  guard  the  towers,  ran  !iei-e  and  there,  like  Uien  6e-' 
wildered ;  some  called  their  companions  to  their  aid,  whilst 
others  threw  themsel'"es  on  the  ground,  or  fell  on  their 
Knees,  invoking  the  celestial  powers.  Joluville  could  not 
conceal  his  fright,  and  th.anked  Heaven  with  all  his  heart 
when  the  Greek  fire  fell  at  a  distance  from  him.  Louis  W. 
was  not  less  terrified  than  his  barons  and  knights,  and  when 
he  heard  the  detonation  of  the  tire,  he  bui'st  into  tears, 
exclaiming:  "  Great  God!  Jesus  Christ,  protect  me  and  all 
n,'y  people  !  "  * 

"  The  good  prayers  and  orisons  of  the  king,"  says  his  histo- 
rian, "  were  of  great  service  to  us  ;"  nevertheless,  they  were 
not  able  to  save  the  towers  and  wooden  works  constructed 
by  the  Crusaders  :  all  were  consumetl  by  the  flanies  in  siglit 
of  llie  Christian  army,  without  their  having  any  power  to 
arrest  their  devastation.  'J'his  misfortune  was  a  lesson  bv 
wliich  tl:ey  ought  to  jiave  profited  ;  the  Christians  ought  to 
have  perceived  that  they  had  undertaken  an  impossible  en- 
terprise, and  that  they  ought  to  seek  for  some  means,  more 
easy  and  more  certain,  of  crossing  the  canal.  But,  unhap- 
pily, the  leaders  persisted  in  causing  either  ere('tions  to  he 
made,  which  shared  the  late  of  the  ftrst.     They  thus  lust 

*"  II  s'ocriiiit,  {I'eiinint  a  grant  larmes  :  Beau  Sire,  Uieu  Jesus  Clirist, 
g.-.r4.'  ."i.ni  et  tou'e  ina  gent." — Juinville. 

Vol.  II.— 18 


402  nT'^TORT    OF    THE    CIIUSADES. 

much  time,  and  the  futility  of  their  attem_  ta  assisted  in 
raising  tlie  pride  and  confidence  of  tlie  Saracens. 

The  JMamelukes  at  tliis  time  h^ai-ned  that  their  new 
sovereign  had  arrived  in  Damascus,  and  that  he  was  hourly 
expected  in  his  capital.  This  arrival  gave  them  fresh  hopes, 
and  rendered  them  more  confident  of  victory.  To  redouble 
the  ardour  of  his  soldiers,  Fakreddin  often  repeated,  with  a 
tone  of  assurance,  that  he  should  soon  go  and  sleep  in  ^.]\^ 
tent  of  the  king  of  the  Franks. 

The  Christians  had  been  a  month  before  Aschmoum,  ex- 
hausting themselves  in  useless  elibrts.  Their  leaders  never 
took  the  trouble  to  examine  if  it  were  possible  to  ford  the 
canal,  or  cross  it  by  swimming,  as  the  Egyptian  cavalry  had 
done.  They  were  beginiiing  to  despair,  when  chance  re- 
vealed to  them  a  means  oi  extricating  themselves  from  their 
embarrassment,  a  means  they  might  have  known  much 
sooner,  if  they  had  had  less  obstinacy  and  more  foresight 
A  Bedouin  Arab  came  to  propose  to  Imbert  de  Beavijeu, 
constable  of  France,  to  show  him,  at  a  distance  of  half  a 
league  from  the  camp,  a  ford,  by  which  the  Crusaders  might 
cross  without  danger  or  obstacles,  to  the  opposite  bank  of 
the  Aschmoum.'  After  having  ascertained  tliat  the  Arab 
told  tlie  truth,  they  paid  him  the  sum  of  five  hundred  golden 
byzants,  which  he  had  demanded,  and  the  Christian  army 
prepared  to  profit  by  this  happy  but  late  discovery. 

The  king  and  the  princes  his  brothers,  with  all  the  ca- 
valry, began  their  march  in  the  middle  of  the  night;  tl'> 
duke  of  Burgundy  remained  in  the  camp  with  the  infantr\ , 
to  observe  the  enemy,  and  guard  the  machiiu^s  and  the  bag- 
gage. At  daybreak,  all  the  squadrons  that  were  to  cross 
the  canal,  awaited  the  signal  on  the  bank.  Tlie  count 
d'Artois  was  ambitious  of  crossing  first ;  the  king,  who  knew 
the  impetuous  character  of  his  brother,  at  first  wished  to 
restrain  him  ;  but  Eobert  insisted  warndy,  and  swore  upon 
the  Gfispel,  that  when  he  arrived  on  the  opposite  shore,  he 
would  wait  till  the  Christian  army  had  passed.  Louis  im- 
prudently placed  faitli  in  the  promise  of  a  young,  fiery,  and 
haughty  knight,  to  master  his  warlike  transports,  and  resist 
ail  the  temptations  of  glory  on  the  field  of  battle.  The 
count  d'Artois  phiced  himself  at  the  head  of  the  van, 
in   which    were    the  Hospitallers,  the    Templars,    and  th© 


JIISTOlii'    OF    THT;    CJiUSADKS.  403 

English.  This  van  crossed  tlie  Ascltnioum.  and  put  to  flight 
three  himdrcd  Saracen  horsemen.  At  the  sight  of  the  tlyiug 
Mussubnans,  young  Robert  was  on  fire  to  pursue  them.  In 
vain  the  two  grand  masters  represented  to  him  tliat  the 
fliglit  of  iho  enemy  was  perhaps  nothing  but  a  stratagem, 
and  that  he  ought  to  wait  for  tiie  army,  and  follow  the  orders 
of  the  kiug.  liobert  feared  to  lose  an  opportunity  of  tri- 
umphing over  the  infidels,  and  would  listen  to  nothing  but 
his  ardour  for  conquest.  He  rushed  on  to  the  plain,  sword 
in  hand,  drawing  the  whole  van  after  him,  and  pursuing  the 
Saracens  to  their  camp,  into  which  he  entered  witli  them. 

Fakreddin,  the  leader  of  tiie  Mussulman  army,  was  at  the 
moment  in  the  bath,  and,  after  the  custom  of  the  Orientals, 
was  having  his  beard  coloured.  He  sprang  on  horseback, 
almost  naked,  rallied  his  troops,  and  resisted  for  some  time ; 
but  soon,  left  almost  alone  on  the  field  of  battle,  he  was 
surrounded,  and  died,  covered  with  a  thousand  wounds. 

The  whole  Mussulman  army  fled  away  to\\ards  ]\Ian- 
sourah.  How  was  it  possible  to  resist  the  inclination  to 
pursue  them  ?  What  was  to  be  feared  from  enemies  that 
abandoned  their  camp?  Might  it  not  be  believed  that  the 
Saracens  fled  as  they  had  done  at  Damietta,  and  that  terror 
would  prevent  their  rallying  ?  All  these  tlioughts  arose  in 
the  mind  of  the  count  d'Artois,  and  would  not  permit  him 
to  wait  for  the  rest  of  the  army  to  complete  liis  victory.  The 
grand-master  of  the  Temple  in  vain  renewed  his  representa- 
tions ;  the  young  prince  replied  with  great  heat  to  the 
counsels  of  experience.  In  his  passion  he  accused  the 
Templars  and  Hospitallers  of  maintaining  an  intelligence 
with  the  infidels,  and  with  wishing  to  perpetuate  a  war  that 
was  advantageous  to  their  ambition.  "Thus,  then,"  replied 
the  two  grand  masters,  "  it  would  appear  that  we  and  our 
knights  have  abandoned  our  families  and  our  country,  and 
would  desire  to  pass  our  days  in  a  foreign  land,  amidst  the 
fatigues  and  perils  of  war,  in  oruer  to  betray  the  cause  of 
the  Christian  church  !"  On  finishing  these  words,  the  master 
of  the  Templars  sternly  bade  the  standard-bearer  of  his 
order  to  unfurl  the  banner  of  battle.  Ttie  earl  of  Salisbury, 
who  commanded  the  English,  ventured  to  speak  of  the 
danger  to  which  the  army  would  be  exposed,  thus  separated 
from   its  vau  ;  but  the  count  d'Artois   interrupted   him  by 


<g04  HISTOET   OF   THE   CRUSADES. 

saying,  sharply,  "  Timid  counsels  do  not  suit  us!"  Then 
tli'e  quan-ela  that  had  so  often  disturbed  the  discipline  of  the 
armv  were  renewed,  and  the  heat  of  debate  completely  stifled 
the  voice  of  prudence.  Whilst  they  were  thus  inflaming 
each  other,  the  ancient  governor  of  the  count  d'Artois,  who 
was  deaf,  and  who  believed  they  were  preparing  for  battle, 
never  ceased  crying,  "  Ores  a  eux,  ores  a  eux  !"*  (Hurrali ! 
on  tliem  !  hurrah!  on  them  !)  These  words  became  a  fatal 
signal  for  warriors,  urged  on  at  once  by  anger  and  impatience 
for  victory.  The  Templars,  the  English,  the  French,  all  set 
forward  together,  all  flew  towards  Mansourah,  and  penetrated 
into  the  city  abandoned  by  the  enemy  ;  some  stopped  to 
pillage,  whilst  the  others  pursued  the  Saracens  along  the 
road  to  Cairo. 

If  all  the  Christian  troops  had  crossed  the  canal  at  the 
moment  that  the  count  d'Artois  entered  Mansourah,  the 
defeat  of  the  enemy  could  have  been  complete.  But  the 
passage  was  made  with  much  difficulty  and  confusion ;  and 
when  the  French  army  had  crossed  the  Aschmoum,  a  space  of 
1m  o  leagues  separated  it  from  its  van. 

The  Mussulmans,  who  had  been  driven  from  their  camp, 
at  first  believed  they  had  fought  witli  all  the  forces  of  the 
Crusaders,  commanded  by  the  king  of  France ;  but  they 
soon  became  aware  of  the  small  number  of  their  enemies, 
and  were  astonished  at  having  been  put  to  flight.  From  the 
very  bosom  o*' peril  and  disorder,  a  skilful  leader  arose  among 
them,  whose  presence  of  mind  all  at  once  revived  their 
courage.t  Bibars  Bondocdar,  whom  the  Mamelukes  had 
recently  placed  at  their  head,  having  perceived  the  impru- 
dence of  the  Christians,  rallied  the  Mussulmans,  led  a  part 
of  his  army  between  the  canal  and  INIansourah,  got  posses- 
sion of  the  gates  of  the  city,  and,  with  a  chosen  part  of  his 

*  This  word  ores,  which  was  employed  to  animate  the  courage  of  com- 
batants, and  which  is  still  in  use  among  the  pei)ple  in  several  provinces  of 
France,  may  it  not  be  the  same  as  the  word  hoitra,  which  the  Russians 
employ  ?  May  it  not  huve  been  introduced  by  the  Franks  and  the  other 
barbarians  who  conquered  the  Gauls? 

f  This  is  the  same  person  wiio,  later,  made  himst  ^f  so  formidable  to 
the  Christians  when  he  had  united  Egypt  and  Syria  under  his  |>ower  ;  he 
had  ["reserved  the  name  of  Bondocdar  from  that  of  his  ancient  master,  so 
tailed  b.'cause  he  was  the  bondocdar,  or  general  of  the  arbalatiers,  in  tha 
iHiign  of  Malek-Saleh. 


inSTORT  OF  THE  CRUSADES.  405 

troops,  poured  duwii  upon  the  Crusaders,  v.-ho  were  pillaging 
the  palace  of  the  sultan.  "  The  Mamelukes,  lions  of  fights,'^ 
says  an  Arabian  histoi  an,  "  rushed  upon  the  Franks,  like  a 
furious  tempest ;  their  terrible  maces  dealing  deaths  and 
ivounds  in  all  directions.''''  The  Christians,  dispersed  abcvt 
m  the  city,  had  scarcely  time  to  rally  ;  pressed  together  in 
narrow  streets,  they  could  neither  "tight  on  horseback  nor 
make  use  of  their  swords.  From  the  roofs  of  the  houses  and 
from  the  windows,  the  Mussulmans  hurled  stones  and  other 
mis.sives,  or  poured  down  upon  them  heated  sand  and  boiling 
water.  The  gates  of  the  city  were  closed,  a  multitude  of 
Mussulmans  occupied  all  the  roads,  and  there  remained  not 
a  single  hope  of  salvation  for  warriors  who  had  so  recently 
put  to  flight  a  whole  army. 

This  first  disaster  brought  on  several  others ;  and  soon  the 
Christian  army,  which  had  just  crossed  the  canal,  found  itseH 
in  the  greatest  danger.  As  itist  as  the  Crusaders  arrived  on 
the  other  bank  of  the  Aschmoum,  some  learned  that  the 
count  d'Artois  was  pursuing  the  enemy,  others  that  he  was 
sliut  up  in  Mansourah,  and  most  of  the  barons  and  knights, 
wlio  burned,  according  to  what  they  heard,  to  share  his 
glory  or  aid  him  in  his  danger,  without  waiting  for  those 
who  followed  them,  flew  first  towards  the  camp  of  the  Sara- 
cens, and  then  towards  the  city. 

The  count  of  Brittany  was  one  of  the  first  who  moved  foi-- 
ward,  and  he  was  quickly  followed  by  Guy  of  Malvoisin,  the 
sieur  de  Joinville,  and  tlie  bravest  knights  of  the  Christian 
army.  They  advanced  in  great  haste,  and  without  the  least 
precaution,  through  a  country  covered  with  enemies ;  they 
were  not  long  in  being  separated  from  each  other,  when  some 
retraced  their  steps,  but  the  greater  part  were  surrounded  by 
the  Mussulmans.  A  thousand  combats  were  fought  at  once 
upon  the  plain ;  here  the  Christians  were  conquerors,  further 
on  they  were  conquered  ;  in  every  direction  they,  by  turns, 
attacked  their  enemies  or  defended  themselves,  at  one 
moment  putting  the  Saracens  to  flight,  and  the  next  flying 
before  them. 

All  at  once  a  cloud  of  dust  arose  from  the  bank  of  the 
Aschmoum,  and  the  sound  of  trumpets  and  clarions  arose, 
mingled  with  the  neighing  of  horses  and  the  shouts  o*. 
warriors,    it  was  the  main  body   of  the  Christian  army  ad- 


406  HISTORY    OF   THE    CETJSA.DES. 

vancing.  Saint  Louis,  marcliing  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry, 
halted  on  the  sum  iiit  of  an  acclivity,  where  all  eyes  were 
turned  towards  him.  The  knights  scattered  about  at  the  foot 
cf  the  hill,  no  longer  able  to  resist  the  Saracens,  believed  they 
saw  the  angel  of  battles  come  to  their  assistance  ;  Joinville, 
in  particular,  who,  though  pressed  hard  by  the  enemy,  was, 
nevertheless,  struck  by  the  majestic  aspect  of  the  monarch. 
Louis  wore  a  golden  helmet,  and  held  in  his  hand  a  G-erraan 
Bword ;  his  armour  was  resplendent,  and  his  noble  bearing 
animated  all  his  warriors;  "in  short,"  says  the  ingenuous  sene- 
schal, in  whom,  perhaps,  tlie  feeling  of  danger  increased  that 
of  admiration,  "I  declare  that  a  more  noble  armed  man  was 
never  seen."* 

INIany  of  the  knights  who  accompanied  the  French  king, 
seeing  the  Christian  warriors  engaged  with  the  Saracens  in 
all  directions,  broke  from  their  ranks,  and  rushed  down  to 
the  melee.  Then  the  confusion  proceeded  fast  to  its  climax  ; 
every  one  hastened  forward  without  knowing  where  the 
enemy's  army  was,  and  they  very  soon  became  equally  ignorant 
where  that  of  the  Christians  was,  or  the  king  that  com- 
manded it ;  there  was  no  one  to  issue  an  order,  and  no 
signal  was  given,  except  that  of  peril.  In  this  horrible  tumult, 
prudence  and  caution  were  useless,  streiigth  and  skill  iu 
arms  alone  were  triumphant ;  the  mace  and  the  battle-axe 
dash  polished  casques  and  proudly-deviced  shields  to  frag- 
ments ;  some  knights  sink  covered  with  wounds,  others  are 
trampled  to  death  beneatli  the  feet  of  the  horses  ;  the  cry  of  the 
Preuch,  "  Montjoie,  St.  Denis  !"  and  that  of  the  Mussulmans, 
"  Islam  !  Islam  !"  are  confounded  together,  and  mingle  with 
the  plaintive  voices  of  the  dying,  and  the  menacing  clamours 
of  the  triumphant,  with  the  clash  of  cuirasses,  lances,  and 
Bwords.  From  the  canal  to  Mansourah,  and  from  the  Nile 
to  the  shore  whereon  the  Crus.-uier.s  liad  just  landed,  the 
country  presented  but  one  vast  iield  of  battle,  where  fury 
and  despair  by  turns  animated  the  combatants,  where  tor- 
rents of  blood  were  shed  on  both  sides,  without  allowing 
either  Christians  or  Mussulmans  to  claim  the  victory. 

The  Crusaders  had  the  advantage  in  almost  all  the  com- 
bats, or  more  properly  duels,  as  the  fight.s  were  generally 

♦  Je  vous  promets  -jue  oncques  plus  bel  hormd  wme  ne  vij. 


HISTORY    OF    THE  CRUSADES.  407 

man  to  man  ;  but  tlieir  army  was  in  a  great  measure  dispersed. 
At  this  moment,  Bibars,  having  left  in  Mausourah  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  troops  to  triumpli  over  the  resistance  of 
the  count  d'Artois  and  his  knights,  set  forward  with  all  his 
forces,  directing  his  course  towards  the  canal,  for  the  purpose 
of  sustaining  the  Mussulmans,  who  were  beginning  to  Hy, 
or  to  bring  on  a  decisive  battle.  Louis  and  the  leaders  that 
surrounded  him  at  once  perceived  the  movement  and  the 
plans  of  the  enemy.  It  was  immediately  decided  uhat  the 
Christian  army  should  draw  near  to  the  canal,  in  order  to 
prevent  its  being  surrounded,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  pre- 
serve some  communication  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  who 
remained  on  the  opposite  bank.  The  oriflamme,  at  the 
head  of  the  battalions,  already  pointed  out  the  direction  the 
army  was  to  take,  when  the  coiuits  of  Poictiers  and  Flan- 
ders, who  had  advanced  into  the  plain,  sent  word  to  the  king 
that  they  nmst  succumb  unless  speedily  succoured :  at  the 
same  moment,  Imbert  de  Beaujeu  came  to  announce  that 
liobert  of  Artois  was  perishing  in  Mansourah.  Struck  by 
the  conflicting  demands,  Louis  hesitated  for  a  moment,  aud 
in  that  moment  a  crowd  of  impetuous  warriors,  unable  to 
wait  for  his  orders,  galloped  off,  some  to  the  succour  of  the 
Poitevins  and  the 'Flemings,  others  to  the  aid  of  the  count 
d'Artois ;  the  Saracens  completely  covered  the  countiy,  and 
the  French  warriors,  who  had  thus  separated  themselves  from 
the  king,  were  totally  unable  to  contend  with  such  a  mul- 
titude of  enemies,  and,  falling  back  upon  the  Clnnstiau 
army,  produced  disorder  and  created  terror. 

Amidst  the  general  confusion,  a  report  was  spread  that  tlie 
INIussulmans  were  everywhere  \dctorious,  and  that  the  king 
had  given  orders  for  retreat.  Several  squadrons  disbanded, 
and  rushed  towards  the  canal.  In  an  instant  the  waters 
appeared  covered  with  dro\niing  men  and  horses.  In  this 
extreme  peril,  Louis  in  vain  endeai  oured  to  rally  his  troops. 
His  voice  was  scarcely  heard,  no  one  executed  the  orders  he 
endeavoured  to  give.  He  then  precipitated  himself  into  the 
thickest  of  the  fight,  and  so  impetuously  was  he  carried 
forward  by  his  ardour,  that  his  squires  had  great  difficulty 
in  keeping  uj)  with  him ;  at  last  he  remained  alone,  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides  by  Saracens.  Thu3  situated,  he  had  to 
defend  himself  againft  six  Mussulman  horsemen.  ■«  ho  were 


408  lilSTORT    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

determined  to  take  him  prisoner.  Louis  defeated  all  Iheii 
endeavours,  and  succeeded  in  disengaging  himself",  and 
putting  them  to  flight.  This  brilliant  act  of  bravery  re- 
aniiiiated  the  flying  Crusaders  that  witne-ised  it;  they 
erovrded  after  their  gallant  king,  recommenced  the  light,  and 
once  more  dispersed  the  Mussulman  battalions. 

Whilst  the  whole  Christian  army  was  thus  figliting  to 
repair  the  faults  and  save  the  life  of  the  count  d'Artois,  this 
unfortunate  prince  was  defending  himself  with  heroic  bi-a- 
very ;  but  all  his  efforts,  without  the  walls  and  within 
the  walls  of  Mansourah,  could  not  free  him  from  the  host  of 
Saracens  his  imprudence  had  drawn  upon  him.  Robert,  with 
his  knights,  the  Templars,  and  the  English,  forgetting  all 
their  fatal  quarrels,  resolved  to  die  together  as  knights  and 
Christian  soldiers.  The  combat  had  lasted  from  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning  till  thi-ee  in  the  afternoon ;  the  Crusaders, 
covered  with  wounds  and  stained  with  blood  and  dust,  fought 
on  bravely,  though  oidy  sustained  by  the  flickering  strength 
of  exhausted  life.  They  fell  almost  all  at  the  same  time ; 
Salisbury  was  killed  at  the  head  of  the  warriors  he  com- 
manded ;  Robert  de  Vair,  who  bore  the  English  banner, 
folded  it  round  him  before  he  died ;  Raoul  de  Coucy  expired 
on  a  heap  of  dead  ;  the  count  d'Artois,  intrenched  within  a 
house,  defended  himself  for  a  long  time,  but  at  length  sank 
amidst  carnage  and  ruins.  The  Christian  warriors  had 
entered  Mansourah  to  the  number  of  fifteen  hundred,  and 
almost  all  met  with  death  there.  The  grand  master  of  tlie 
Hospitallers,  left  alone  upon  the  field  of  battle,  was  taken 
prisoner.  The  master  of  the  Templars  escaped  by  a  miracle, 
and  came  back  in  the  evening  to  the  Christian  camp,  wounded 
in  the  fiice,  his  vestments  torn  to  rags,  and  his  cuirass 
pierced  in  several  places.  He  had  beheld  two  hundred  and 
eighty  of  his  knights  fall  around  him. 

Most  of  those  who  advanced  towards  Mansoxxrah  to  suc- 
cour the  count  d'Artois,  fell  victims  to  their  intrepid  zeal. 
The  brave  G-uy  de  INLalvoisin  succeeded  in  reaching  the 
walls,  but  not  in  gaining  entrance  to  the  city.  The  duke  of 
Brittany  made  incredible  eflbrts  to  gain  the  place  of  combat ; 
he  heard  the  threats,  cries,  and  tumult  with  which  the  city 
resounded,  without  being  able  to  force  the  gates  or  scale  the 
ramparts.     He  returned  towards  nightfall ;  he  vomited  blood 


niSTORT    or    THE    CTIITSADES.  409 

in  streams ;  "his  horso,  stuck  all  over  with  arrows,  had  lost 
its  bridle  and  part  of  its  furniture ;  and  every  warrior  that 
followed  him  was  wounded.  Even  in  this  state  he  proved 
himself  teri-ible  to  the  enemy,  killing  or  driving  away,  with 
powerful  thrusts  of  his  lance,  all  who  dared  to  pursue  or 
oppose  him,  and  jeering  at  their  abortive  attempts.* 

Wlien  night  separated  the  combatants,  the  prior  of  the 
hospital  of  Rosnay  came  towards  the  king,  and  kissing  hia 
hand,  aslced  liim  if  he  had  received  any  tidings  of  the  count 
d' Artois.  "  All  tliat  I  know,"  replied  the  pious  monarch, 
"  is  that  he  is  now  in  Paradise."  The  good  knight,  to 
remove  such  sad  thoughts,  was  about  to  expatiate  upon  the 
advantages  they  had  gained ;  but  then  Louis,  raising  hia 
eyes  towards  heaven,  burst  into  tears.  The  prior  of  Eosnay 
became  silent;  the  barons  and 'lords  assembled  round  the 
king  were  unable  to  ofler  a  word  of  consolation,  but  were 
all  ()ppressed  with  pain,  compassion,  and  pity  at  seeing  him 
weep.f 

The  Christian  army,  although  it  had  to  reproach  the 
count  d' Artois  for  all  the  misfortunes  of  this  day's  conflict, 
sympathized  with  the  sorrows  of  Louis.  Such  was  tb.e 
ascendancy  of  bravery  among  the  French  warriors,  that  the 
greatest  faults  appeared  to  them  to  be  expiated  by  a  glorious 
death.  It  was  likewise  acknowledged  in  all  the  crusades, 
that  they  who  died  with  arms  in  their  hands  were  placed  in 
the  rank  of  martyrs.  The  Christian  warriors  only  considered 
the  count  d' Artois  as  a  soldier  of  Christ,  whom  God  had  re- 
called to  his  bosom  :  it  was  thus  that  piety  accorded  with 
glory,  and  that  men  honoured  as  saints  the  same  persons 
they  adiuii-ed  as  heroes.  Matthew  Paris  asserts  in  his  History 
that  the  mother  of  Salisbury  saw  her  son  ascending  into 
heaven  on  the  day  of  the  battle  of  INfansourah.  The  same 
opinion  wfis  established  among  the  Saracens ;  all  who  fell  in 
the  field  of  battle,  in  the  wars  against  the  Christians,  passed 

*  Leur  disant  paroles  en  signe  de  mocquerie. — Joinville. 

f  ....  et  tous  furent  moulr  oppresses  d'angoisse,  de  compassion  et  de 
pilie  de  le  voir  ainsi  plorer. — Joinville.  [I  hope  my  readers  will  excuse 
uiy  reuetitions  of  this  kind  ;  1  make  theiri  from  a  sense  of  inability  to 
convey  liie  touching  and  chiiracteri>tic  simplicity  of  the  original,  and 
from  a  wish  that  others  should  partake  with  lue  the  feeling  they  create.]— 
Tr.\ns. 

18* 


1^.0  HISTOKT    OF    THE    CKU8ADES. 

for  mariyrs  of  Tslam'.sra.  "  The  "Franks,"  sa3^s  the  coiitinuator 
of  Tabary,  "  sent  J'akreddin  to  the  banks  of  the  celestia. 
river,  and  his  end  was  a  glorious  end." 

History  has  not  preserved  the  names  of  all  the  warriors 
who  signalized  their  valour  at  the  battle  of  Mansourah. 
The  seneschal  of  Champagne  was  not  one  of  those  who  were 
backward  in  seeking  danger,  or  in  evincing  want  of  courage  ; 
one  of  six,  he  defended  a  bridge  against  a  host  of  Saracens. 
He  was  twice  unhorsed.  In  such  grer.l  distress,  the  pious 
knight  did  not  forget  his  patron  saint,  and  exclaimed  to  him  : 
"  My  lord,  great  sire,  St.  James,  I  supplicate  thee,  aid  me 
and  succour  me  in  this  my  need."  Joinville  continued 
fighting  during  the  whole  day ;  his  horse  received  fifteen 
wounds,  and  he  himself  was  pierced  by  five  arrows. 

The  seneschal  informs  us  that  during  the  battle  of  this 
memorable  day,  he  saw  several  men  of  high  distinction 
running  disgracefully  away,  in  the  general  confusion :  he 
does  not  name  them,  because  at  the  time  he  wrote  they 
were  dead,  and  it  does  not  appear  becoming  to  him  to  speak 
ill  of  the  departed.  The  reserve  with  which  the  historian 
here  expresses  himself,  shows  plainly  enough  what  was  the 
general  spirit  of  the  French  army,  in  which  it  was  considered 
as  an  ineftaceable  shame,  and  as  the  greatest  of  misfortunes, 
to  have  ever  experienced  a  single  moment  of  fear. 

The  greater  part  of  the  French  warriors,  when  in  the 
presence  of  danger,  were  never  abandoned  by  that  sentiment 
of  honour  that  constituted  the  spirit  and  character  of 
chivalry.  Erard  de  Severy,  whilst  fighting  bravely  with  a 
small  number  of  knights,  received  a  sabre-cut  in  the  face ; 
his  blood  flowed  fast,  and  it  appeared  not  at  all  likely  that 
he  would  survive  the  wound ;  when,  addressing  the  knights 
that  fought  near  him,  he  said,  "  If  you  will  assure  me  that 
I  and  my  children  shall  be  free  from  all  blame,  I  wi:i  go  and 
demand  help  for  you,  of  the  duke  of  Aujou,  v>-hom  I  see 
yonder  on  the  plain."  All  praised  this  determination  liighly, 
and  he  immediately  mounted  on  horseback,  pierced  through 
the  enemy's  squadrons,  reached  the  duke  of  Anjou,  and  re- 
turned with  him  to  rescue  his  companions,  who  were  near 
perishing.  Erard  de  Severy  expired  shortly  after  this  heroic 
achievement :  he  died,  bearing  away  with  him,  not  the  senti- 
ments of  a  vain  glory,  but  the  eonsoli  ag  certainty  that  no 


HISTORY    OF    TtlE    CRUSADES.  411 

blame,  as  lie  had  desired,  should  stahi  his  name,  or  that  of 
his  children. 

That  which  at  the  same  time  astonishes  and  charms  us  in 
the  relations  of  the  old  chroniclers  who  have  spoken  of  tliis 
battle  of  Mansourah  is,  to  fine,  amidst  scenes  of  carnage, 
traces  of  French  gaiety,  of  that  gaiety  which  despises  death 
and  laughs  at  peril.  We  have  spoken  of  six  knights  who 
defended  the  passage  of  a  bridge  against  a  great  nuinber  of 
Saracens ;  whilst  these  'preux  chevaliers,  surrounded  by 
enemies,  maintained  such  a  perilous  post,  the  count  de 
Soissons,  addressing  Joinville,  exclaimed  :  "  Seneschal,  let 
us  leave  this  rascally  canaille  to  cry  and  bray  as  they  please, 
vou  and  I  will  yet  talk  of  this  day,  and  in  ladies'  bowers 
too." 

The  Mussulmans  having  retired,  the  Christian  army  occu- 
pied their  camp,  which  the  van  had  taken  possession  of  in 
the  morning,  and  which  the  Arabs  had  plundered  during  the 
battle.  The  camp  of  the  enemy,  and  the  machines  of  war 
they  had  left  in  it,  were  the  only  fruit  of  the  exploits  ot 
this  day.  The  Crusaders  had  shown  what  valour  could  effect, 
and  their  triumph  would  have  been  complete  if  they  had 
been  able  to  rally  and  fight  together.  Their  leaders  had  not 
sufficient  ability  or  ascendancy  to  repair  the  error  of  the  count 
d'Artois  ;  the  Mussulman  leaders,  who  proved  themselves  to 
be  more  skilful,  were  also  better  seconded  by  the  discipline 
and  obedience  of  the  Mamelukes. 

When  they  became  fully  aware  of  the  losses  they  had  ex- 
perienced, the  Christians  gave  up  all  idea  of  celebrating 
their  victory.  To  appreciate  the  result  of  so  many  bloody 
conflicts,  it  was  quite  sufficient  to  contemplate  the  contrast 
between  the  sentiments  that  animated  the  two  armies.  A 
melancholy  sadness  prevailed  among  the  conquerors  ;  whilst 
the  Saracens,  on  the  contrary,  although  driven  from  their 
camp,  and  obliged  to  fall  back  upon  Mansourah,  considered 
it  a  triumph  to  have  stopped  the  marcl  of  their  enemies  ; 
and,  reassured  as  to  the  issue  of  the  war,  they  abandoned 
themselves  to  the  greater  joy,  from  Laving,  beiore  the  battle, 
entertained  the  most  depressing  fears. 

In  fact,  nothing  can  paint  the  consternation  which  the 
first  attack  5f  the  count  d'Artois  had  created  among  the  i:>- 
fidela.    At  thf  beginning  of  the  day,  a  pigecn  that  we.:  t-^z^X 


412  HISTOKT    OP    THE    CRUSADES, 

to  Cairo,  conveyed  a  message  expressed  in  these  words  , 
"  At  the  moment  this  bird  is  dispatched,  the  enemy  is 
attacking  Mansourah  ;  a  terrible  battle  has  been  tbuglit 
between  the  Christians  and  the  Mussulmans."  At  this  news 
the  people  of  Cairo  were  seized  with  the  greatest  terror ; 
and  sinister  reports  soon  added  to  the  alarm.  The  gates  of 
the  city  were  left  open  all  night,  to  receive  such  as  might 
have  fled ;  and  all  of  these  exaggerated  the  danger  to  excuse 
their  desertion.  It  was  believed  that  ihe  days  of  Islamism 
were  numbered,  and  many  were  already  abandoning  the 
capital,  to  seek  an  asylum  in  Upper  Egypt,  when,  on  the 
morrow,  another  pigeon  arrived,  bearing  news  calculated  to 
raise  the  spirits  of  the  Mussulmans.  The  fresh  message 
announced  that  the  God  of  Mahomet  had  declared  himself 
to  be  against  the  Christians ;  then  all  fears  were  dispersed, 
and  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  INIansourah,  says  an  Arabian 
author,  was  the  note  of  joy  for'  all  true  believers. 

During  the  very  night  that  followed  the  battle,  the 
Mussulmans  made  several  attempts  to  recover  their  camp 
and  the  machines  @f  war  that  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
Franks.  The  Clu'istian  warriors,  oppressed  by  fatigue,  were 
repeatedly  aroused  by  cries  to  arms ;  the  continual  attacks 
of  the  enemy  would  not  allow  them  to  repair  tlieir  strength 
by  sleep  ;  many  among  them  were  so  weakened  by  their 
wounds,  they  could  scarcely  put  on  their  cuirasses ;  never- 
theless, they  defended  themselves  with  their  accustomed 
bravery. 

The  day  after  the  battle  was  Ash-Wednesday,  and  the 
priests  performed  the  ceremonies  ordered  by  religion  for  the 
opening  of  Lent.  The  Christian  army  passed  a  part  of  the 
day  in  prayer,  the  rest  of  it  in  preparations  for  defence. 
Whilst  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  prostrated  themselves  at  the 
foot  of  their  ait'irs,  or  prepared  to  repulse  the  intidels, 
images  of  mournmg  wei'e  mingled  in  their  hearts  with  sen- 
timents of  piety  and  bravery.  Whilst  remembering  their 
past  victories,  they  could  not  forbear  dreading  the  future ; 
and  the  symbol  of  human  fragilities,  that  the  Church 
offers  to  each  of  her  cliiidreu  on  that  solemn  day,  nu'st  have 
k'.'pt  up  their  sad  presentiments. 

Oil  the  same  day  they  employed  themselves  in  throwing 
I   brlcge  over  the  Asclnuoum.  in  order  to  form  a  junction 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  411 

witli  the  camp  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  The  leaders  and 
eoldiLTs  all  lent  a  hand  to  the  work,  which  was  fiuiahed  in 
the  space  of  a  few  hours.  The  infantry,  which  had  been  left 
on  tlie  other  side  of  the  canal,  came  to  reinforce  the  armv, 
which  was  fated  to  b    soon  engaged  in  fresh  contests. 

E. bars,  who  had  tlie  command  of  the  MamelukeL^,  hastened 
to  take  advantage  of  liis  first  successes.  AVhen  the  bodv  of 
tie  count  d'Artois  was  foiuid,  the  Mamelukes  exliibited  his 
cuirass,  sown  over  with  ficurs  de  lis,  and  declared  it  was  the 
spoil  of  the  king  of  France.  They  carried  about  the  lieads 
of  .several  knights  in  triumph,  and  heralds-at-arras  repeated 
in  a  loud  voice :  "  The  Cliristian  army  is  nothing  but  a 
trunk  without  life,  like  the  heads  you  behold  on  the  points 
of  these  lances." 

Tliis  spectacle  completely  inflamed  the  ardour  of  the 
Alussidniaus.  The  leaders  and  soldiers,  witli  great  cries, 
.lemanded  to  be  led  against  the  Christians.  The  Mussulman 
.a-my  had  orders  to  liold  tliemselves  in  readiness  for  battle 
on  the  morrow,  the  first  Friday  in  Lent. 

Louis  IX.  was  warned  of  tlie  intention  of  the  Saracens ; 
he  gave  orders  to  the  leaders  to  fortify  tlie  camp,  and  prepare 
their  troops  fox  the  conflict.  On  the  Friday,  by  davbreak, 
the  Christians  Mere  all  under  arms ;  and  at  th(>  same  time 
ttie  leader  of  the  Mussulmans  appeared  in  the  plaiii,  rangi)ig 
his  men  in  battle-array.  He  placed  liis  cavalry  in  tlie  front, 
behind  them  the  infantry,  and  still  further  back,  the  reserve. 
He  extended  or  strengthened  his  lutes  according  to  the  posi- 
tions he  saw  his  enemies  take.  His  army  covered  the  plain 
^rom  the  canal  to  the  river.  At  midday  he  unfui'led  the 
b.uniers  and  sounded  the  charge. 

The  duke  of  Anjou  was  at  the  head  of  tlie  camp  on  the 
^ido  towards  the  Nile ;  he  was  the  first  attacked.  The 
infantry  of  the  Saracens  commenced  by  launching  the 
Greek  fire.  This  fire  seized  the  clothes  of  the  soldiers 
and  the  caparisons  of  the  horses.  The  soldiers,  enveloped 
in  flames  they  could  not  extinguish,  ran  about  uttering  the 
most  triglitful  cries ;  the  horses  broke  away,  and  created 
confusion  in  the  ranks.  By  means  of  this  disorder,  the 
enemy's  cavalry  opened  themselves  a  passage,  dispersed  such 
as  were  still  fighting,  and  penetrated  within  the  intrench- 
nteuts.     The  duke  of  Anjuu  was  unable  to  resist  the  mul- 


414  HISTORY    or    THE    CKTJSADES. 

tiplied  attacks  of  the  Saracens;  his  horse  having  been  killed 
under  him,  he  fought  on  foot,  and,  nearly  overwhelmed  by 
the  number  of  his  enemies,  he  at  length  sent  to  Louis  IX. 
for  aid. 

The  king,  himself  engage*  with  the  Mussulmans,  re- 
doubles his  ardour  and  his  efforts,  drives  the  enemy  back  on 
to  the  plain,  and  then  flies  where  other  dangers  call  hiin. 
T!ie  knights  who  follow  him  p]-eci])itate  thenisclves  upon  the 
Mussulman  battalions  which  were  attacking  the  quarter  of 
the  duke  of  Anjou.  liouis  is  not  stopped,  either  by  the 
numberless  arrows  shot  at  him,  or  by  the  Greek  fire,  which 
covers  his  arms  and  the  caparison  of  his  horse.  In  the 
account  of  this  battle,  Joinville  is  astonished  that  the  king 
of  France  escaped  being  killed,  and  can  in  no  other  Avay 
explain  this  species  of  miracle  than  by  attributing  it  to  the 
power  of  God  :  "  Then  it  may  well  be  believed  "  (we  let  the 
peneschal  of  Champagne  speak)  "  that  the  holy  king  had  his 
God  in  remembi-ance  and  wish  :  for,  in  truth,  our  Lord  was 
tlicn  a  great  friend  to  him  in  his  need,  and  aided  him  so 
eftectually,  that  he  delivered  his  brother,  the  duke  of  Anjou, 
and  drove  away  the  Turks." 

On  the  left  of  tlie  duke  of  Anjou,  the  Crusaders  from  the 
isle  of  Cyprus  and  Palestine  were  encamped,  under  the 
command  of  Guy  d'Ibelin  and  his  brother  Baldwin.  These 
Crusaders  had  not  been  engaged  in  the  last  battle,  and  had 
lost  n  ither  their  horses  nor  their  arms.  Near  them  fought 
the  brave  Gauthier  do  Chatillon,  at  the  head  of  a  chosen 
troo]).  These  intrepid  warriors  were  proof  against  all 
attacks,  and  remaining  firm  at  the  post  confided  to  them, 
contributed  greatly  to  the  saving  of  both  the  camp  and  the 
army. 

The  Templars,  having  lost  the  greater  part  of  their  knights 
in  Mansourah,  formed  an  intrenchment  or  barricade  in  front 
of  them,  of  the  wood  of  the  machines  taken  from  the  Sara* 
cens ;  but  this  feeble  defei\ce  Avas  of  little  avail  against  the 
Greek  fire.  The  enemy  rushed  into  the  camp  thi-ough  the 
flames;  the  Templars  formed  an  impenetrable  rairpart  of 
their  bodies,  aiul  resisted  the  violent  attacks  of  the  assailants 
durnig  several  hours.  The  conflict  was  so  severe  at  this 
point,  that  the  earth  could  scarcely  be  seen  behind  the  s])ot 
jccupied  by  th"  Templai's,  so  completely  w'as  it  covered  with  » 


HISTOllT    or    THE    CHUSADES.  411 

arrows  and  javelins.  The  grand  master  of  the  TempLirsIost 
his  life  iu  the  melee,  and  a  great  number  of  knights  died  in 
defending  or  avenging  him.  The  prodigies  of  their  bravery 
at  last  succeeded  in  arresting  the  progress  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  last  who  fell  in  this  hardly-contested  battle  had  the 
consolation,  when  dying,  to  see  the  Sarilcens  fly. 

Guy  de  Malvoisin  was  placed  near  to  the  post  which  the 
knights  of  the  Temple  defended  so  bravely ;  the  battalion 
he  commanded  was  composed  almost  entirely  of  his  rela- 
tions, and  in  battle  presented  the  spectacle  of  a  family  ot 
warriors,  ever  united  and  ever  invincible.  Gruy  incurred 
the  greatest  peril ;  he  was  wounded  several  times,  but  never 
di'eamt  of  retiring  from  the  contest.  His  example  and  the 
sight  of  his  wounds  redoubled  the  courage  of  his  compa- 
nions, who,  at  length,  repulsed  the  Mussulmans.  Not  far 
from  G-uy  de  Malvoisin,  descending  towards  the  canal,  the 
Flemish  Crusaders  were  posted.  William,  tlieir  count,  was 
at  their  head ;  they  sustained  the  furious  shock  of  the  Mus- 
sulmans without  giving  way  in  the  least :  Joinville,  with  some 
other  knights,  fought  on  their  left,  and  on  this  occasion  owed 
his  safety  to  the  warriors  of  Flanders,  to  whom  he  accords 
the  warmest  praises.  The  Flemings,  united  with  the  Cham- 
penois,  put  the  Mussulman  cavalry  and  infantry  to  flight, 
pursued  them  out  of  the  camp,  and  returned  loaded  with 
the  bucklers  and  cuirasses  they  had  taken  from  their 
enemies. 

The  count  of  Poictiers  occupied  the  left  wing  of  tlie 
army  ;  but  as  this  prince  had  only  infantry  under  his  com- 
mand, he  was  unable  to  resist  the  cavalry  of  the  Saracens. 
Such  were  the  warriors  of  these  remote  times,  that  when 
they  were  not  on  horseback,  they  seemed  to  be  disarmed, 
and  could  not  fight  even  for  the  defence  of  intrenchmeiits. 
The  quarter  confided  to  the  Poitevins  was  attacked  by  the 
Mussulmans  at  an  early  period  of  the  fight ;  the  Mamelukes 
plundered  the  tents  of  the  Christians,  the  brother  of 
the  king  was  dragged  out  of  the  camp  by  some  Saracen 
horsemen,  and  was  being  carried  away  a  prisoner.  In  this 
extreme  peril  the  count  of  Poictiers  could  not  look  to 
Louis  IX.  for  any  assistance,  as  he  had  gone  to  the  succour 
of  the  t<ount  of  Anj^u ;  nor  to  the  other  leaders  of  th^' 
Christian  army,  all  so  closely  pressed  by  tlie  enemy  theci- 


416  niSTOET    Of    THE    CRUSADES. 

selves.  This  prince  was  adored  by  the  people  for  his  good, 
ness  ;  and  on  this  occasion  received  the  reward  of  his  virtues, 
by  owing  his  deliverance  to  the  love  with  wliich  he  inspired 
ail  the  Crusaders.  When  the  woi'kmeu,  sutlers,  and  women 
that  followed  the  army  saw  him  made  a  prisoner,  they  assem- 
bled in  the  greatest  fury,  and  arming  themselves  with  axes, 
clubs,  sticks,  or  anything  that  fell  in  their  way,  flew  after  the 
Mussulmans,  delivered  the  count  of  Poictiers,  and  brought 
him  back  in  triumph. 

At  the  extremity  of  the  camp,  close  to  the  quarters  of  the 
I'oitevins,  fought  Josserant  de  Bran9on,  with  his  son  and 
his  knights.  The  companions  in  arms  of  Josserant  had  all 
left  Europe  well  mounted  and  magnificently  equipped :  now 
they  all  fought  on  foot,  and  had  nothing  left  but  lance  and 
sword.  Their  leader  alone  was  on  horseback,  and  rode  from 
rank  to  rank,  exciting  the  soldiers,  and  flying  to  every  point 
where  the  danger  seemed  most  pressing.  This  weak  troop 
would  entirely  have  perished,  if  Henry  of  Brienne,  who  re- 
mained in  the  camp  of  the  dvike  of  Burgundy,  had  not 
caused  his  cross-bowmen  to  shoot  across  the  arm  of  the 
river,  every  time  the  Saracens  reiiewed  their  attacks.  Of 
twenty  knights  that  accompanied  Josserant,  twelve  were  left 
upon  the  field  of  battle.  This  old  warrior  had  been  present- 
in  thirty-six  battles,  in  all  of  which  he  had  borne  away  the 
prize  of  valour.  Joinville,  when  relating  the  exploits  of 
this  day,  remembers  that  he  had  formerly  seen  Josserant  de 
Brandon  come  out  victorious  from  a  combat  against  some 
Germans  who  were  pillaging  the  church  of  Macon ;  he  had 
seen  him  jirostrate  himself  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  pray 
with  ardour  for  the  favour  of  dying  in  fight  against  the 
enemies  of  Christ.  And  Josserant  obtained  tlie  blessing  lie 
had  asked  of  God ;  for  a  few  days  after  the  battle  he  died 
of  liis  wounds. 

Such  was  the  contest  of  which  Louis  IX.,  in  the  account 
which  he  sent  to  France,  speaks  witli  such  admirable  sim- 
plicity. "On  the  first  Friday  in  Lent,  the  camp  being 
attacked,  God  favoured  the  French,  and  the  infidels  were 
repulsed  with  much  loss." 

In  this  battle,  as  in  the  last,  the  Christiana  had  had  all 
the  glory,  the  Saracens  all  the  advantage.  The  Christian 
army  lost  a  great  number  of  its  warriors,  and  almost  all  its 


niSIOEY    OF    TUE    CRUSADES.  4.J  7 

hoTsos  :  tlie  enemy  was  reinforced  every  day  ;  the  Cnisaderg 
coidd  not  attempt  to  march  upon  Cairo,  and  prudence 
seemed  to  suggest  that  they  should  retrace  their  steps  to 
Damietta.  Kctreat,  still  easy,  offered  a  means  of  preserving 
the  army  for  a  more  favourable  season :  but  this  plan  could 
oidy  be  counselled  by  despair,  and  despair  has  great  difficulty 
in  mastering  tlie  hearts  of  the  brave.  Xothing  could  appear 
mcie  disgracefid  to  the  Prench  than  flying,  or  appearing  to 
iiy,  before  a  conquered  enemy  :  they  resolved  to  remain. 

Towards  the  end  of  February,  Almoadam,  whom  Chigger- 
Eddour  and  the  principal  leaders  of  the  Mamelukes  had  called 
to  the  throue  of  his  lather,  arrived  in  Egypt,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  loud  acclamations  by  the  people,  always  desirous 
of  change,  and  always  delighted  with  a  new  reign.  The 
emirs  and  magnates  likewise  displayed  great  joy,  but  their 
demonstrations  were  less  sincere  ;  they  looked  for  the  coming 
of  the  successor  of  Negmeddin  with  more  anxiety  than  im- 
patience ;  placing  a  very  high  value  upon  that  which  they 
had  done  for  him,  they,  beforehand,  expected  his  ingratitude. 
On  the  other  side,  the  young  prince  was  jealous  of  his  au- 
thority ;  and  the  power  of  the  emirs,  the  nature  even  of  their 
services,  gave  him  alarms  that  he  had  not  tlie  prudence  to 
-dissemble.  It  was  not  long  before  a  mutual  mistrust  and  a 
reci])rocal  estrangement  arose  between  Almoadam  and  the 
leaders  of  the  Mussulman  army ;  the  latter  repented  of 
having  raised  to  empire  a  prince  who  showed  a  disposition 
to  rule  alone,  and  the  former  was  determined  to  defend  liis 
power,  even  against  those  who  had  bestowed  it  upon  him.  This 
state  of  things  and  Uie  disposition  of  men's  minds,  appeared 
ominous  of  new  revolutions  in  Egypt  ;  unhappily  these  re- 
volutions broke  out  too  late  to  allow  the  Christians  to  derive 
any  advantage  from  them. 

The  Crusaders  likewise  had  soon  to  contend  with  calami- 
ties more  destructive  to  tiiem  than  even  the  power  or  the 
arms  of  the  Mussulmans  ;  a  contagious  disease  made  its  ap- 
pearance in  the  -Christian  army.  They  had  neglected  to  bury 
the  dead  after  the  last  two  battles  ;  the  bodies  cast  confusedly 
and  heedlessly  into  the  Aschmoum,  and  floating  on  its 
waters,  stopped  before  the  bridge  of  boats  constructed  by 
tlie  Crusaders,  and  covered  the  surface  r  I'  the  canal  from  one 
shore  to  the  other.      Pestilential  exhalations  quickly  arosa 


418  lllSlOlir    OJ?    THE    CETJSADES. 

from  this  heap  of  carcasses.  Louis  IX.  ordered  the  bodiea 
of  the  Christians  to  be  buried  in  the  ditchers  dug  by  tlie 
Saracens  on  the  bank  ;  but  these  spoils  of  death,  moved  and 
tra]\sported  without  precaution,  only  assisted  the  progress 
of  the  epidemic.  The  spectacle  which  was  then  preseated 
to  the  eyes  of  the  Crusaders  spread  the  deepest  grief  through- 
out the  camp,  and  awakened  a  more  pei'fect  conseiousnesa 
of  their  losses.  Christian  soldiers  were  seen  searching 
among  bodies  which  wounds,  the  hues  of  death,  and  the 
action  of  the  sim  and  air  had  disfigured,  for  the  deplorable 
remains  of  their  friends  or  coi  panions.  Many  of  those  upon 
whom  friendship  imposed  this  pious  task,  fell  sick  and  died 
almost  instantly.  The  devotedness  and  grief  of  one  of  the 
knights  of  Robert  count  d'Artois,  were  conspicuous  among 
these  affecting  instances.  This  inconsolable  knight  passed 
whole  nights  and  days  on  the  banks  of  the  canal,  with  hia 
eyes  intensely  fixed  upon  the  waters,  braving  contagion  and 
death,  in  the  hope  of  recovering  and  burying  the  young 
prince,  whose  loss  was  so  deeply  deplored  by  the  French, 
army. 

The  fatigues  of  war  did  not  at  all  prevent  the  pious  war- 
riors from  observing  the  abstinence  of  Lent ;  and  tlie  pri- 
vations and  austerities  of  penitence  completed  tlie  exhaustion 
of  their  strength.  The  contagion  attacked  the  most  robust 
as  well  as  the  most  weak;*  their  fiesh  withered  away,  their 
skin  became  livid,  and  was  covered  with  black  spots  ;  their 
gums  were  inflamed  and  swollen  so  as  to  prevent  the  passage 

*  This  disease  was  the  scurvy;  "  it  was  such,"  says  Joinville,  **  that 
the  flesh  of  our  legs  dried  away  to  the  bone,  and  our  skin  5  becauje  of  a 
black  or  earth  colour,  like  an  old  saddle  which  has  been  a  long  time  laid 
aside  :  and  besides  this,  we  who  were  afflicted  by  this  disease  were  soou 
subjected  to  another  persecution,  in  a  complaint  of  the  mouth,  wliich  arose 
from  our  having  eaten  of  those  rish  ;  it  putrificd  the  flesh  of  t!ie  gums,  so 
that  it  rendered  the  breath  horribly  stinking."  .Toinville  here  spt^aks  of 
the  lurbotle,  a  fish  of  the  Nile,  which  is  a  voracious  fish,  and  feeds  upon 
dead  bodies.  The  seneschal  adds,  in  another  passage  of  his  memoirs, 
"  that  the  malady  having  seized  upon  the  army,  it  became  necessary  for 
the  barbers  to  cut  cut  liie  swollen  flesh  of  the  gums  of  all  who  were 
afHicted  with  this  disease,  so  that  they  could  not  eat.  Great  pity  was  it 
to  liter  all  from  whom  this  dead  flesh  had  been  cut,  going  about  in  the 
army,  crying  and  moaning.  They  appeared  to  me  like  poor  women  who 
are  in  laboiu"  with  tlicir  children  «]ien  they  come  upon  earth:  nobody  can 
tell  how  pitiable  that  bight  flaS." 


HISTORY    OF    TUE    CEUSADES.  419 

of  food  ;  the  flowing  of  the  blood  from  the  nose  was  the  sign 
of  approaching  death.  Most  of  the  diseased  viewed  the  grim 
monarch  witliout  fear,  and  considered  liis  dominions  as  the 
wished-for  end  of  all  their  suflerings. 

Dyseuterv  and  dangerous  fevers  were  soon  added  to  tlie 
above  malady  ;  nothing  was  heard  in  the  Christian  camp  but 
prayers  for  the  dying  or  the  dead  ;  nothing  was  seen  but 
the  pale  aiid  haggard  countenances  of  unhappy  beings  who 
accompanied  their  companions  to  the  tomb,  and  whom  death 
must  soon  sweep  away  in  their  turn.  The  soldiers 
capable  of  bearing  arms  did  not  suffice  lor  the  guarding  of 
the  avenues  of  the  camp.  A  thing  ujiheard  of  in  Christian 
armies,  the  grooms  of  laiights  were  seen  clothed  in  the 
armour  of  their  masters,  and  taking  their  places  in  the  post 
of  danger.  The  clergy,  who  attended  the  sick  and  buried  the 
dead,  suft'ered  greatly  from  the  epidemic  :  very  quickly  there 
were  not  ecclesiastics  enough  to  minister  at  the  altars  and 
perform  the  Christian  ceremonies.  One  dav,  the  sieur  de 
Joinville,  himself  sick,  and  listening  to  the  mass  in  his  bed, 
was  obliged  to  rise  and  support  his  almoner,  ready  to  faint 
upon  the  steps  of  the  altar.  "  Tims  swpforted"  adds  the 
kindly  historian,  "  lie  finialied  Ms  sacrament,  chanted  the  mass 
quite  through — hut  never  chanted  more.'^* 

We  have  seen  in  former  holy  wars,  multitudes  of  Cru- 
saders a  prey  to  the  most  cruel  scom-ges  ;  the  bravest  of  the 
waiTiors  often  despaired  of  the  cause  of  the  pilgrims,  and 
deserted  the  banners  of  the  cross  ;  and  many  times  the 
excess  of  theii'  misery  di'ew  from  them  imprecations  and 
blasphemies.  We  must  here  remark  that  the  soldiers  and 
companions  of  Louis  IX.  supported  their  evils  with  more 
patience  and  resignation.  Not  one  knight  thought  of  de- 
serting tlie  banners  of  the  crusade,  and  not  a  seditious  or 
sacrilegious  complaint  was  heard  in  the  army ;  the  example 
of  the  pious  monarch  doubtless  strengthened  the  courage  of 
the  Crusaders,  and  preserved  them  from  the  excesses  of  de- 
spair. Louis  IX.,  deeply  aifected  by  the  evils  that  desolated 
his  army,  employed  every  eftbrt  to  mitigate  and  end  them. 

*  . .  . .  ne  oncques  p'us  ne  chanta.  [The  readers  of  Micbaud  have 
reason  to  congratulate  th«!niselves,  when  he  is  availing  hin\self  of  SBch 
authorities  as  Villehardouin  and  Joinville  ;  he  seems  to  have  a  sympathy 
with  them  that  p'ocures  us  some  very  delightful  traits] — Trans. 


420  HISTORY    OJ?    THE    CEUSADES. 

If  anything  could  have  consoled  the  Crusaders  in  the  miser- 
able condition  in  which  they  were  placed,  it  must  have  been 
seeing  a  king  of  France  himself  attending  the  sick,  lavishing 
■cipon  them  every  kind  of  assistance,  and  preparing  them  for 
death.  In  vain  he  was  conjured  not  to  expose  himself  to 
dangers  still  greater  than  those  of  the  field  of  battle  ;  nothing 
could  shake  his  courage  or  check  the  ardour  of  his  diarity; 
he  considered  it  his  duty  (it  is  tlius  he  expressed  himself)  to 
expose  his  life  for  those  Avho  every  day  ex])osed  theirs  for 
him.  One  of  his  servants,  a  worthy  man,  being  at  the  point 
of  death,  and  exhorted  by  a  priest  to  meet  liis  fate  like  a 
Christian,  replied,  "  I  tcill  not  die  till  I  have  seen  the  hinq^ 
Tlie  king  complied  with  his  desire,  and  tlie  man  died  in 
peace,  consoled  by  the  presence  and  words  of  his  kind  master. 
Uut  at  length  he  who  consoled  all  others  fell  sick  himself. 
The  king  was  not  able  to  leave  his  teut ;  the  desolation  be- 
came more  profound  and  more  general ;  they  who  sufiered 
began  now  to  lose  all  hope  ;  it  seemed  as  if  Providence  had 
abandoned  them,  and  that  heaven  no  longer  protected  the 
soldiers  of  the  cross. 

The  Saracens  remained  motionless  in  their  camp,  leaving 
their  awfid  auxiliaries,  diseases,  to  perform  their  mission 
undisturbed  :  only  Almoadam,  in  order  to  add  famine  to  the 
other  evils  his  enemies  experienced,  resolved  to  interrupt  all 
'communication  between  the  Christians  and  J3amietta,  whence 
they  received  provisions  by  way  of  the  jS^ile.  Having  got 
together  a  great  number  of  boats,  the  sultan  caused  them  to 
be  taken  to  pieces,  and  afterwards  transported  over-land 
to  the  mouth  of  the  canal  of  Mehallah.  A  Frencli  flotilla 
came  up  the  river  without  suspicion,  bearing  provisions  for 
the  camp,  and  fell  du-ectly  into  an  ambuscade  of  galleys, 
placed  behind  a  small  island.  All  at  once  the  enemies  ap- 
pear, surprise  the  Christians,  attack  them  witli  fury,  kill  a 
thousand  soldiers,  and  obtain  possession  of  fifty  vessels  laden 
\p.\X\  provisions.  A  few  days  afterwards,  other  vessels  coming 
i;p  the  river  towards  Mansourah  experienced  the  same  fate. 
:■}  y  one  arrived  at  the  camp  ;  no  news  came  from  Dauiietta, 
and  vh^  Christians  were  abandoning  themselves  to  the  most 
oiclfLneholy  presentiments,  when  a  vessel  belonging  to  the 
"iourLt  of  Flanders,  which  had  escaped  the  enemy  by  a  miracle, 
came  to  a?aiiounce  to  them  that  all  the  vessels  of  the  Cru« 


niSTORl    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  421 

saders  had  been  taken,  and  that  the  Mussulman  flag  domi* 
nated  along  the  whole  course  of  the  rivei*. 

Famine  soon  made  frightful  ravages  in  the  army ;  and 
sucli  as  had  been  spared  by  disease,  were  threatened  with 
death  from  misery  and  hunger.  Both  leaders  and  soldiers 
were  seized  with  the  deepest  despondency ;  and  the  king  at 
length,  judged  it  best  to  attempt  to  enter  into  a  truce  with 
the  Mussulmans.  Philip  de  Montfort  was  employed  in  the 
embassy  to  the  sultan  of  Egypt ;  commissioners  were  named 
on  both  sides  to  conclude  a  treaty.  Those  of  the  kiug  of 
France  proposed  to  surrender  Damietta  to  the  sidtan,  on 
condition  that  Jerusalem  and  all  the  other  places  in  Pales- 
tine, that  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Mussulmans  in  the 
late  wars,  should  be  given  up  to  tlie  Christians.  The  sultan, 
who  dreaded  the  bravery  and  the  despair  of  the  Crusaders, 
who,  besides,  had  reason  to  fear  that  his  enemies  might 
receive  reinforcements,  and  that  Damietta  might  hold  out 
for  a  considerable  time,  accepted  the  proposed  conditions. 
AVhen  the  question  of  hostages  came  to  be  discussed,  the 
king  oifered  his  two  brothers  ;  but  whether  the  sultan  placed 
no  faith  in  the  loyalty  of  his  enemies,  or  whether  he  was 
wanting  in  it  himself,  ho  required  that  the  king  of  France 
should  remain  in  his  hands,  as  a  guarantee  of  the  treaty. 
Heroines,  one  of  the  commissioners,  could  not  listen  to 
this  proposal  without  anger.  "You  ought  to  know  French- 
men better,"  cried  he,  "than  to  suppose  they  would  ever 
allow  their  king  to  remain  a  prisoner  with  Mussulmans." 
A  council  was  held  on  this  subject  in  the  Christian  army. 
The  king  consented  to  everything,  but  the  lords  and  barons 
exclaimed  with  vehemence  against  the  giWug  up  of  their 
sovereign.  On  one  side,  the  monarch  was  willing  to  pur- 
chase the  safety  of  kis  people  by  his  own  personal  danger ; 
on  the  other,  a  crowd  of  warriors  all  warndy  declared 
they  could  not  suffer  such  a  disgrace,  and  that  they  would 
rather  die  than  place  their  king  in  pledge.  The  more  Louis 
was  beloved  by  his  warriors,  the  less  he  was  master  in  this 
circumstance ;  and  every  one  thinking  it  to  his  honour,  and 
almost  consistent  with  his  duty,  to  disobey  him,  the  nego- 
tiation was  abandoned. 

To  paint  the  frigh'iful  scarcity  that  desolated  the  Christian 
camp,  contemporary   chronicles  relate,  as  an  extraordinary 


422  HISTOET    OF   THE    CHUSADE9. 

thing,  that  a  slieep  was  sold  for  as  much  as  ten  crowns,  an 
ox  for  eiglity  Ikres,  and  an  egg  for  twelve  deniers.  Snch 
liigh  prices  exceeded  the  means  of  most  of  the  pilgrims ; 
some  were  obliged  to  live  upon  the  fish  caught  in  the  Nile, 
others  upon  herbs  and  roots. 

Louis  IX.  preserving  his  courage  and  tranquillity  of  mind 
amidst  the  general  mourning  and  depression,  as  a  means  of 
endeavouring  to  save  the  miserable  remains  of  his  army,  re- 
solved to  repass  to  the  other  side  of  the  Asch  mourn.  Whilst 
the  Christians  were  crossing  the  wooden  bridge  thrown  over 
the  canal,  they  were  warmly  attacked  by  the  Mussulmans. 
Gaucher  de  ChatiUon,  who  commanded  the  rear,  at  iirst  re- 
pulsed them  ;  but  as  the  Saracens  returned  several  times  to 
the  charge,  and  as  they  had  greatly  the  advantage  in  num- 
bers, victory  was  upon  the  point  of  being  adverse  to  the 
Crusaders.  The  brilliant  valour  of  the  coimt  of  Anjou 
checked  the  impetuosity  of  the  Mussulmans.  Erard  and 
John  de  Valeri  performed  prodigies  of  bravery.  Jeftroi  de 
Hassemburgh  likewise  distinguished  himself  by  heroic  ac- 
tions, and  merited  the  palm  of  valour  in  that  day's  fight. 
Tims  glory  was  always  mingled  with  the  misfortunes  of  tlie 
Prcuch  Crusaders :  but  victory  procured  them  no  advan- 
tages, and  always  left  them  still  exposed  to  the  same  perils, 
still  a  prey  to  the  same  calamities.  They  were  not  more 
fortunate  on  one  side  of  the  Aschmoum  than  on  the  other  ; 
and  after  remaining  some  days  in  their  old  camp,  they  were 
obliged  at  length  to  form  the  disheartening  resolution  of  re- 
turning to  Damietta. 

As  soon  as  Almoadam  was  informed  of  these  last  dispo- 
sitions of  the  Christians,  he  himself  harangued  his  troops, 
distributed  provisions  and  money  to  them,  and  reinforced 
them  with  a  gi'eat  number  of  Ai'abs,  attracted  to  his  stan- 
dards by  the  hopes  of  booty.  By  his  orders,  boats  loaded 
with  soldiers  descended  the  Nile,  and  joined  the  Mussulman 
fioet  that  had  intercepted  the  convoys  of  the  Crusaders. 
Bodies  of  light  cavalry  were  distributed  along  the  whole 
course  of  the  roads  which  the  French  army  wovdd  take  in 
its  retreat. 

On  the  fifth  day  of  Ajxril,*  the  Tuesday  after  tlie  octave 

*  Bernard  Thesaurius,  the  author  of  the  Continuation  of  the  History  of 
William  of  Tyre,  has  fixed  the  precise  epoch  of  each  fact.     We  shall  most 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CilTTSA-DKS.  423 

of  Easter,  Louis  IX.  ordered  everytliiiig  to  be  prepared  for 
the  departure  of  his  army :  the  women,  the  children,  and 
the  sick  were  embarked  upon  the  Nile  ;  they  waited  till 
night-fall,  to  conceal  these  sad  preparations  from  the  enemy. 
The  bank  of  the  Nile  presented  the  most  heart-breaking 
spectacle ;  nothing  was  to  be  seen  but  Crusaders  overcome 
by  their  sufterings,  parting,  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  from 
friends  they  were  doomed  never  to  see  again.  Amidst 
these  painful  scenes,  the  Arabs,  taking  advantage  of  tlio 
darkness  of  the  night,  penetrated  into  tlie  camp,  plundered 
the  baggage,  and  slaughtered  every  living  creatiu-e  they  met 
with.  A  terrified  crowd  fled  on  all  sides,  and  cries  of  alai'm 
I'esounded  along  the  whole  bank  of  tlie  river.  T!ie  mariners 
perceiving,  by  the  light  of  the  fires  in  tlie  boats,  this  fright- 
ful disorder,  and  that  tlie  Cliristians  were  being  massacred, 
became  terrified  on  their  own  account,  and  prepared  to  de- 
part. The  king,  who,  in  spite  of  his  weakness,  was  present 
everywhere,  and  watched  over  everything,  drove  the  infidels 
from  the  camp,  reassured  the  Christian  nuiltitude,  and  com- 
manded the  vessels  which  had  left  the  shore,  to  put  back  and 
take  the  rest  of  the  sick  on  board. 

The  pope's  legate  and  several  French  nobles  got  on  board 
a  large  vessel.  The  king  was  pressed  to  follow  tins  exam- 
ple, but  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  abandon  his 
army.  In  vain  his  anxious  and  loving  friends  represented 
to  him  that  his  state  of  weakness  would  not  permit  him  to 
fight,  and  exposed  him  to  the  risk  of  falling  into  the  liands 
of  the  Saracens  ;  in  vain  they  added,  that  by  thus  hazarding 
his  life  he  compromised  the  safety  of  the  army.  These  and 
many  other  remonstrances,  dictated  by  sincere  attachment 
for  his  person,  were  not  able  to  make  him  change  his  r(!so- 
lution.  He  replied,  that  no  danger  should  separate  him  from 
his  faithful  warriors  ;  that  he  had  brought  them  with  him  ; 
that  he  would  return  with  them ;  or,  if  it  proved  necessary, 
tlie  in  the  midst  of  them.  This  heroic  determination,  the 
inevitable  consequences  of  which  wore  foreseen,  plunged  all 
his  knights  into  consternation  and  grief.  The  soldiers,  par- 
taking the  feelings  of  the  knights,  ran  along  the  bank  of 
tlie  Nile,  crying  with  all  their  strength  to  those  that  were 

likely  have  occasion  to  draw  the  reader's  attention  to  the  Annales  Eccl4- 
fiastiques  of  this  writer  in  a  future  volume. 


4  UlSTORY    OF    THE    CI5USADE3. 

going  clown  the  river,  "  Wait  for  the  king !  wait  for  the 
king!"*  Arrows  and  javelins  were  falling  thick  upon  the 
vessels  which  continued  to  go  down  the  river.  Many  stop- 
ped ;  but  Louis  insisted  upon  their  pursunig  their  course. 

Most  of  the  French  warriors  were  borne  down  by  disease 
and  weakened  by  hunger.  The  fatigues  and  new  perils  they 
were  about  to  imdergo  did  not  at  all  diminish  their  courage  ; 
but  they  could  not  endure  the  thoughts  of  abandoning 
places  rendered  dear  to  them  by  the  remembrance  of  their 
victories.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  set  out  on  his  m-arch  at 
night-fall ;  and,  a  sliort  time  after,  the  rest  of  the  troops 
quitted  the  camp,  taking  away  their  tents  and  baggage. 
Louis,  who  was  determined  to  go  with  the  rear-guard,  only 
kept  with  him  the  brave  Sergines  and  a  few  otiier  knights 
and  barous  who  were  still  fortunate  enough  to  have  horses. 
The  khig,  scarcely  able  to  support  himself  in  his  saddle, 
appeared  in  the  midst  of  them  mounted  on  an  Arabiau 
horse  ;  he  wore  ncitlier  helmet  nor  cuirass,  and  had  no  other 
weapon  but  his  sword.  Tlie  warriors  who  had  siuTounded 
his  person,  followed  him  in  silence  ;  and  in  the  deplorable 
state  to  which  they  were  reduced,  evinced  still  some  joy  at 
having  been  chosen  to  defend  their  king  and  die  by  his  side. 

Tlie  retreat  of  tlie  Christian  army  was  already  Jvuown  to 
the  Saracens.  The  king  had  ordered  the  bridge  of  Asch- 
niouiu  to  be  broken  ;  but  this  order  had  not  been  executed, 
and  it  furnished  the  Mussulmans  with  an  easy  means  of 
crossing  the  canal.  In  a  moment  the  whole  plain  which 
extended  on  the  Damietta  side  was  covered  with  enemies. 

*  Tliis  generous  trait  of  St  Louis,  who  refused  to  quit  his  army,  is 
attested  by  both  French  and  Oriental  historians.  Joinville  expresses 
himself  thus  : — "  Seeing  the  king  had  the  same  disease  as  the  army,  and 
great  weakness,  as  others  had,  we  thouglit  he  would  be  much  safer  on 
board  one  of  the  great  galleys  ;  but  he  said  '  he  would  ratlier  die  than 
leave  his  people.'  "  Geoffrey  of  Beaulieu,  equally  an  eyewitness,  attests 
this  fact.  To  the  evidence  of  these  two  histoii.ais  we  miy  add  that  of 
the  Arabian  liistorian  A boul  Mahassem.  "The  king  of  France,"  says 
he,  "  uiigiit  have  escaped  from  the  Egyptians,  either  on  horseback,  or  ia 
8  boat ;  but  this  generous  prince  would  never  consent  to  abandon  his 
troops." 

[The  conduct  of  Louis  might  be  imjirudent,  but  it  was  noble  and 
heroic.  The  admirers  of  the  modern  French  idol,  Buonaparte,  wjuld  be 
very  much  at  a  loss  to  find  such  a  trait  in  his  history  ;  it  was  always 
$auve  qui  pent  with  him,  when  he  met  with  reverses.] — Trans. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CEIJSADES.  425 

"^he  rear-guard  of  the  Christians  was  stopped  at  every  step 
of  its  route,  sometimes  by  the  crossing  of  a  rividet,  but 
more  frequently  by  a  charge  of  Mussuhnan  cavahy.  Amidst 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  the  Crusaders  could  not  see  which 
way  to  direct  their  blows,  and  when  they  did  obtain  some 
trilling  advantage,  they  did  not  dare  to  pursue  their  enemy, 
they  advanced  lighting,  and  in  disorder ;  fearing  to  loigj 
themselves,  such  as  were  at  any  distance  from  their  compo/ 
nious,  called  upon  them  by  name ;  such  as  adhered  closelj 
to  the  standard,  ran  against  and  impeded  each  other  in  theii 
march :  over  the  whole  plain  notliing  was  heard  but  the 
neighing  of  horses,  the  clash  of  arms,  and  cries  of  rage  and 
despair ;  but  tlie  most  deplorable  spectacle  in  this  defeat  wafi 
that  of  the  wounded  lying  stretched  along  the  roads,  hold- 
^ig  up  their  hands  to  their  comrades,  and  conjuring  them, 
o'ith  tears,  not  to  leave  them  exposed  to  the  fury  of  the 
Saracens.  They  looked  for  day  with  the  most  anxious  im- 
patience ;  but  the  daylight,  by  discovering  the  small  number 
of  the  Christians,  redoubled  the  confidence  of  the  Mussul- 
mans :  it  filled  the  former  with  proportionate  dread,  as  it 
showed  them-  the  multitude  of  theii'  enemies. 

Menaced  and  pursued  on  all  sides,  the  kniglits  who  liad 
taken  the  route  by  land,  envied  those  who  had  embarked 
upon  the  Nile ;  but  these  latter  were  in  no  less  danger  than 
their  luifortunate  companions.  A  short  time  after  their 
departure,  a  high  wind  arose,  and  drove  back  the  vessels 
towards  Mansourah :  some  of  them  were  run  aground, 
others  were  dashed  violently  against  accompanying  boats, 
and  were  near  being  sunk.  Towards  dawn  their  flotilla 
arrived  near  Mehallah,  a  place  fatal  to  the  Christians.  The 
Mussulman  fleet  awaited  them  there.  The  archers  charged 
to  proceed  along  the  shore  and  protect  them,  had  fled,  and 
in  their  place  appeared  a  multitude  of  Mussulman  liorse- 
men,  launching  such  a  number  of  arrows  armed  with  the 
Greek  fire,  that  it  might  have  been  believed,  says  Joinville, 
"  that  all  the  stars  of  heaven  were  fulling.'''' 

The  wind  disconcerted  all  the  manoeuvres  of  the  mariners. 
The  Crusaders,  crowded  closely  in  their  vessels,  could  scarcely 
Btand  upright,  and  were  most  of  them  without  arms.  Turn- 
ing their  eyes,  sometimes  towards  the  shore,  where  they 
perceived  clouds  of  dust  at  a  distance,  and  sometimes  towarda 

Vol.  11.— 19 


42G  HISTORY   OF   THE    CRUSADES. 

heaven,  wliose  mercy  they  implored,  they  still  hoped  that 
some  unexpected  event  might  deliver  them,  or  else  that  the 
army  advancing  towards  Damietta  would  come  to  their  suc- 
cour ;  thus  placing  their  last  hopes  in  the  miracles  of  Pro\i- 
dence  and  iu  those  of  bravery.  Deceitful  illusions !  one 
division  of  the  Christian  troops  had  been  dispersed ;  the 
rear-guard,  encouraged  by  the  presence  of  the  king,  made 
incredible  but  useless  efforts  to  repulse  the  crowd  of  Sara- 
cens, which  increased  from  moment  to  moment.  The  de- 
spair of  the  French  warriors  gave  birth  to  a  thousand  glorious 
actions  ;  but  so  much  heroism  was  only  able  to  procure  them 
the  palm  of  martyrdom.  Gruy  du  Chatel,  bishop  of  Soissons, 
giving  up  all  hopes  of  gaining  Damietta  or  revisiting  France, 
resolved  to  seek  death,  and  rushed,  followed  by  several 
knights,  into  the  thickest  of  the  ranks  of  the  vSaracens,  who, 
according  to  the  expression  of  Joinville,  hilled  them,  and 
sent  tliem  into  the  company  of  God.  Gaucher  de  Chatillon 
and  Sergines  still  fought  on,  in  the  hope  of  saving  the  life  of 
the  king  of  France.  Sergines,  adhering  close  to  the  side  of 
the  king,  drove  away  the  enemies  with  mighty  blows  of  the 
sword  ;  danger  seemed  to  have  doubled  his  strength.  Con- 
temporary history,  which  describes  him  to  us  driving  away 
the  Saracens  that  surrounded  Louis,  compares  him  to  the 
vigilant  servant  who  carefully  di-ives  away  the  flies  from  his 
master's  cup. 

In  the  mean  time  the  hope  of  victory  inflamed  the  enthu- 
siasm and  the  fanaticism  of  the  Mussulmans  ;  they  were  per- 
suaded they  were  fighting  for  the  cause  of  their  prophet : 
their  dervises  and  imauns,  who  had  preached  the  war  against 
the  Christians,  followed  them  on  the  field  of  battle,  pervaded 
the  ranks  of  the  array,  and  excited  the  soldiers  to  carnage.* 
Aji  Arabian  historian,  mixing  the  marvellous  with  his  ac- 
count, relates  that  the  scheikh  Ezzedin,  seeing  that  victory 
for  a  moment  inclined  towards  the  Christians,  because  a 
whirlwind  of  dust  covered  the  Mussulmans  and  prevented 
them  from  fighting,  addresses  these  words  to  the  wind :  "  Oh 
wind,  direct  thy  breath  against  our  enemies  !"  The  tempest, 
adds  the  same  historian,  obeyed  the  voice  of  this  holy  person, 
and  victory  was  the  reward  of  the  soldiers  of  Islamistn.    We 

*  See  the  extract  from  Soyordi  in  Apperiix. 


HISTORY   OF   THE   CBU8ADES.  427 

oiJj  report  this  circumstance  here,  to  show  the  spirit  that 
auiiuated  the  Mussuhnaus  in  their  wars  against  the  Chris- 
tians. The  Saracens  did  not  requu-e  a  miracle  to  triumph 
over  a  dispersed  army  reduced  to  so  small  a  number  of  com- 
batants. The  rear-guard  of  the  Christians,  always  pursued 
and  unceasingly  attacked,  arrived  with  much  difficulty  before 
the  little  town  of  Minieh.*  The  king,  escorted  by  a  few 
knights,  preceded  the  troops  into  the  city,  where  he  alighted 
as  weak  "  as  a  child  in  its  mother's  lap,"  says  Joiuville. 
Patigue,  sickness,  and  the  grief  which  such  disasters  caused 
him,  had  so  overcome  him,  tliat  all  believed  (we  still  quote 
the  same  author)  he  was  about  to  die. 

The  intrepid  Gaucher  de  Chatillon  watched  over  his 
safety  ;  alone,  he  for  a  length  of  time  defended  the  entrance 
of  a  narrow  street,  which  led  to  the  house  in  which  his 
faithful  servants  were  endeavoui'ing  to  recall  the  exhausted 
monarch  to  life.  At  one  moment  he  rushed  like  lightning 
upon  the  infidels,  dispersed  them,  cut  them  down ;  then, 
after  turning  to  pull  from  his  cuirass,  and  even  his  body,  the 
arrows  and  darts  with  whicli  he  was  stuck  ail  over,  he  flew 
again  upon  the  enemy,  rising  from  time  to  time  in  his  stir- 
rups, and  shouting  with  all  his  force,  "  Chatillon,  knights ! 
Chatillon,  to  the  rescue  !  AVhere  are  ye,  my  gallant  men  ?" 
The  remainder  of  the  rear-guard  were  still  at  some  distance  ; 
nobody  appeared,  but  the  Saracens,  on  the  contrary,  came 
nj)  in  crowds ;  at  length,  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  bristling 
with  arrows,  and  covered  with  wounds,  he  fell;  none  of  tlie 
Crusaders  could  succour  him,  not  one  could  witness  his 
heroic  end !  His  horse,  one  sheet  of  blood  and  foam,  became 
the  prey  of  the  infidels, '  and  his  last  exploits  were  narrated 
by  a  Mussulman  warrior,  who  exhibited  his  sword,  and 
boasted  of  having  killed  the  bravest  of  the  Christians. 

The  rear-guard  drew  up  upon  a  neighbouring  hill,  and 
still  defended  themselves  with  some  advantage.  Philip  de 
Montfort,  who  commanded  them,  came  to  inform  the  king 
that  he  had  just  seen  the  emir  with  whom  they  had  treated 
for  a  suspension  of  hostilities  at  the  camp  of  Mansourah  ; 
and  if  it  were  his  good  pleasure,  he  would  go  and  speak  to 
him  about  it  again.     The  monarch  consented,  promising  to 

*  This  is  the  Minieh  of  Aboul-Abdallah. 


428  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

submit  to  the  conditions  the  sultan  had  first  required. 
However  miserable  the  situation  of  the  Crusaders,  they  still 
inspired  considerable  dread  in  their  enemies.  Five  hundred 
knights  remained  under  arms,  and  many  of  those  who  had 
gone  past  Minieh,  retraced  their  steps  to  dispute  the  victoiy 
with  the  Saracens.  The  emir  accepted  the  proposition  for  a 
truce.  Montfort,  as  a  pledge  of  his  word,  gave  him  a  ring 
which  he  wore  on  his  finger.  Their  hands  already  touched, 
when  a  traitor,  a  rascal  doorkeeper,  named  Marcel,  cried 
aloud :  "  Seigneurs,  noble  French  knights,  surrender  your- 
selves all,  the  king  commands  you  by  me ;  do  not  cause  him 
to  be  killed!"  At  these  last  words,  the  consternation 
became  general ;  they  believed  that  the  life  of  the  monarch 
was  in  great  danger,  and  the  leaders,  ofiicers,  and  soldiers, 
all  laid  down  their  arms. 

The  emir,  who  liad  begvm  to  treat  for  peace,  perceived  this 
sudden  change,  and  he  broke  oft'  the  negotiation  by  saying : 
"  It  is  not  customary  to  treat  with  conquered  enemies." 
Soon  after,  one  of  the  principal  emirs,  Djemal-eddin,  entered 
Minieh.  Finding  the  king  surrounded  by  his  weeping 
servants,  he  took  possession  of  his  person,  and  without  any 
regard  for  royal  majesty,  without  any  respect  for  the  greatest 
misfortunes,  ordered  chains  to  be  placed  upon  his  hands  and 
feet ;  from  that  moment  there  was  no  safety  for  the  Cru- 
saders. Both  the  brothers  of  the  king  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  infidels ;  all  those  that  had  reached  Pharescour,  were 
seized,  and  lost  either  their  lives  or  tlieir  liberty.  Many  of 
them  might  liave  gained  Damietta  ;  but  when  they  learr.t  the 
captivity  of  the  king,  they  lost  all  strength  or  spiint  to  con- 
tinue their  route  or  to  defend  themselves.  These  knights, 
but  lately  so  intrepid,  remained  motionless  on  the  high  roads, 
and  allowed  themselves  to  be  slaughtered  or  manacled, 
without  offering  the  least  complaint  or  making  the  slightest 
resistance.  Tlie  oriflamme,  the  other  standards,  and  the 
baggage,  all  became  the  prey  of  the  Saracens.  Amidst 
scenes  of  carnage,  the  Mussulman  warriors  iiilered  the  most 
horrible  imprecations  against  Jesus  Christ  and  his  defenders  : 
they  trampled  under-foot,  they  profaned  by  insults,  crosses 
and  sacred  images — a  crowning  cause  for  scandal  and  despair 
for   Christians,  who,  having   seen   their  king  loaded  with 


HISTORY    or    THE    CBU8ADES.  429 

cliaiiis,  beheld  tlieir  God  given  up  to  the  outrages  of  the 
conqueror ! 

The  Crusaders  who  had  embarked  upon  the  Nile  had  no 
better  destiny ;  all  the  vessels  of  the  Christians,  except  that 
of  the  legate,  were  sunk  by  the  tempest,  cousuuwd  by  the 
Greek  fire,  or  taken  by  the  IMussulmans.  The  crowd  of 
iSarnceus,  assembled  on  the  shore  or  on  board  the  barks, 
immolated  all  that  came  within  reach  of  their  arms.  They 
sjjared  neither  the  women  nor  the  sick.  Avarice,  rather 
than  humanity,  saved  such  as  could  expect  to  be  I'ausomed. 
The  sieur  de  Joinville,  still  suffering  from  his  wounds  and 
the  disease  that  had  prevailed  in  the  camp  of  Mansourah, 
had  embarked  with  the  only  two  knights  he  had  left  and 
some  of  his  serving-men.  Four  Mussulman  galleys  came 
up  to  his  vcsssl,  which  had  just  cast  anchor  in  the  middle  of 
the  river,  and  the  soldiers  threatened  them  with  instant 
death  if  they  did  not  at  once  surrender.  The  seneschal  de- 
liberated with  the  persons  of  his  suite  upon  what  was  best 
to  be  done  in  such  an  imminent  danger :  all  agreed  that  it 
would  be  most  prudent  to  siu'render,  exce])t  one  of  his  eccle- 
siastics, who  said  it  would  be  best  to  be  killed,  that  they  might 
go  at  once  to  Paradise  ;  but  this  the  others  were  not  willing 
to  comply  with.  JoinviUe  then  took  a  little  coffer,  and 
emptying  it  of  the  jewels  and  relics  it  contained,  he  threw 
them  into  the  water,  and  surrendered  at  discretion.  In  spite 
of  the  laws  of  war,  the  seneschal  would  have  been  killed,  if 
a  renegade,  who  knew  him,  had  not  covered  him  with  his 
body,  crying  :  "  It  is  the  king's  cousin  !"  Joinville,  scarcely 
able  to  support  himself,  was  dragged  into  a  Mussulman 
galley,  and  from  that  transported  to  a  house  close  to  the 
Btiore.  As  they  had  deprived  him  of  his  coat  of  mail,  and  he 
remahied  almost  without  covering,  the  Saracens,  whose 
prisoner  he  was,  gave  him  a  little  cap,  which  he  placed  upon 
his  head,  and  threw  over  his  shoulders  a  scarlet  cloak  of  his 
own,  furred  with  minever,  which  his  mother  had  given  him  : 
he  was  ti-embling  all  over,  as  well  from  his  disease  as  the 
great  fear  that  possessed  him.  Being  unable  to  swallow  a 
glass  of  water  that  was  given  to  him,  he  believed  himself  to 
be  dying,  and  called  his  servants  around  him,  who  all  began 
to  weep.     Among  those  who  wept  the  most  bitterly,  was  a 


430  HISTORY    OE   THE    TEUSADES. 

young  boy,  a  natural  sonof  tlie  seigneur  Montfaucon.  Tliis 
child,  upon  seeing  tlie  persons  perish  who  had  cliarge  of  him, 
had  thrown  himself  into  the  arms  and  mider  the  protection 
of  JoinviUe.  The  sight  of  abandoned  infancy  and  the  de- 
s])air  of  the  worthy  seneschal,  excited  the  compassion  of 
some  of  the  emirs  that  were  present,  and  one  of  them,  whom 
JoinviUe  at  one  time  calls  the  good  Saracen,  and  at  another 
the  jwor  &aracen,  took  pity  on  tlie  boy,  and  when  he  left  the 
seneschal,  he  said  to  him,  "Be  sure  to  hold  this  little  child  con- 
stantly by  the  hand, or  I  am  certain  the  Saracens  will  kill  him." 

The  carnage  was  prolonged  for  a  considerable  time  after 
the  battle ;  it  lasted  during  many  days.  All  the  capti\'es 
that  had  escaped  the  first  fuiy  of  the  Mussulman  soldiers, 
were  landed  ;  and  woe  to  such  as  sickness  had  weakened  or 
as  exhibited  marks  of  poverty  !  the  more  worthy  the  victims 
were  of  pity,  the  more  they  roused  the  barbarity  of  the 
conquerors.  Soldiers  armed  with  swords  and  maces,  charged 
to  execute  the  terrible  sentence  of  victory,  awaited  the 
prisoners  on  the  shore.  John  of  Vaissy,  the  priest,  and 
some  other  servants  belonging  to  Joinville,  crawled  from  tlie 
ships  in  a  d\dng  state :  the  Saracens  completed  the  work 
before  the  eyes  of  their  master,  saying  that  these  poor 
■wretches  were  good  for  nothing,  and  could  pay  for  neither 
their  liberty  nor  their  lives. 

In  these  days  of  disasters  and  calamities,  more  than  thirty 
thousand  Christians  lost  their  lives,  killed  on  the  field  of 
battle,  drowned  in  the  Nile,  or  massacred  after  the  fight. 
The  news  of  this  victory  obtained  by  the  Mussulmans  was 
soon  spi-ead  throughout  Egypt.  The  sultan  of  Cairo  wrote 
to  the  governor  of  Damascus,  to  inform  him  of  the  last 
triumphs  of  Islamism.  "Let  thanks  be  rendered,"  said  he 
in  his  letter,  "  to  the  All  Powerful,  who  has  changed  our 
sadness  into  Joy  ;  it  is  to  him  alone  we  owe  the  glory  of  our 
arms  ;  the  blessings  with  which  he  has  deigned  to  favour  us 
are  numberless,  and  the  last  is  the  most  precious  of  all. 
Tou  will  announce  to  the  people  of  Damascus,  or  rather  to 
all  Mussulmans,  that  God  has  enabled  us  to  gain  a  complete 
victory  over  the  Christians,  at  the  moment  they  were  con- 
spiring to  eflect  oui"  I'um."* 

*  >Miat  a  l*sson  is  this  letter  to  all  such  as  designate  their  G^d  "  the 
Gcd  of  amies,'  or  are  worshippers  of  military  glory  !     The  archbishop 


IIISTOKT    Of    TUE    CRUSADES.  431 

The  day  after  that  on  which  tho  Christiau  army  lixd  laid 
down  tbeir  arms,  the  king  of  France  was  taken  to  INJan- 
Bourah  en  board  a  war-boat,  escorted  by  a  great  number  of 
Egyptian  vessels.  The  trumpets  and  kettle-drums  carried 
the  notes  of  triumph  to  a  vast  distance.  The  Egyptian 
army,  in  order  of  battle,  marched  along  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Nile  as  the  fleet  advanced.  All  tho  prisoners  whom  the 
fmy  of  the  enemy  had  spared,  followed  the  INIussulmau 
troops,  with  their  hands  tied  behind  them.  The  Arabs 
were  in  arms  on  the  western  bank,  and  the  multitude  flocked 
from  all  parts  to  witness  this  strange  spectacle.  On  his 
arrival  at  Mansourah,  Louis  IX.  was  confined  in  the  house 
of  Fakreddin  ben  Lokmau,  secretary  of  the  sultan,  and 
])laced  under  the  guard  of  the  eunuch  Sabyh.  A  vast  in- 
closure,  surrounded  by  walls  of  earth,  and  guarded  by  the 
fiercest  of  the  Mussulman  warriors,  received  the  other 
prisoners  of  war. 

The  news  of  these  disasters  carried  consternation  and  de- 
spair to  the  city  of  Damietta,  over  the  walls  of  which  the 
standard  of  the  French  still  floated.  Confused  reports  at 
first  were  circulated ;  but  soon  a  few  Crusaders,  who  had 
escaped  from  the  carnage,  announced  that  the  whole  Chris- 
tian army  had  perished.  Queen  Marguerite  was  on  the  point 
of  being  confined :  her  terrified  imagination,  at  one  moment, 
represented  to  her  her  husband  falling  beneath  the  swords 
of  the  enemy,  and  at  the  next,  the  Saracens  at  the  gates  of 
the  city.  Her  emotions  became  so  violent,  that  her  servants 
believed  her  to  be  expiring.  A  knight  of  more  than  eighty 
years  of  age  served  her  as  esquire,  and  never  left  her  either 
night  or  day.  This  unhappy  princess,  after  having,  for  a 
moment,  sobbed  herself  to  sleep,  started  up  in  the  greatest 
terror,  imagining  that  her  chamber  was  filled  with  Saracens 
about  to  kill  her.  The  old  knight,  who  had  held  her  hand 
while  she  slept,  pressed  it,  and  said :  "  Be  not  afraid, 
madam,  I  am  with  you."  An  instant  after  she  had  reclosed 
her  eyes,  she  awoke  iigain,  and  uttered  loud  and  fearful  cries, 
and  the  grave  esquire  reassured  her  agaui.  At  length,  to  free 
herself  frOm  these  cruel  alarms,  the  queen  ordered  every  one 
to  leave  her  chamber  except  her  knight,  and  then,  throwing 

of  Canterbury  could  not  have  written  a  better,   or  one  apparently  more 
pica,  after  the  battles  of  Trafalgar  or  Waterloo.— Trans. 


4;>2  IJISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES, 

]ierricU'  upon  her  kijeeu  before  liitn,  with  tearful  eyes,  she  ex 
elaiuied  :  "  Sir  luiij^lit,  promise  tlu\t  you  will  grant  the  favour 
I  aiu  about  to  ask  of  you."  lie  promised  vipon  his  oath. 
INlarguerite  then  contiiuied :  "I  require  yoiL,  on  the  faith 
you  ba\e  pledged  to  me,  that  if  the  iSaracens  should  take 
this  city,  you  will  cut  off  my  head  rather  than  allow  me  to 
become  their  captive."  "  Certainly,  I  will  do  it,"  replied 
the  old  knight ;  "  I  meant  to  do  so,  if  the  thing  should  so 
happen  !"* 

()n  the  morrow  the  queen  was  brought  to  bed  of  a  son, 
v,ho  was  named  Jean  Tristan,  on  account  of  the  melancholy 
circumstances  amidst  which  he  was  born.  The  same  day  her 
attendants  informed  her  that  the  Pisans,  and  many  Crusaders 
from  the  maritime  cities  of  Europe,  were  desirous  of  aban- 
doning Damietta  and  returning  to  theii"  homes.  Marguerite 
caused  the  leaders  of  them  to  be  brought  before  her  bed,  and 
said  to  them :  "  Seigneurs,  for  the  love  of  God,  do  not  quit 
this  city  ;  its  loss  would  bring  on  that  of  the  king  and  of 
the  whole  Christian  army.  Be  moved  by  my  tears,  have 
pity  on  the  poor  child  that  you  behold  lying  beside  me!" 
The  merchants  of  Genoa  and  Pisa  were  at  first  but  very 
little  affected  by  these  words.  Joiuville  reproaches  them 
with  bitterness  for  their  want  of  feeling  for  the  cause  of 
Christ,  or  for  that  of  humanity.  As  they  answered  the  queen 
that  they  had  no  provisions  left,  this  princess  gave  orders 
that  all  the  provisions  in  Damietta  should  be  immediately 
bought  up,  and  caused  it  to  be  announced  to  the  Genoese 
and  Pisans,  that  from  that  time  the}^  should  be  supported 
at  the  expense  of  the  king.  By  this  means,  the  city  of 
Damietta  preserved  a  garrison  and  defenders,  whose  presence, 
more  than  their  valour,  produced  an  effect  upon  the  Saracens. 
It  is  even  asserted  that  the  Mussulmans,  after  the  victory  of 
JMinieh,  being  desu'ous  of  surprising  Damietta,  presented 
uhemselves  before  the  walls,  clothed  in  the  arms  and  bearing 
the  standards  of  the  conquered  Christians  ;  but  they  were 
betrayed  by  their  laugaage,  their  long  beards,  and  their 
bronzed  countenances.  As  the  Christians  showed  them- 
Bclves  in  great  numbers  upon  the  ramparts,  the  enemy  drew 
off  in  haste  from  a  city  which  they  believed  was  disposed  to 

*  Tres  volontiers  le  ferai,  et  si  ai-je  cu  en  pciiscc  d'ainsi  fwe,  si  le  cts 
y  ucheait, — Joinville. 


HISTOET    OF    TUE    CKUSABES.  433 

defend  itself,  but  in  which,  really,  notliing  but  despondency 
and  fear  prevailed. 

Daring  this  time,  Louis  IX.  was  more  calm  at  IMausoural 
than  they  were  at  Damietta.  That  which  misery  and  mis- 
fortune have  of  the  most  bitter  for  the  exalted  of  tins 
world,  only  served  to  develop  in  him  the  virtue  of  a  Christian 
hero  and  the  character  of  a  great  king.  He  had  no  covering 
at  night  but  a  coarse  cassock,  which  he  owed  to  the  charity 
of  another  prisoner.  In  this  state,  he  never  addressed  one 
petition  to  his  enemies,  nor  did  the  tone  of  his  language 
announce  either  fear  or  submission.  One  of  his  almoners 
afterwards  attested  upon  oath,  that  Louis  never  suftered  a 
word  of  despair  or  a  movement  of  impatience  to  escape  from 
him.  The  Mussulmans  were  astonished  at  this  resignation, 
and  said  among  themselves,  that  if  ever  their  prophet  should 
leave  them  a  prey  to  such  great  adversities,  they  would 
abandon  his  faith  and  his  worship.  Of  all  his  riches,  Louis 
had  only  saved  his  book  of  psalms,  too  sterile  a  spoil  to  be 
worth  tlie  attention  of  the  Saracens  ;  and  when  all  the  world 
seemed  to  have  abandoned  him,  this  book  alone  consoled  him 
in  his  misfortunes.  He  every  day  recited  those  hymns  of 
the  prophets  in  which  God  himself  speaks  of  his  justice  and 
his  nierc_y,  reassures  virtue  which  suffers  in  his  name,  and 
threatens  with  his  anger  those  whom  prosperity  intoxicates, 
and  who  abuse  their  triumph. 

Thus  religious  sentiments  and  remembrances  sustained 
the  coin-age  of  Louis  even  in  fetters  ;  and  the  pious  monarch, 
surrounded  every  day  by  fresh  perils,  amidst  a  Mussulman 
army  that  he  had  irritated  by  his  victories,  might  still  cry 
oat  with  the  prophet-king :  "  Supported  by  the  li'ving  God, 
who  is  my  buckler  and  my  glory,  I  will  not  fear  the  Ci*owd 
of  enemies  encamped  around  me." 

The  sultan  of  Cairo,  appearing  inclined  to  soften  his 
rigorous  policy,  sent  Louis  fifty  magnificent  dresses  for  him- 
self and  the  lords  of  his  train.  Louis  refused  to  clothe 
himself  in  them,  saying  that  he  Avas  the  sovereign  of  a 
greater  kingdom  than  Egypt,  and  that  he  would  never  wear 
the  livery  of  a  foreign  prince.  Almoadam  ordered  a  great 
feast  to  be  prepared,  to  which  he  invited  the  king.  But 
Louis  would  not  accept  of  this  invitation,  as  he  was  persuaded 
it  was  only  meant  to  exhibit  him  as  a  spectacle  to  the 
19* 


434  HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES. 

Mussulman  army.  At  length  the  sultan  sent  his  most  skil- 
ful physicians  to  him,  and  did  all  he  could  to  preserve  u 
prince  whom  he  destined  to  adorn  his  triumph,  and  by  whose 
means  he  hoped  to  obtain  the  advantages  attached  to  his  last 
victory.  Before  long  he  proposed  to  the  king  to  break  his 
chains  upon  condition  of  his  giving  iip  Damietta  and  the 
cities  of  Palestine  that  were  still  under  the  power  of  the 
Franks.  Louis  replied,  that  the  Christian  cities  of  Palestine 
did  not  belong  to  him  ;  that  God  had  recently  replaced 
Damietta  in  tlie  hands  of  the  Christians,  and  that  no  human 
power  had  the  right  to  dispose  of  it.  The  sultan,  irritated 
by  this  refusal,  resolved  to  employ  violence.  At  one  time  he 
thi-eatened  Louis  to  send  him  to  the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  who 
would  closely  imprison  him  tUl  death ;  at  another,  he 
announced  the  project  of  leading  his  illustrious  captive 
throughout  the  East,  and  of  exhibiting  to  all  Asia  a  king  of 
the  Christians  reduced  to  slavery.  At  length  he  went  so  far 
as  to  threaten  to  have  him  placed  in  the  hernicles*  a  fright- 
ful punishment  reserved  for  the  greatest  criminals.  Louis 
still  showed  himself  firm,  and,  as  the  only  reply  to  all  these 
menaces,  said,  "  I  am  the  sultan's  prisoner,  he  can  do  with 
me  what  he  pleases." 

The  king  of  France  suffered,  though  he  did  not  complain  ; 
he  feared  nothing  on  his  own  account,  but  when  he  thought 
of  his  faithful  army,  and  of  the  fate  of  the  otlier  captives, 
his  heart  was  a  prey  to  the  deepest  sorrow.  The  Christian 
prisoners  were  crowded  into  one  open  court,  some  sick, 
others  wounded,  the  greater  part  naked,  and  all  exposed  to 
hunger,  the  injuries  of  the  elements,  and  the  ill-treatment 
of  their  pitiless  guards.  A  Mussulman  was  commanded  to 
write  the  names  of  all  these  wretched  captives,  whose  num- 
ber amounted  to  more  than  ten  thousand.  They  led  aU 
such  as  could  purchase  their  liberty  into  a  vast  tent ;  the 
others  remained  in  the  place  into  which  they  had  been 
driven  like  a  flock  of  animals,  destined  to  perish  miserably. 
Every  day  an  emir,  by  the  sultan's  orders,  entered  this 
abode  of  despair,  and  caused  two  or  three  hundred  prisoners 

*  I  am  unable  to  discover  the  nature  of  this  punishment,  or  the  mean- 
ing of  the  word,  but  cannot  help  thinking  they  are  connected  with  the 
French  proverbial  expression,  ^wwyer  quelquun  au  berniquels,  as  meaning 
to  ruin  him. — Trans. 


HISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  435 

to  be  dragged  out  of  tlie  iuclosure.  They  were  asked  \i 
they  would  abjure  the  religiou  of  Christ,  and  those  Mhom 
the  fear  of  death  induced  to  desert  their  faith,  received  their 
liberty  ;  the  others  were  put  to  the  sword,  and  their  bodies 
were  cast  into  the  Nile.  They  were  slaughtered  during  tlift 
night ;  silence  and  darkness  adding  to  tlie  horrors  of  tlie 
execution.  During  several  days  the  steel  of  the  executioner 
thus  decimated  the  unhappy  prisoners.  None  were  ever 
seen  to  retiu'n  who  went  out  of  the  iuclosure.  Their  sad 
companions,  on  bidding  them  farewell,  wept  beforehand  over 
their  tragical  end,  and  lived  in  certain  expectation  of  a  similar 
fate.  At  length  the  lassitude  of  slaughter  caused  those  tliat 
remained  to  be  spared.  They  were  led  away  to  Cairo ;  and 
the  capital  of  Egypt,  into  which  tliey  had  flattered  them- 
selves they  should  enter  in  triumph,  beheld  them  arrive 
covered  with  rags  and  loaded  with  chains.  They  were 
thrown  into  dungeons,  where  many  died  of  hunger  and 
grief;  the  others,  condemned  to  slavery  in  a  foreign  land,  de- 
prived of  all  assistance  and  of  all  communication  with  their 
leaders,  without  knowing  what  was  become  of  their  king, 
were  hopeless  of  ever  recovering  their  liberty,  or  of  revisiting 
the  West. 

The  Oriental  historians  relate  the  scenes  we  have  just 
described  with  indifference  ;  many  even  seem  to  consider  the 
massacre  of  prisoners  of  war  as  a  second  victory ;  and,  as 
if  the  misfortune  and  murder  of  a  disarmed  enemy  could 
heighten  the  glory  of  a  conqueror,  they  exaggerate  in  tlieir 
accounts  the  misery  of  the  vancpiished,  and  particularly  the 
number  of  the  ^^c■tims  immolated  to  Islamism. 

The  barons  and  knights  that  were  shut  up  in  the  pavilion, 
were  not  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  their  companions  in  arms ; 
they  passed  their  days  and  nights  in  continual  terrors.  The 
sultan  wished  to  obtain  from  them  that  which  he  had  not 
been  able  to  obtain  from  Louis  IX.  He  sent  an  emir  to 
inform  them  that  he  would  set  them  at  liberty  if  Damietta 
and  the  Cliristian  cities  of  Palestine  were  restored  to  the 
IMussidmans.  The  count  of  Brittany  replied  in  the  name 
of  all  the  prisoners,  that  that  wliich  was  asked  of  them  was 
not  in  their  power,  and  that  French  warriors  had  no  other 
will  than  that  of  their  king.  "  It  is  plainly  to  be  perceived," 
said  the  messenger  of  Aliuoadam,  "  tliat  you  care  very  little 


436  HiSTOKy  OF  the  cuusades. 

for  liberty  or  life.  You  shall  see  some  men  accustomed  td 
sword-jylai/inq.' '  The  emir  retired,  leaving  the  prisoners  in  tlie 
expectation  of  an  early  death.  The  apparatus  of  punishment 
•was  exhibited  before  them.  The  sword  remained  several 
days  suspended  over  their  lieads  ;  but  Almoadam  could  make 
no  impression  upon  their  firmness.  Thus,  neither  the  cap- 
tivity of  an  entire  army,  nor  the  death  of  so  many  warriors, 
had  been  able  to  deprive  the  Christians  of  a  single  one  of 
their  conquests,  and  one  of  the  bulwarks  of  Egypt  was  still 
in  their  hands.  The  conquerors  prayed  and  threatened  by 
turns ;  the  conquered  resisted  all  their  endeavours,  and 
always  appeared  masters. 

In  the  mean  time  several  ♦French  nobles  offered  to  pay 
their  own  ransom.  Louis  was  informed  of  this ;  and  as  he 
feared  that  many,  not  having  the  means  to  redeem  them- 
selves, would  remain  in  chains,  he  forbade  any  particular 
treaty.  The  barons  and  knights,  but  latel}^  so  intractable, 
did  not  persist  in  opposing  the  will  of  an  uufortunate  king, 
and  instantly  gave  up  all  idea  of  a  separate  negotiation.  The 
king  said  he  would  pay  for  everybody,  and  that  he  would 
never  think  about  his  own  liberty  till  after  he  had  assured 
that  of  all  others. 

"Whilst  the  sultan  of  Cairo  was  thus  making  useless 
attempts  to  overcome  the  pride  and  lower  the  courage  of 
Louis  and  his  knights,  the  favourites  he  had  brought  with 
him  from  Mesopotamia  pressed  their  master  to  conclude  the 
peace  quickly.  "  You  have,"  said  they  to  him,  "  enemies 
much  more  dangerous  tlian  the  Christians ;  they  are  the 
emirs,  who  wish  to  reign  in  your  place,  and  who  never  cease 
to  boast  of  their  victories,  as  if  you  had  not  yourself  con- 
quered the  Franks,  as  if  the  Grod  of  Mahomet  had  not  sent 
])estilence  and  famine  to  aid  you  in  triumphing  over  the 
defenders  of  CJhrist:  hasten,  then,  to  terminate  the  war,  in 
order  that  you  may  strengtlien  yoiu-  power  within,  and  begin 
to  reign."  These  speeches,  which  flattered  the  pride  of 
Almoadam,  induced  him  to  malic  rather  more  reasonable 
proposals  to  his  enemies.  Tlie  sidtan  limited  his  demand  to 
a  ransom  of  a  million  of  golden  byzants,  and  the  restitution 
of  Damietta.  Louis,  aware  that  the  city  of  Damietta  could 
not  resist,  consented  to  the  proposals  that  were  made  tc 
him,  if' the  queen  approved  of  them.    As  tlie  Muss'dmans  ci 


HISTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  437 

pressed  some  surprise  at  this,  the  king  added,  "  Tlie  queen  it 
my  lady,  I  can  do  nothing  icitJiout  her  consent^  The  ministers 
of  the  sultau  returned  a  second  time,  and  told  the  French 
monarch,  tliat  if  the  queen  would  pay  the  sum  agreed  upon, 
he  should  be  free.  "  A  king  of  France,"  answered  he,  "  is 
not  to  be  redeemed  by  money ;  the  city  of  Damietta  shall 
be  given  up  for  my  deliverance,*  and  a  million  of  golden 
bvzants  paid  for  that  of  my  army."  The  sultan  agreed  to 
ail ;  and,  whether  he  was  pleased  at  having  terminated  the 
negotiations,  or  whether  he  was  touched  by  the  noble  cha- 
racter the  captive  monarch  had  displayed,  he  reduced  the 
sum  fixed  upon  as  the  ransom  of  the  Cliristian  army  a  fifth. 

The  knights  and  barons  were  still  ignorant  of  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty,  and  were  revolving  in  their  minds  their 
customary  melancholy  reflections,  when  they  saw  an  old 
Saracen  enter  their  pavilion.  His  venerable  figure  and  the 
gravity  of  his  carriage  inspired  respect.  His  train,  composed 
of  men-at-arms,  inspired  fear.  The  old  man,  without  any 
preliminary  discourse,  asked  the  prisoners,  by  means  of  an 
interpreter,  if  it  was  true  that  they  believed  in  a  God,  born 
of  a  woman,  crucified  for  the  salvation  of  the  human  race, 
and  resuscitated  the  third  day  ?  All  having  answered  at 
once  that  that  was  their  belief:  "  In  that  case,"  added  he, 
"  congratulate  yourselves  at  sutfering  for  your  God  ;  you  are 
yet  far  from  having  suffered  as  much  for  him  as  he  suf- 
fered for  you.  Place  your  hopes  in  him,  and  if  lie  has  been 
able  to  recall  himself  to  life,  he  will  not  want  power  to  puc 
an  end  to  tlie  evils  that  afflict  you  now." 

On  finisliing  these  words,  the  old  Mussulman  retired, 
leaving  the  Crusaders  divided  between  siu-prise,  fear,  and 
hope.  On  the  next  day  it  was  announced  to  them  that  the 
king  had  concluded  a  truce,  and  wished  to  take  counsel  of 
his  barons.  John  of  Vallery,  Philip  de  Montfort,  and  Guy 
and  Baldwin  d'Ibelin  were  deputed  to  wait  upon  the  king. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  Crusaders  learnt  that  their  cap- 
tivity was  about  to  end,  and  that  the  king  had  paid  the 
ransom  of  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich.     When  these  brave 

*  Joinville  speaks  of  a  sum  of  five  Imndred  thousand  livres.  Ducange 
has  made  a  dissertation  on  this  head,  that  gives  very  little  information  : — • 
in  the  first  place,  we  must  be  able  to  ascertain  what  was  then  the  value  o' 
500,000  livres  of  our  money. 


438  nisroTiT  of  the  ckusades. 

kniglits  turned  their  tliouglits  towards  their  victories,  they 
never  could  conceive  how  it  was  possible  for  them  to  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  infidels  ;  and  when  they  reflected 
on  their  late  misfortunes,  their  deliverance  appeared  equally 
miraculous  to  them.  All  raised  their  voices  in  praises  tc 
God  and  benedictions  to  the  king  of  France. 

All  the  cities  of  Palestine  that  had  belonged  to  the  Chris- 
tians at  the  an'ival  of  the  Crusaders  in  the  East,  were  com- 
prised in  the  treaty.  On  both  sides,  the  prisoners  of  war 
made  since  the  truce  concluded  between  the  emperor  Fre- 
derick and  Melik-Kamel,  were  to  be  given  np.  It  was  agreed, 
also,  that  the  munitions  and  machines  of  war  belonging  to 
the  Christian  army  should  remain  provisionally  at  Damietta, 
luider  the  safeguard  of  tlie  sultan  of  Egypt. 

It  next  became  the  object  to  perform  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty  of  peace.  Four  large  galleys  were  prepared  to  trans- 
port the  principal  prisoners  to  the  mouth  of  the  Nile.  The 
sultan  left  Mansourah,  and  repau'ed  to  Pharescour  by  land. 

After  the  battle  of  Minieh,  a  vast  palace,  built  of  fir 
timber,  of  which  tlie  chronicles  of  the  times  have  left  pom- 
pous descriptions,  had  been  erected  in  that  city.  It  was  in 
this  palace  Almoadam  received  the  felicitations  of  the  Mus- 
sulmans, upon  tlie  happy  issue  of  a  war  against  the  enemies 
of  Islamism.  All  tlie  cities,  all  the  principalities  of  Syria, 
sent  ambassadors  to  salute  the  conqueror  of  the  Christians. 
The  governor  of  Damascus,  to  whom  he  had  sent  a  helmet, 
found  on  the  field  of  battle,  tliat  had  belonged  to  tlie  king 
of  France,  replied  to  him  thus  :  "  There  is  no  doubt  that  God 
destines  for  you  the  conquest  of  the  universe,  or  that  you 
w  ill  proceed  from  vick)ry  to  victory  ;  who  can  doubt  of  this 
when  we  already  see  your  slaves  clothed  in  the  spoils  of  con- 
quered kings  ?"  Thus  the  young  sultan  imbibed  intoxi- 
cating draughts  of  praise,  and  passed  liis  time  in  the  festi- 
vities and  pleasures  of  peace,  forgetting  the  cares  of  his 
empire,  and  foreseeing  none  of  the  dangers  which  threatened 
him  amidst  his  triumphs. 

Almoadam  had  disgraced,  and  deprived  of  their  places, 
many  of  the  ministers  of  his  father  ;  most  of  the  emirs  were 
in  fear  of  a  similar  foil,  and  this  fear  even  led  them  to  brave 
everything  for  the  preservation  of  their  fortunes  and  their 
lives.      Among  tliese  malcontents,  the  Mamelukes  and  tlieif 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CKIJSADES.  439 

^eador  were  most  conspicuous.  This  military  body  owed 
their  origin  to  Saladiy,  and  they  had  enjoyed  the  greatest 
privileges  under  the  preceding  reign.  They  reproached  the 
sultau  with  preferring  young  favourites  to  old  warriors,  the 
support  of  the  throne  and  the  saviours  of  Egyplj^  They  re- 
proached him  witli  having  concluded  a  peace,  without  cons-ult 
ing  those  who  had  supported  the  burden  of  the  war ;  and  with 
Iiaving  bestowed  the  spoils  of  the  vanquished  upon  courtiers, 
who  had  only  deserved  them  by  coming  from  the  banks  of 
the  Euplu-ates  to  the  shores  of  the  Nile.  Inorder  to  justify 
beforehand  all  they  might  attempt  against  the  prince,  they 
attributed  to  him  projects  of  the  most  sinister  nature  ;  and 
nascent  rebellion  inflamed  itself  by  the  recital  of  futiu-e  per- 
secutions. The  emirs  who  were  to  die  were  designated ; 
the  instruments  of  death  were  named,  the  day  was  fixed, 
everything  was  appointed,  everything  was  ready.  It  was 
asserted  that  the  sultan,  in  the  course  of  one  of  his  nocturnal 
orgies,  had  cut  olf  the  tops  of  the  flambeaux  in  his  apart- 
ment, crying,  "Thus  shall  iiy  the  heads  of  all  the  Mamelukes." 
A  woman  animated  the  minds  of  the  warriors  by  her  dis- 
course :  this  was  Chegger-Eddour,  who,  having  disposed 
of  the  empire,  could  not  endure  the  neglect  of  the  new  sul- 
tan. Erom  complaints  they  soon  passed  to  open  revolt ; 
for  it  was  less  perilous  to  attack  the  prince  sword  in  hand, 
than  to  declaim  for  any  length  of  time  against  him.  A  con- 
spiracy was  formed,  in  which  the  Mamelukes  and  all  the 
emirs  who  had  outrages  to  avenge  or  to  fear  were  concerned. 
The  conspirators  were  impatient  to  execute  their  project, 
and  fearing  that  the  sultan,  if  once  arrived  at  Damietta, 
might  escape  them,  tliey  resolved  to  proceed  to  the  consum- 
mation at  Pharescour. 

The  galleys  which  transported  the  Christian  prisoners 
arrived  before  that  city.  Tlie  king  landed,  with  the  princes, 
his  brotliers,  and  was  received  in  a  pavilion,  where  he  had 
an  interview  with  the  sultan.  History  says  nothing  of  this 
conference  between  two  princes,  who  equally  commanded 
attention,  and  whose  position  was  so  difterent ;  the  one,  in- 
toxicated by  his  vicnries,  blinded  by  his  prosperities;  the 
other,  the  conqueror  of  ill-fortune,  coming  out  much  greater 
from  the  ordeal  of  adversity. 

The  two  sovereigns  had  appointed  Saturday,  the  eve  of 


440  HISTOET   or   THE    CEUSADES. 

the  Ascension,  for  the  giving  up  of  Damietta.     According  to 
this  convention,  the  Crusaders,  who  l^ad  heen  detained  more 
than  a  month  in  chains,  had  only  to  endure  the  pains  of 
captivity  three  days  longer ;  but  new  misfortunes  awaited 
them,  and  their  courage  and  resignation  were   doomed  to 
further  trials.     The   day  after  their  arrival  before  Phartrf- 
cour,  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  in  celebration  of  the  peace,  de- 
termined to  give  a  banquet  to  the  principal  ofhcers  of  tha 
Mussulman  army.     The  conspirators  took  advantage  of  this 
opportunity,  and,  towards  the  end  of  the  repast,  all  rushed 
Tipon  him,  sword  in  hand.     Bendocdar  struck  the  first  blow. 
Almoadam,  being  only  wounded  in  the  hand,  arises  in  a  state 
of  terrified  amazement,  escapes  through  his  motionless  guards, 
takes  refuge  in  a  tower,  shuts  the  door  of  it,  and  appears  at 
a  window,    sometimes   imploring   succour,   and    sometimes 
demanding  of  the  conspirators  what  they  required  of  him. 
The  envoy  of  the  caliph  of  Bagdad  was  at  Pharescour.     He 
mounted  on  horseback,  but  the  Mamelukes  threatened  him 
with  instant  death  if  he  did  not  return  to  his  tent.     At  the 
same  moment  some  drums  were  heard,  giving  the  signal  for 
assembling  the  troops  ;  but  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy  told 
the  soldiers  that  Damietta  was  taken,  and  immediately  the 
whole  army  precipitated  themselves  upon  the  road  to  that 
citv,  leaving  the  sultan  at  the  mercy  of  men  who  thirsted  for 
his  blood.     The  Mamelukes  accuse  and  threaten  him.     He 
endeavours  to  justify  himself;  but  his  words  are  drowned  in 
the  tumult.     A  tliousand  voices  cry  out  to  liim  to  descend  ; 
he  hesitates  ;  he  groans ;  he  weeps  ;  arrows  fly  against  the 
tower  in  sliowers;  the  Greek  tire,luirled  from  every  direction, 
gives  birth  to  a  conflagration.  Almoadam,  nearly  surrounded 
by  the  flames,  precipitates  himself  from  the  window ;  a  nail 
catches  his  mantle,  and  lie  remains  for  a  moment  suspended. 
At  length  he  falls  to  the  earth  ;  sabres  and  naked  swords 
wave  over  him  on  all  sides ;  he  casts  himself  on  lus  knees, 
at  the  feet  of  Octal,  one  of  the  principal  ofilcers  of  his  guard, 
who    repulses    hiiu  with  contempt.      The   unhappy  prince 
arises,  holding  forth  his  imploring  hands  to  all  the  assembly, 
saying,  that  he  was  willing  to  abandon  the  throne  of  Egypt, 
and  would  return  into  jNLesopotamia.     These  supplications, 
unworthy  of  a   prince,  inspire  more  contempt  than  pity ; 
uevertheless,  the  crowd  of  conspirators  hesitate  ;    but  I'le 


HISTORY    OF    TUE    CRU3ADE3.  441 

leaders  know  too  well  there  can  be  no  safety  for  tliem  but 
m  completing  the  crime  they  have  begun.  Bendocdar,  who 
had  indicted  the  fu'st  blow,  strikes  him  a  second  time  with 
his  sabre ;  Almoadam,  streaming  with  blood,  throws  himself 
into  the  jSfile,  and  endeavours  to  gain  some  vessels  that  ap- 
pear to  be  drawing  near  to  the  shore  to  receive  him  ;  nine 
jMamelukes  follow  him  into  the  water,  and  povn  upon  him 
a  thousand  blows,  within  sight  of  tlie  galley  which  Joinville 
was  on  board  of!  * 

Such  was  the  end  of  Almoadam,  who  neither  knew  how 
to  reign  nor  how  to  die.  Arabian  authors  point  it  out 
as  a  remarkable  circumstance,  that  he  perished  at  once  by 
the  sword,  fire,  and  water.  The  same  authors  agree  in 
saying,  that  he  himself  provoked  liis  ruin  by  his  impru- 
dence and  his  injustice.  But  oriental  history,  accustomed 
to  laud  success  and  blame  all  who  succumb,  repeats  the 
complaints  of  the  Mamelukes  without  examining  tliem  ; 
and,  passing  lightly  over  this  revolution,  contents  itself 
with  saying,  "  if7ien  God  wills  an  event,  he  jjrepares  the 
causes  beforehand.'^ 

The  Nde  and  its  shore  presented,  at  that  moment,  two 
very  different  spectacles :  on  one  side  was  a  prince,  whilst 
revelling  in  all  the  pomps  of  grandeur,  in  all  the  triumphs 
of  victory,  massacred  by  his  own  guards ;  on  the  other, 
an  unfortunate  king,  surrounded  by  his  knights,  as  un- 
fortunate as  himself,  inspiring  tliem  with  more  respect  in 
his  adversity  tlian  when  he  was  encompassed  with  all  tlie 
splendour  of  prosperity  and  power.  Tlie  French  knights 
and  barons,  althougli  they  had  been  victims  of  the  bar- 
barity of  the  sultan,  felt  more  astonishment  than  joy  at  the 
sight  of  his  tragical  death ;  they  could  not  comprehend 
the  murderous  attack  of  the  Mamelukes ;  and  these  revo- 
lutions of  military  despotism,  at  war  with  itself,  filled  them 
with  dread. 

After  this  sanguinary  scene,  thirty  Saracen  ofBcers,  sword 
in  hand  and  battle-axes  on  their  shoulders,  entered  the  galley 
in  which  were  the  counts  of  Brittany  and  de  Montfort, 
Baldwin  and  Guy  d'lbelin,  and  the  sieur  de  Joinville.    These 

*  The  coiitinuator  of  Tabary  and  the  History  of  St.  Lonis,  b} 
Joinville,  furnish  information  upon  this  event.  Their  accounts  agre« 
exactly. 


44-2  HISTOUT    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

furious  men  vomited  imprecations,  and  tlireatening  the 
prisoners  with  both  voice  and  gesture,  made  them  believe 
that  their  last  hour  was  come.  The  Christian  warriors  pre- 
pared themselves  for  death,  and  tlirowing  themselves  on  their 
knees  before  a  monk  of  the  Trinity,  asked  him  for  absolution 
of  their  sins ;  but  as  the  priest  could  not  hear  them  all  at 
once,  they  confessed  to  each  other.  Gruy  d'Ibelin,  constable 
of  Cyprus,  confessed  to  Joinville,  who  gave  him  "such  absolu- 
tion as  Grod  had  given  him  the  power  to  give."  It  was  thus, 
in  after-times,  history  represents  the  Chevalier  Bayard, 
wounded  to  death,  and  ready  to  expire,  confessing  himseit 
at  the  foot  of  an  oak  to  one  of  his  faithful  companions  in 
arms.* 

But  these  menaces  and  violences  of  the  emirs  might  have 
a  politic  aim.  At  the  conclusion  of  a  conspiracy  that  had 
divided  men's  minds,  in  order  to  awaken  fresh  passions,  it 
was  necessary  for  the  leaders  to  excite  the  fanaticism  of  the 
multitude,  and  direct  the  general  fury  against  the  Christians. 
It  was  important  for  them  to  make  others  believe,  and  they 
might  have  believed  it  themselves,  that  Almoadam  had 
endeavoured  to  find  an  asylum  amongst  the  enemies  of 
Islamism. 

The  lords  and  barons  did  not  meet  with  the  fate  they  ex- 
pected ;  but  as  if  their  understanding  with  Almoadam  had 
been  really  dreaded,  they  were  thrust  into  the  hold  of  the 
vessel,  where  they  passed  the  niglit  with  the  terrible  images 
of  death  constantly  before  their  eyes. 

Louis,  shut  up  in  his  tent  with  his  brothers,  had  heard 
the  tumult.  In  ignorance  of  what  was  passing,  he  concluded 
that  either  they  were  massacring  the  French  prisoners,  or 
else  that  Damietta  was  taken.  He  was  a  prey  to  a  thousand 
terrors,  when  he  saw  Octa'i,  the  chief  of  tlie  Mamelukes, 
enter  his  tent.  This  emir  ordered  the  guards  to  retire,  and 
pointing  t)  his  bloody  sword,  exclaimed:  "  Almoadam  is  no 
more ;  what  will  you  give  me  for  having  delivered  you  from 
an  enemy  who  meditated  youi"  destruction  as  well  as  ours  ?" 
Louis  made  no  reply.     Then  the  furious   emir,  presenting 

*  Would  not  the  death  of  the  accomplis^hed  Sidney  assort  worthily  with 
these  pictures,  as  not  only  exemplifying  the  good  and  true  knight,  but 
the  Christian  hero,  imbued  with  charity,  the  great  principle  of  the  Gospel  ? 
—Trains. 


HISTORY   OF    THE    CEUSIDES.  443 

the  point  of  his  sword,  cried,  "  Dost  thou  not  Vnow  that  I 
am  mast3r  of  thy  person  ?  Make  me  a  knight,  or  thou  art 
a  dead  man."  "  Make  thyself  a  Christian,"  replied  the 
monarch,  "and  I  ■will  make  thee  a  knight."*  Without  in- 
sisting further,  Octa'i  retired,  and  in  a  very  short  time  the 
tent  of  the  king  was  filled  with  Saracen  warriors,  armed  with 
sabres  and  swords.  Tlieir  demeanour,  their  cries,  tlie  fury 
painted  on  their  countenances,  announced  sufficiently  that 
they  liad  just  committed  a  great  crime,  and  that  they  were 
ready  to  commit  others  ;  but  by  a  species  of  miracle,  changing, 
all  at  once,  botli  countenance  and  language  at  tlie  sight  of 
the  king,  they  approached  him  with  respect ;  then,  as  if  tliey 
felt  in  the  presence  of  Louis  the  necessity  for  justifying 
themselves,  they  told  him  that  they  had  been  forced  to  kill 
a  tyrant,  who  aimed  at  their  destruction  as  well  as  that  of 
the  Christians ;  now,  they  added,  they  had  only  to  forget 
the  past ;  all  they  required  for  the  future  was  the  faithful 
execution  of  the  treaty  concluded  with  Almoadam.  Then 
lifting  their  hands  to  their  turbans,  and  bending  their  browa 
to  the  ground,  they  retired  in  silence,  and  left  the  monarch 
in  a  state  of  astonishment  at  seeing  them  thus  pass,  all  at 
once,  from  transports  of  rage  to  sentiments  apparently  the 
most  respectful. 

This  singular  scene  has  made  some  historians  say  that  the 
Mamelukes  offered  the  tin-one  of  Egypt  to  St.  Louis.  This 
opinion  has  rather  gained  ground  in  our  days,  so  easy  is  it 
for  us  to  give  faith  to  everything  that  appears  flivourable  to 
the  glory  of  the  French  name.  The  sieur  de  Joinville,  who 
is  quoted  in  support  of  this  assertion,  only  relates  a  con- 
versation he  had  held  with  Louis.  The  king  asked  him  what 
he  thought  he  ought  to  have  done,  in  case  the  emirs  had 
offered  him  the  supreme  authority.  The  good  seneschal  con- 
ceived it  was  not  possible  to  accept  a  crown  from  the  h  nda 
of  those  seditious  emirs,  who  had  killed  their  sovereign. 
Louis  was  not  of  this  opinion,  and  said  that,  truly,  if  they 

*  Tliis  is  really  cne  of  tliose  tales  that  require  "  seven  justices'  names" 
to  vouch  tor  tlifir  authenticity.  How  such  a  man,  at  such  a  time,  could 
be  ambitious  of  the  honour  of  knightliood,  it  is  very  difficult  to  imagine. 
But  when  we  recollect  tiiat  the  evidence  of  sixty- five  miracles  performed 
by  him,  was  prodaced  to  procure  his  canonization,  we  must  not  be  seep, 
teal  in  what  regards  Louis  IX. — Trans. 


444  HISTOET    OF    THE    CHUSADE3. 

had  proposed  to  liim  to  become  the  successor  of  the  sultan, 
he  would  uot  in  the  least  have  refused  to  be  so  (il  ne  Veiit 
mie  refuse).*  These  words  alone  prove  sufficiently  that  they 
had  proposed  nothing  to  the  captive  monarch.  Joinville,  it 
is  true,  adds  to  this  recital,  that  according  tc  reports  that 
were  circuJated  in  the  Christian  army,  the  emirs  had  caused 
the  trumpets  to  be  sounded  and  the  drums  to  be  beaten 
before  the  tent  of  the  king  of  France,  and  that  at  the  same 
time  they  deliberated  among  'themselves,  whether  it  would 
not  be  best  to  break  the  chains  of  their  prisoner,  and  make 
him  their  sovereign.  The  sieur  de  Joinville  relates  this  fact, 
without  affirming  it ;  and  as  oriental  history  preserves  the 
most  profound  silence  upon  it,  an  historian  of  the  present 
day  cannot  adopt  it  without  compromising  his  veracity.  It 
is,  without  doubt,  ])ossible  that  the  emirs  might  have  ex- 
pressed the  desire  of  having  a  prince  amongst  them  possessed 
of  the  firmness,  bravery,  and  virtues  of  Louis  IX.  ;  but  how- 
can  it  be  believed  that  Mussulmans,  animated  by  the  double 
fanaticism  of  religion  and  war,  could  liave,  for  a  moment, 
entertained  a  thought  of  choosing  an  absolute  master  among 
the  Christians,  whom  they  had  just  treated  with  imexampled 
barbarity ;  and  thus  place  their  property,  their  liberty,  their 
lives  in  the  hands  of  the  most  implacable  enemies  of  their 
country,  their  laws,  and  their  faith  ? 

The  supreme  power,  of  which  the  emirs  liad  shown  them- 
selves to  be  so  jealous,  and  which  tliey  had  wrested  with  so 
mucli  violence  from  the  hands  of  Almoadam,  appeared  at 
first  to  terrify  their  ambition,  when  they  had  it  in  their 
poAver  to  dispose  of  it.  In  a  council  called  to  nominate  a 
sidtan,  the  wisest  declined  to  rule  over  a  country  filled  with 

*  We  hail  at  first  consulted  the  edition  of  Ducange  ;  and  we  have  been 
surprised  to  find  an  account  and  expressi'ms  totally  different  in  that  of 
Caperonier,  otherwise  called  the  edition  of  the  Louvre  ;  however  this  may 
be,  we  cannot  conclude,  from  either  one  version  or  the  other,  that  any 
jiroposal  of  the  kind  was  made  to  Louis  IX.  [As  the  reader  may  like, 
without  tiouble,  to  see  the  opinion  of  our  great  historian  upon  this  in- 
teresting subje<;t,  I  venture  to  subjoin  it  : — "  The  idea  of  the  emirs  to 
choose  Louis  for  their  sultan  is  seriously  attested  by  Joinville,  pp.  77-78, 
and  does  not  appear  to  me  so  abs-urd  as  to  M.  de  Voltaire.  The  Mame- 
lukes tiiemselvi's  were  strangers,  rebels,  and  equals  ;  they  had  felt  his 
valour,  they  hoped  for  his  conversion  ;  and  such  a  motion,  which  was  not 
seconded,  might  be  made  perhaps  by  a  secret  Christian,  in  their  tumul. 
tuous  assembly." — Gibbon.] — Trans. 


UlSTOKi'    OF    TJIE   CULSADKS.  445 

troubles,  or  command  an  army  given  up  to  the  spirit  of 
sedition.  Upon  their  refusal,  the  cronu  was  given  to 
Chegger-Eddour,  who  had  had  so  great  a  share,  first  in  the 
elevation,  and  then  in  the  fall  of  Alraoadam.  As  governor 
with  her,  in  the  quality  of  Atabec,  they  chose  Ezz-Eddin 
Aybek,  who  had  been  brouglit  a  slave  into  Egypt,  and 
whose  barbarous  origin  prociu'ed  him  the  surname  of  the 
Turcoman, 

The  new  sultana  soon  arrived  at  Pharescour,  and  was  pro- 
claimed under  the  name  of  Mostassemieh  Salehieh,  queen  of 
the  Mussulmans,  mother  of  ALalek-Almansor  Khalil.  Alman- 
sor  Khalil,  a  young  prince,  the  son  of  Negmeddin,  had  pre- 
ceded his  father  to  the  tomb.  Thus  finished  the  p>owerful 
dynasty  of  the  Ayoubites,  a  dynasty  founded  by  victory,  and 
overturned  by  an  army  which  the  pride  of  victory  had  ren- 
dered seditious.  AVhilst  they  were  thus  forming  a  new- 
government,  the  body  of  Almoadam  was  abandoned  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nile,  where  it  remained  two  days  without  sepul- 
ture. The  ambassador  from  the  caliph  of  Bagdad  at  length 
obtained  permission  to  bury  it,  and  deposited  in  an  obscure 
place  the  sad  remains  of  the  last  successor  of  ISaladin. 

Tlie  elevation  of  Chegger-Eddour  astonished  the  Mussul- 
mans ;  the  name  of  a  woman  or  of  a  slave  had  never  till  that 
time  been  seen  engraved  upon  the  coins,  or  pronounced  in 
public  prayers.  The  caliph  of  Bagdad  protested  against  tlie 
scandal  of  this  innovation  ;  and  when  lie  afterwards  wrote  to 
the  emirs,  he  asked  them  if  they  had  not  been  able  to  find  a 
single  man  in  all  Egypt  to  govern  them.  The  supremo 
authority,  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  woman,  could  neither 
restrain  the  passions  which  troubled  the  empire,  nor  cause 
treaties  to  be  respected ;  which  became  very  fatal  to  the 
Cliristiaus,  condemned  to  sufter  by  turns  from  the  revolt  and 
the  submission,  from  the  union  and  the  discord  of  their 
enemies. 

Among  the  emirs,  some  wished  that  the  treaty  concluded 
with  the  sultan  should  be  executed ;  whilst  others  were  de- 
sirous tliat  a  fresh  one  should  be  made  :  many  were  indignant 
that  the  Christians  should  be  treated  with  at  all.  After  long 
debates,  they  returned  to  that  which  had  been  done  at  first, 
adding  to  it  the  condition  that  the  king  of  France  should 
give  up  Damietta  before  he  was  set  at  liberty,  and  that  ha 


4tiQ  nisTOKr  of  the  cuusadis. 

should  pay  half  of  the  sum  agreed  upon  for  the  ransom  of 
himself  and  his  army,  before  he  left  the  banks  of  the  Nile. 
These  last  conditions  announced  the  mistrust  of  the  emirs, 
and  might  give  the  Christian  prisoners  reason  to  fear  that 
the  day  of  their  deliverance  was  not  yet  arrived. 

When  the  observance  of  the  treaty  was  to  be  sworn  to, 
the  forms  of  the  oaths  caused  some  discussion.  The  emirs 
swore  that  if  they  failed  in  their  promises,  "  they  consented 
to  be  jeered  at  like  the  pilgrim  who  makes  the  journey  to 
Mecca  bareheaded ;  or  else  to  be  as  much  despised  as  he  who 
takes  back  his  women  after  having  left  them."  The  MusslJ- 
maus,  according  to  their  manners  and  customs,  had  no  more 
solemn  expression  with  which  to  guarantee  their  sworn  faith. 
They  proposed  to  Louis  JX.  the  following  formula  :  "  If  I 
keep  not  my  oath,  I  shall  be  like  to  him  who  denies  his  God, 
who  spits  upon  the  cross,  and  tramples  it  under-foot."  This 
formula  of  the  oath  which  they  wished  the  king  to  take, 
appeared  to  him  to  be  an  insult  to  Grod  and  himself.  He 
refused  to  pronounce  it.  In  vain  the  emirs  showed  their 
anger  and  their  passion  ;  he  braved  all  their  menaces.  This 
resistance  of  St.  Louis,  celebrated  by  his  contemporaries, 
will  not  perhaps  obtain  the  same  eulogies  in  the  age  we  now 
live  in  ;  nevertheless  it  must  be  considered  that  the  king  was 
not  only  restrained  on  this  occasion  by  the  scruples  of  an  ex- 
aggerated devotion,  but  by  a  feeling  of  royal  dignity.  It  may 
be  remembered,  that  in  the  third  crusade,  Eichard  and  Saladin 
had  judged  it  unworthy  of  the  majesty  of  kings  to  degrade 
their  word  to  the  formula  of  an  oath  ;  and  had  been  satisfied 
with  a  touch  of  the  hand,  to  cement  the  peace.  Seditious 
emirs,  still  stained  with  the  blood  of  their  master,  might 
undervalue  the  dignity  of  the  supreme  rank ;  but,  on  im- 
portant occasions,  Louis  never  forgot  he  was  a  great  king ; 
and  the  supposition  of  a  perjury,  the  tho\ight  even  of  a 
blasphemy,  could  not  ally  itself  in  his  mind  with  the  charac- 
ter of  a  Christian  prince  and  of  a  king  of  France. 

The  Mussulmans,  irritated  at  seeing  a  king  in  festers  dic- 
tate laws  to  them,  and  resist  all  their  demands,  began  to  talk 
of  putting  him  to  death  accompanied  by  toi-tures.  "  You 
are  masters  of  my  body,"  he  replied,  "  but  you  have  no  power 
over  my  will."  The  princes,  his  brothers,  implored  him  to 
pronounce  the  required  f^  rmula;  but  he  was  as  firm  against 


aiSTOEY    or    THE    CHUSADE8.  447 

the  entreaties  of  friendship  and  affection,  as  he  had  been 
against  the  threats  of  his  enemies.  Even  the  exhortations 
of  the  prelates  had  no  more  effect.  At  length  the  Mame- 
lukes, attributing  such  an  obstinate  resistance  to  the  pa- 
triarch of  Jerusalem,  seized  this  prelate,  who  was  more  than 
eighty  years  of  age,  fastened  him  to  a  post,  and  tied  liis 
hands  behind  him  so  tightly,  tliat  the  blood  sprang  from 
beneath  the  nails.  The  patriarch,  overcome  by  the  pain, 
cried,  "  Sire !  Sire  !  swear ;  I  will  take  the  sin  upon  myself." 
But  Louis,  who  was  tliroughout  persuaded  that  they  insulted 
his  good  faitli,  and  that  they  demanded  of  him  a  thing  unjust 
and  dishonourable,  remained  immovable.  The  emirs,  at 
length  subdued  by  so  much  firmness,  consented  to  accept 
the  simple  word  of  the  king,  and  retired,  saying  that  "  this 
Frank  prince  was  the  most  haughty  Chi'istian  that  had  ever 
been  seen  in  the  East." 

All  now  gave  their  attention  to  the  execution  of  the  treaty. 
The  galleys,  on  board  of  which  were  the  prisoners,  heaved 
their  anchors,  and  descended  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Nile  ; 
the  IMussulraan  army  accompanying  them  by  land.  The 
Christians  were  to  deliver  up  Damietta  the  next  morning  at 
daybreak.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  trouble,  conster- 
nation, and  des])air  that  reigned  in  the  city  throughout  tlie 
night.  The  unfortunate  inhabitants  ran  about  the  streets, 
asking  eaeli  otlier  questions,  and  communicating  their  fears 
with  breathless  anxiety.  The  most  sinister  reports  prevailed  ; 
it  was  said  tliat  tlie  wliole  of  the  Christian  army  had  been 
massacred  by  the  Mussulmans,  and  that  the  king  of  France 
was  poisoned.  When  they  received  orders  to  evacuate  the 
place,  most  of  the  warriors  declared  aloud  that  they  would 
not  obey,  and  that  they  preferred  dying  on  the  ramparts  to 
being  slaughtered  as  prisoners  of  war. 

At  the  same  time  excitement  began  to  prevail  in  the 
Mussulman  army.  It  was  whispered  that  the  king  of  France 
refused  to  execute  the  treaty,  and  that  he  had  ordered  the 
garrison  of  Damietta  to  defend  themselves.  The  soldiers 
and  their  leaders  repented  of  having  made  a  truce  with  the 
Franks,  and  appeared  determined  to  take  advantage  of  the 
least  pretext  for  breaking  it. 

The  commissioners  of  Louis  IX.,  liowever,  at  length  per- 
suaded the  Christians  of  Damietta   to   evac  iate   the  citv. 


448  nisToEY  OE  the  crvsades. 

Queen  Marguerite,  scarcely  recovered  from  her  confinement, 
went  on  board  a  Genoese  vessel.  She  was  accompanied  by 
the  duchess  of  Anjou,  the  countess  of  Poictiers,  and  the 
inihappy  widow  of  the  count  d'Artois,  who,  amidst  present 
calamities,  still  wept  over  the  first  misfortune  of  the  war. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  niglit,  Olivier  de  Thermes,  who  com- 
manded the  garrison,  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  the  pope's 
legate,  and  all  the  Franks,  except  the  sick  that  remained  in 
the  city,  embarked  on  the  Nile. 

Geoffrey  de  Sergines  having  entered  Damietta,  brought 
the  keys  to  the  emirs  ;  and  wlien  day  broke,  the  Mussulman 
standards  were  seen  floating  over  the  towers  and  ramparts. 
At  sight  of  this,  the  whole  Egyptian  army  rushed  tumul- 
tuously  into  the  city.  The  reports  that  had  been  circulated 
during  the  night,  had  excited  the  fury  of  the  soldiers,  and 
they  entered  Damietta  as  if  the  opening  of  the  gates  had 
been  the  result  of  a  sanguinary  contest ;  they  massacred  the 
sick  wherever  they  found  them,  they  pillaged  the  liouses, 
and  gave  to  the  fiames  the  machines  of  war,  the  arms,  and 
all  the  munitions  that  belonged  to  the  Christians. 

This  early  violation  of  the  treaty,  the  intoxication  of  car- 
nage, and  the  impiuiity  of  license,  only  served  to  inflame  stiU 
further  the  minds  of  tlie  Mussulmans,  and  to  lead  them  to 
greater  excesses.  The  emirs,  partaking  of  the  fury  of  the 
soldiers,  formed  tlie  idea  of  putting  all  the  Christian  prisoners 
to  death.  The  galleys  in  which  the  French  barons  and 
knights  were  crowded,  immediately  received  orders  to  re- 
ascend  the  river  towards  Pharescour,  "  which  caused  great 
grief  amongst  us,"  says  Joinville,  "  and  many  tears  issued 
from  our  eyes  ;  for  we  all  believed  they  were  about  to 
kill  us." 

Whilst  the  galleys  re-ascended  the  Nile,  the  Mussulman 
leaders  deliberated  in  council  upon  the  fate  of  the  king  of 
France  and  the  French  warriors.  "  Now  we  are  masters  of 
Damietta,"  said  one  of  the  emirs,  "  and  a  powerful  monarch 
of  the  Franks,  with  the  bravest  of  his  warriors,  may  receive 
from  our  hands  death  or  liberty.  Fortune  offers  us  an 
opportunity  of  securing  peace  to  Egypt  for  ever,  and  with 
it  tlie  triumph  of  Islamism.  We  have  shed  the  blood  of 
Mussidman  princes  without  scruple ;  why  sliould  we  then 
ri-piKvt  tliat  of  Christian  princes,  who  have  come  into  the 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRU3ADES.  449 

East  to  sot  fire  to  our  cities  and  reduce  our  provinces  to 
slavery  ?"  This  opiuion  was  that  of  the  people  and  the 
armv  ;  and  most  of  the  emirs,  actuated  by  the  general  spirit, 
held  similar  language.  An  emir  of  Mauritania,  whose  name 
Joinville  has  not  preserved,  opposed,  almost  alone,  this 
violation  of  the  laws  of  war  and  peace.  "  You  have,"  said 
he,  "  put  to  death  your  prince,  whom  tlie  Koran  commands 
you  to  cherish  as  the  apple  of  your  eye.  This  death  might, 
doubtless,  be  necessary  for  your  own  safety  ;  but  what  can 
you  expect  from  the  action  that  is  proposed  to  you,  except 
the  anger  of  God  and  the  maledictions  of  men  ?"  This 
speech  was  interrupted  by  murmurs  ;  the  language  of  reason 
only  added  heat  to  hatred  and  fanaticism.  As  violent 
passions  are  never  at  a  loss  for  motives  of  self-justification, 
or  for  excuses  for  their  excesses,  the  Crusaders  were  accused 
of  perfidy,  treachery,  and  all  the  crimes  that  they  tliemselves 
contemplated  against  them.  There  was  no  imputation  that 
did  not  appear  probable,  consequently  no  violence  that  did 
not  appear  just.  "  If  the  Koran  ordered  Mussulmans  to 
watch  over  the  lives  of  their  princes,  it  likeAvise  commanded 
them  to  watch  over  the  preservation  of  the  Mussulman 
faith :  death  ought  to  be  the  reward  of  those  who  came  to 
bring  death,  and  their  bones  ought  to  whiten  upon  the  same 
plains  that  tliey  had  laid  waste.  The  safety  of  Egypt  and 
the  laws  of  the  prophet  required  that  it  should  be  so." 

After  a  very  stormy  deliberation,  the  terrible  sentence  of 
the  captives  was  about  to  be  pronounced  ;  but  cupidity  came 
to  the  aid  of  justice  and  humanity;*  the  emir  who  had 
spoken  in  favour  of  the  Christian  prisoners,  had,  in  his 
speech,  more  than  once  repeated  the  words,  Dead  men  pay  no 
ransom ;  and  they  at  length  acknowledged  that  the  sword, 
by  immolating  the  Crusaders,  would  only  rob  victory  of  its 
dues,  and  deprive  the  conquerors  of  the  fruit  of  their  labours. 
This  observation  at  length  calmed  the  minds  of  the  assem- 
bly, and  brought  about  a  change  of  opinions.  The  fear  of 
losing  eight  hundred  thousand  golden  byzants  caused  tlie 

*  If  we  compare  this  council  with  that  of  the  Christians  which  sat  after 
the  taking  of  Jt-rusalem,  atid  the  results  of  both,  we  shall  be  less  incUiifd 
to  blame  the  hesitation  of  the  Mnssulnwns.  The  Crusaders  were  tlie 
invaders  of  the  country  of  the  Mussulmans,  the  assailants  of  their  faith- 
can  it  be  wondered  at  if  ihey  awakened  vindictive  passions  ? — Trans. 

Vol.  II.— 20 


450  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSABES. 

treaty  to  be  respected,  and  saved  the  lives  of  the  "ling  of 
Prance  and  his  companions  in  inisfortuue. 

The  emirs  issued  orders  for  the  galleys  to  be  brouglit  back 
towards  Damietta.  The  Mamelukes  appeared,  all  at  once, 
to  be  governed  by  the  most  pacific  sentiments ;  and,  as  it  is 
natural  for  the  multitude  to  pass  from  one  extreme  to 
another,  they  treated  with  all  the  attentions  of  hospitality 
the  very  men  whom,  a  few  hours  before,  they  had  wished  to 
put  to  death.  On  their  arrival  before  the  city,  the  prisoners 
were  treated  with  fritters  cooked  in  the  sun,  and  with  hard 
eggs,  "which,"  says  Joinville,  "in  honour  of  our  persons, 
were  painted  of  various  colours." 

The  knights  and  barons  at  length  had  permission  to  leave 
the  ships  that  had  been  their  prisons,  to  go  and  join  the 
king,  whom  many  of  them  had  not  seen  since  the  disaster  of 
Minieh.  As  they  left  their  vessels,  Louis  was  marching 
towards  the  mouth  of  the  Nile,  escorted  by  Mussulman  war- 
riors ;  an  innumerable  multitude  followed  him,  and  contem- 
plated, in  silence,  the  features,  the  bearing,  and  the  arms  of 
the  Christian  monarch.  A  Genoese  galley  awaited  him  ;  as 
soon  as  he  was  on  board,  eighty  archers,  with  their  cross- 
bows strung,  appeared  suddenly  upon  the  deck  of  the  vessel  • 
the  crowd  of  Egyptians  immediately  dispersed,  and  the  ship 
glided  away  from  the  shore.  Louis  had  with  him  the  count 
of  Anjou,  the  count  de  Soissons,  Geoffrey  de  Sergines,  Philip 
de  Nemours,  and  the  seneschal  de  Joinville.  The  count  of 
Poictiers  remained  as  a  hostage  in  Damietta,  until  the  pay- 
ment of  the  four  hundred  thousand  golden  byzants,  which  the 
king  ought  to  have  paid  to  the  emirs  before  he  put  to  sea, 
should  be  completed.  Louis  had  not  enough  by  thirty 
thousand  livres ;  this  sum  was  requested  of  the  Templars, 
wlio,  to  the  great  scandal  of  the  lords  and  barons,  at  first 
refused  it.  They  were  threatened  with  being  forced  to  fur- 
nish it ;  and  then  complied.  The  amount  stipulated  in  the 
treaty  was  paid  to  the  Saracens.  The  count  of  Poictiers 
had  left  Damietta,  and  everything  was  ready  for  the  depar- 
ture of  the  Crusaders,  when  Philip  de  Montfort,  who  had 
been  directed  to  make  the  payment,  returned  to  give  an 
account  of  his  mission,  and  told  the  king  that  he  had  con- 
trived to  cheat  the  emirs  out  of  ten  thousand  livres.  Louis 
expressed  himself  much  dissatisfied  with  such  a  proceedi;;g, 


HISTOET    OF    THE    CRUS.VDE3.  45i 

and  sent  Philip  de  Montfort  ba^-K  to  Damietta,  to  make  res* 
titution  of  tlie  money  he  had  kept  back — a  lesson  of  justice 
which  he  wished  to  give  to  both  his  enemies  and  his  servants. 
This  last  mission  is  spoken  of  by  an  Arabian  author,  who 
attributes  it  to  a  very  whimsical  and  singidar  motive.  He 
says  that  Philip  de  Montfort  was  sent  to  the  emii's  to  tell 
them  thfit  they  were  deficient  in  religion  and  good  sense  ;  in 
religion,  because  they  had  murdered  their  sovereign  ;  in  good 
sense,  because,  for  a  moderate  sum,  they  had  released  a 
powerful  prince,  wlio  would  have  given  half  of  his  kingdom 
to  recover  his  liberty.  This  explanation,  however  improbable 
it  may  be,  at  least  serves  to  inform  us  of  the  opinion  then 
common  in  the  East,  that  the  Egyptian  emirs  were  re- 
proached with  having  destroyed  their  sultan,  and  allowed  their 
enemy  to  escape. 

Louis  IX.,  with  the  miserable  wreck  of  bis  army,  soon 
passed  out  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nile,  and  in  a  few  days 
arrived  at  Ptolemais,  where  tlie  people  and  the  clergy  were 
still  putting  up  prayers  for  his  deliverance. 

The  Egyptians  celebrated  the  restitution  of  Damietta 
with  public  rejoicings  ;  the  Mussulman  army  broke  up  their 
camp,  and  returned  towards  the  capital.  The  sultana, 
Chegger-Eddour,  caused  vests  of  gold  and  silver  to  be  dis- 
tributed to  the  leaders,  and  her  liberality  even  extended  to 
the  soldiers.  An  Arabian  poet  composed  some  verses  upon 
this  occasion,  which  history  has  preserved,  and  which  contain 
the  remarkable  passage  that  follows  : — 

"When  thou  shalt  see  this  Frenchman  (the  king  of  France),  tell  him 
these  words  from  the  mouth  of  a  sincere  friend  ; 

"  Thou  earnest  into  Egypt,  thou  covetedest  its  riches  ;  thou  believedgt 
that  its  poA'ers  would  fade  away  as  smoke. 

"  Behold  now  thine  army  !  see  how  thy  imprudent  conduct  has  pre- 
cipitated it  into  the  bosom  of  the  tomb  ! 

"  Fifty  thousand  men  !  and  not  one  that  is  not  either  killed,  a  prisoner, 
or  covered  with  wounds  ! 

"  And  if  he  should  be  ever  tempted  to  come  to  avenge  his  lefeat ;  if 
any  motive  should  bring  him  back  to  these  places  ; 

"  Tell  him,  that  the  house  of  the  son  of  Lnkman  is  reserved  for  hiao  ; 
that  he  will  sti:l  find  there  both  his  chains  and  the  eunuch  Sabyh."  * 


*  These  Arabian  verses  were  translated  by  M.   I'Abbe    Renard.     Se« 
UExtrait  d'Abulfeda,  vol.  "i. 


^52  lusTOBy  or  the  cuusABiis. 

Wliilrft  Louis  IX.  was  landing  at  Ptoleniais,  general  con 
sternation  prevailed  in  the  West;  as  it  always  happens  in 
distant  wars,  fome  had  spread  the  most  extraordinary  reports 
relative  to  the  expedition  of  tlie  Crusaders.  At  tirst  it  was 
believed  that  the  Christian  standards  were  floating  from  the 
walls  of  Cairo  and  Alexandria ;  but  to  these  news  otlier 
rumours  soon  succeeded,  announcing  great  disasters.  The 
most  marvellous  accounts  had  found  plenty  of  credulous 
minds  in  France  to  receive  them ;  they  refused  to  believe  in 
reverses,  and  the  first  who  spoke  of  them  were  given  up  to 
the  hands  of  justice,  as  enemies  of  religion  and  of  the  king- 
dom. The  sinister  reports,  however,  were  not  long  in  being 
contirmed  ;  the  people  passed  from  the  excess  of  joy  to  the 
excess  of  grief;  there  was  not  a  family  in  the  kingdom  that 
had  not  to  deplore  a  loss  in  the  disasters  of  which  they 
acquired  the  painful  certainty.  But  for  the  French,  that 
which  rendered  so  many^  misfortunes  irreparable,  and  for 
which  no  one  coidd  find  consolation,  was  the  captivity  of  the 
king !  Dances,  festivals,  spectacles,*  everything  that  bore 
the  air  of  joy  or  pleasui-e,  was  forbidden  :  the  kingdom, 
plunged  in  sorrow  and  abasement,  appeared,  all  at  once,  to 
be  like  one  of  those  cities  of  which  the  Scripture  speaks, — 
thieatened  with  the  wrath  of  Grod,  they  gave  themselves  up 
to  grief,  and  covered  themselves  with  the  mourning  garb  of 
penitence. 

The  whole  Church  deplored  so  great  a  misfortune  with 
torrents  of  tears ;  the  father  of  the  faithful  was  nearly  in 
despair  for  the  safety  of  Christendom.  He  addressed  letters 
filled  with  affliction  to  all  the  prelates  of  the  West.  He 
ordered  the  clergy  to  put  up  public  prayers  ;  he  exhorted  the 
faithful  to  take  up  arms.  Innocent  wrote  to  Blanche  to 
console  her,  and  to  Louis  to  sustain  him  in  his  adversity. 
When  iddressing  the  king  of  France,  he  is  astonished  at 
fijiding  one  man  oppressed  by  so  many  calamities,  and  en- 
dowed with  so  many  virtues ;  and  demands  of  Grod  what 
justice  had  been  able  to  find  in  the  most  Christian  of  kings, 
which  deserved  to  be  expiated  by  misfortunes  so  great. 

England  was  likewise  much  afflicted  by  the  capti\aty  of 
the  Frencli  monarch  ;  the  barons  and  knights  were  indignant 

*  Matthew  Paris  gives  curious  details  upon  the  effects  produced  by  t'le 
news  of  the  captivity  of  the  king. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES,  453 

fcowards  their  king  for  having  prevented  them  from  going 
into  the  East  to  share  the  perils  of  the  Crusaders.  The 
king  of  Castile,  then  at  war  with  the  Moors,  was  sensible 
only  of  the  evils  of  the  Christians  beyond  the  seas,  and 
swore  to  go  and  fight  with  the  victorious  infidels  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nile  or  the  Jordan.  No  monarch  of  the  West 
expressed  more  grief  than  Frederick  II.,  emperor  of  Ger- 
many ;  in  his  letters  he  spoke  of  the  king  of  France  as  hia 
best  friend,  and  deplored  the  disasters  of  the  crusade  with 
bitterness.  Frederick,  still  at  variance  with  the  pope,  did 
not  neglect  this  opportunity  of  accusing  Innocent,  whom  he 
reproached  with  the  ruin  of  the  Christians.  Frederick  re 
paired  to  Sicily,  for  the  purpose  of  arming  a  fleet  that  might 
convey  prompt  assistance  to  the  Crusaders ;  and  whilst  tlie 
vessels  were  getting  ready,  he  sent  an  embassy  into  the  East, 
to  solicit  of  the  sultan  of  Egypt  the  deliverance  of  the  king 
of  France  and  his  army. 

Amidst  the  universal  desolation,  a  single  Christian  city 
gave  demonstrations  of  joy  :  Florence,  according  to  Yillani, 
celebrated  the  reverses  of  the  French  Crusaders  with  festi- 
vities. Some  pirates  from  Genoa,  Pisa,  and  Venice  took 
advantage  of  the  disasters  of  Louis  IX.  to  put  to  sea,  and 
pillage  the  Crusaders  that  were  returning  into  Europe.  The 
joy  of  the  Florentines,  and  the  brigandages  of  the  Italian 
pii'ates,  were  subjects  of  great  scandal  for  ail  Christendom. 

Louis  IX.,  on  his  arrival  at  Ptolemais,  had  only  been  able 
to  retain  a  small  number  of  faithful  knights ;  many  of  the 
French  nobles,  the  companions  of  his  captivity,  instead  of 
following  him  to  Palestine,  returned  into  the  West.  Among 
those  who  had  quitted  the  banner  of  the  crusade,  were  the 
duke  of  Burgundy  and  the  brave  count  of  Brittany :  the 
latter,  worn  out  with  sickness  and  covered  with  wounds,  died 
on  his  passage  :  his  mortal  remains,  preserved  by  his  knights, 
were  transported  to  the  abbey  of  Villeneuve,  near  Nantes, 
where,  many  ages  afterwards,  his  tomb  was  still  to  be  seen. 

The  appearance  of  the  sad  remains  of  the  Christian  army 
must  have  excited  the  compassion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Ptolemais.  Both  knights  and  soldiers  w^ere  almost  naked ; 
the  seneschal  of  Champagne,  in  order  to  appear  at  the  king's 
table,  was  forced  to  make  liimself  a  vestment  of  the  shreds 
of  a  bed-quilt.     An  epidemic  disease,  the  fruit  of  lengtliened 


454  HISTORY    OF    THE    CEU8ADE8. 

misery  and  all  sorts  of  privations,  broke  out  among  the  Cru- 
Baders,  and  soon  extended  its  ravages  to  the  city.  Joinville, 
who  vras  lodged  in  the  house  of  the  cure  of  Ptolemais,  in- 
forms us  that  he  saw  daily  twenty  convoys  pass  beneath  his 
windows  ;  and  that  every  time  he  heard  the  funeral  words, 
"  Libera  me,  Domine,'"  he  burst  into  tears,  and  addressed  him- 
self to  Grod  crying,  Mercy  ! 

In  the  mean  time  the  king  of  France  was  engaged  iu  en- 
deavouring to  deliver  the  captives  that  still  remained  in 
Egvpt.  These  captives  amounted  to  twelve  thousand,  and 
most  of  them  might  be  able  to  I'esume  their  arms  and  serve 
under  the  banner  of  the  crusade.  Louis  sent  his  ambassa- 
dors to  pay  the  four  hundred  thousand  francs  tliat  lie  still 
owed  to  the  Saracens,  and  to  press  the  execution  of  the  last 
treaties.  These  ambassadors  found  Egypt  filled  with  troubles; 
the  emirs  were  divided  into  several  factions,  all  disputing  for 
power:  fanaticism  animated  these  divisions;  they  recipro- 
cally accused  each  other  of  having  favoured  or  spared  the 
Christians.  Amidst  these  debates,  many  captives  had  been 
massacred,  and  some  forced  to  abjure  the  faith  of  Christ. 
The  messengers  of  Louis  IX.  could  scarcely  obtain  a  hearing  ; 
in  answer  to  their  demands,  they  were  told  that  the  king  of 
France  might  esteem  himself  fortunate  in  havinsr  re";ained 
his  liberty,  and  that  the  Mamelukes  would  soon  go  and 
besiege  him  in  Ptolemais.  At  length  the  Christian  ambassa- 
dors w^ere  obliged  to  quit  Egypt  without  having  obtaiued 
anything ;  and  only  brought  back  to  Palestine  four  hundred 
prisoners,  the  greater  part  of  whom  had  paid  their  own 
ransom. 

On  their  return,  Louis  IX.  was  plunged  in  the  deepest 
C'stress  ;  he  had  just  received  a  letter  from  Queen  Blanche, 
w  JO  exhorted  him  to  leave  the  East.  He,  thereupon,  was 
desirous  of  returning  to  France ;  but  how  could  he  make  up 
his  mind  to  abandon  twelve  thousand  Christians  in  slavery, 
or  to  quit  the  Holy  Land  when  it  was  threatened  with  in- 
vasion ?  The  three  military  orders,  the  barons,  and  the 
nobles  of  Palestine,  conjured  Louis  not  to  abandon  them  ; 
repeating  with  accents  of  despair,  that  if  they  were  deprived 
of  his  support,  the  Christians  of  Syria  would  have  no  other 
resource  than  to  follow  him  into  the  West. 

Louis  was  touched  by  their  prayers,  but  bf  'ore  he  would 


HISTOltr    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  455 

form  a  resoiiitlcn,  he  was  desirous  of  consulting  his  two 
brothers  and  the  principal  nobles  that  had  remained  with 
him.  He  exhibited  to  them  the  reasons  he  had  for  returning 
to  France,  and  those  that  would  lead  him  to  remain  in 
Palestine :  on  the  one  side,  his  kingdom  threatened  by  the 
king  of  England,  and  the  impossibility  of  his  undertaking 
anything  against  the  infidels,  ought  to  induce  him  to  quit 
the  East  ;  on  the  other  side,  the  want  of  good  faith  in  the 
emirs,  who  had  failed  in  executing  tlie  first  conditions  of  the 
treaty  ;  the  perils  to  which  the  Holy  Land  would  be  exposed 
by  his  departure  ;  the  hope,  in  short,  of  receiWng  succours, 
and  profiting  by  them,  to  break  the  chains  of  the  Christian 
prisoners  and  deliver  Jerusalem,  in  some  sort,  imposed  upon 
him  the  obligation  to  defer  his  return. 

After  having  thus  described  the  state  of  things,  without 
saying  a  word  that  might  reveal  his  own  opinion,  he  requested 
his  knights  and  barons  to  reflect  seriously  upon  the  line  of 
action  it  would  be  best  for  them  to  pursue.  On  the  follow- 
ing Sunday  he  again  convoked  them,  and  demanded  their 
opinion.  The  first  that  spoke  was  Guy  de  Malvoisin,  whose 
bravery  in  fight  and  wisdom  in  council  were  admired  and  re- 
spected by  all  the  Crusaders.  "  Sire,"  said  he,  addressing 
Louis,  "when  1  consider  the  honour  of  your  person  and  the 
glory  of  your  reign,  I  do  not  think  you  ought  to  remain 
in  this  country.  Remember  that  flovu'ishing  army  with  which 
you  left  the  ports  of  Cyprus,  and  then  turn  your  eyes  upon 
the  warriors  you  have  with  you  ;  on  that  day  we  reckoned 
two  thousand  eight  hundred  knights  with  banners  in  the 
Christian  army  ;  now,  one  hundred  knights  constitute  your 
whole  force  ;  most  of  them  are  sick  ;  they  have  neither  arms 
nor  horses,  nor  the  means  of  procuring  any ;  they  have  not 
the  power  of  serving  you  with  eitlier  honour  or  advantage. 
You  do  not  possess  a  single  city  of  war  in  the  East ;  that 
in  which  you  now  are  belongs  to  several  difterent  nations  ; 
by  remaining  here,  you  inspire  no  fear  in  the  jnfidels,  and 
you  allow  the  audacity  of  your  enemies  in  Europe  to  increase  ; 
you  expose  yourself  to  the  risk  of  losing  both  the  kingdom 
of  France,  where  your  absence  may  embolden  ambitious 
neighbours,  and  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ,  \ipon  which 
your  presence  will  draw  the  attacks  of  the  Mussulmans.  We 
are  all  persuaded  that  the  pride  of  the  Saracens  should  be 


iSG  HISTOKT    OF    THE    CKUSABES. 

punished ;  but  it  is  not  in  a  country  far  distant  from  home 
tliat  the  pre])arations  for  a  decisive  and  glorious  war  can  be 
carried  on.  Thus,  tlien,  we  advise  you  to  return  iiito  the  AVest, 
where  you  will  watch  in  safety  over  the  welfare  of  your 
states ;  where  you  will  obtain,  amidst  a  peace  which  is  your 
own  work,  the  necessary  means  for  avenging  our  defeats, 
and,  some  day,  repairing  the  reverses  we  have  undergone." 

The  duke  of  Anjou,  the  duke  of  Poictiers,  and  most  of  the 
French  nobles,  who  spoke  after  Guy  de  Malvoisin,  expressed 
the  same  opinion.  When  they  came  to  the  count  of  Jaffa,  he 
refused  to  speak,  saying,  "that  he  possessed  several  castles  in 
Palestine,  and  might  be  accused  of  defending  his  own  per- 
sonal interests."  Upon  being  pressed  by  the  king  to  give 
his  opinion  as  the  others  had  done,  lie  contented  himself 
with  saying,  "that  the  glory  of  the  Christian  arms,  that  the 
safety  of  the  land  of  Jesus  Christ,  required  that  the  Crusa- 
ders should  not  at  that  time  return  to  Europe."  When  it 
came  to  Joinville's  turn,  the  good  seneschal  remembered 
t]ie  advice  that  his  cousin,  the  sei.gneur  de  Bollaincourt,  had 
given  him  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  the  crusade.  "  You 
are  going  beyond  the  seas," — it  was  thus  the  good  seigneut' 
Bollaincourt  expressed  himself, — "  but  take  care  how  you  re- 
turn ;  no  knight,  either  poor  or  rich,  can  come  back  without 
shame,  if  he  leaves  any  of  the  common  people  in  whose  com- 
pany he  quits  France  in  the  hands  of  the  Saracens."  Join- 
ville,  full  of  the  remembrance  of  these  words,  declared  that 
they  could  not  abandon  the  great  numbers  of  Christian 
prisoners  without  shame.  "These  unhappy  captives,"  added 
he,  "  were  in  the  service  of  the  king  as  well  as  in  the  service 
oT  God  ;  and_  never  will  they  escape  from  their  capt'vity  if 
the  king  should  go  away."  There  was  not  one  of  the  lords  and 
knights  whi;  had  not  either  relations  or  friends  among  the 
prisoners  ;  therefore,  many  of  tlicm  could  not  restrain  their 
tears  whilst  listening  to  Joinviile  ;  but  this  kindly  feeling 
\'  as  not  sufficiently  strong  to  stifle  in  their  hearts  their 
desire  to  revisit  their  own  country.  In  vain  the  seneschal 
added  that  the  king  had  still  a  portion  of  his  treasure  left ; 
that  he  could  raise  troops  in  the  Morea  and  other  countries  ; 
and  that  with  the  succours  which  would  come  from  Europe, 
they  should  soon  be  in  a  condition  to  renew  the  war.  These 
reasons,  with  many   others,   made  no  impression  upon  the 


HISTOHT    OF      THE    CRUSADES.  -457 

greater  part  of  the  assembly :  tliey  could  only  view  tlie  cru- 
sade as  a  long  and  painful  exile.  The  sieur  de  Chastenai, 
and  Beaumont  marshal  of  France,  were  all  that  agreed  with 
the  opinion  of  Joinville.  "  What  shall  we  reply,"  said  they, 
"  to  those  who  shall  ask  us  on  our  return  wliat  we  have  done 
with  the  heritage  and  the  soldiers  of  Jesus  Christ  ?  Listen 
to  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  Palestine :  they  accuse  us 
of  having  brought  war  to  them,  and  i*eproacli  us  with  pre- 
paring their  entire  ruin  by  our  departure.  If  we  do  not 
receive  succours,  it  will  be  then  time  enough  to  go  ;  but  why 
anticipate  days  of  despair  ?  The  Crusaders,  it  is  true,  are 
not  in  great  numbers  ;  but  can  we  forget  that  their  leader, 
even  when  in  chains,  made  himself  respected  by  the  Sara- 
cens ?  Seport,  likewise,  tells  us,  that  discord  prevails  among 
our  enemies,  and  that  the  sultan  of  Damascus  has  declai'ed 
war  against  the  jVIamelukea  of  Egypt."  These  two  knights 
spoke  amidst  the  murmurs  of  their  companions  ;  and  the  more 
reasonable  the  opinions  they  advanced  appeared,  the  greater 
was  the  impatience  with  which  they  were  listened  to.  The 
seigneur  de  Beaumont  was  about  to  continue  ;  but  he  was 
interrupted  with  great  warmth  by  liis  uncle,  John  de  Beau- 
mont, who  loaded  him  with  the  most  bitter  reproaches.  In 
vain  the  king  urged  the  right  that  every  one  had  to  express 
his  opinion ;  authority  of  blood  prevailed  over  the  authority 
of  the  king  ;  the  stem  old  man  continued  to  raise  his  voice, 
and  reduced  his  nephew  to  silence.  When  he  had  received 
the  opinions  of  the  assembly,  the  king  dismissed  them,  and 
convoked  them  again  for  the  following  Sunday.  Upon  leaving 
the  council,  Joinville  found  himself  exposed  to  the  railleries 
and  insults  of  the  knights,  for  having  expressed  an  opinion 
contrary  to  that  of  the  general  meeting.  To  complete  his 
chagrin, he  thought  he  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  theking; 
and  in  his  despair,  he  formed  the  resolution  of  joining  the 
^^rince  of  Antioch,  his  relation.  As  he  was  revolving  these 
gloomy  thoughts  in  his  mind,  the  king  took  him  aside, 
and  opening  his  heart  to  him,  declared  that  it  was  his 
intention  to  renaain  some  time  longer  in  Palestine.  Then 
Joinville  forgot  all  the  scoffs  of  the  barons  and  knights  ;  he 
was  so  joyous  with  what  the  king  had  told  him,  that  all  his 
griefs  were  at  an  end.  On  the  following  Sunday  the  barons 
assembled  for  the  third  time.     The  king  of  France  invoked 

20* 


158  HISTOEY   OF    THE    CRL'SADES. 

the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Ghost  by  a  sign  of  the  cross, 
and  pronounced  the  following  words  : — ''  SeigneiU's,  I  thank 
equally  those  who  have  advised  "me  to  remain  in  Asia,  and 
those  who  have  advised  me  to  return  to  the  West.  Both,  I 
am  convinced,  \d  no  other  view  but  the  interest  of  my 
kingdom  and  the  glory  of  Jesus  Christ.  After  the  most 
serious  and  lengthened  reflection,  I  think  I  may,  without 
injur\'  or  peril  to  my  states,  prolong  my  sojourn  in  this 
couutrv.  The  queen,  my  mother,  has  defended  the  honour 
of  mv  crown  in  troublesome  times  ;  she  will  now  exhibit  the 
fiame  firmness,  and  will  meet  with  fewer  obstacles.  No,  my 
kingdom  will  not  suifer  by  my  absence  ;  but  if  I  quit  this 
land,  for  which  Europe  has  made  so  many  sacrifices,  who 
will  protect  it  against  its  enemies  ?  Is  it  to  be  wished,  that, 
having  come  here  to  defend  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  I 
shall  be  hereafter  reproached  with  its  ruin  ?  I  remain  then  to 
save  that  which  is  left,  to  deliver  our  prisoners,  and  if  pos- 
sible, to  take  advantage  of  the  discords  of  the  Saracens.  I  am 
not  willing,  however,  to  impose  restraint  upon  anybody  ; 
such  as  are  desirous  of  quitting  the  East  are  free  to  de- 
part ;  as  to  those  who  shall  determine  to  remain  beneath 
the  banners  of  the  cross,  I  promise  that  they  shall  want 
for  notliing,  and  that  I  will  ever  share  with  them  both 
good  and  ill  fortune." 

After  these  words,  says  Joinville,  most  were  astonished, 
and  many  began  to  shed  hot  tears.  From  that  time,  the 
dukes  of  Anjou  and  Poictiers,  with  a  great  number  of  the 
leaders,  made  preparations  for  their  departure.  Louis 
charged  them  with  a  letter  addressed  to  the  clergy,  the 
nobility,  and  people  of  his  kingdom.  In  this  letter,  Louis 
described,  with  a  noble  simplicity,  the  victories,  defeats,  and 
captivity  of  the  Christian  knights,  and  conjured  his  subjects 
cf  all  classes  to  take  up  arms  for  the  assistance  of  the  Holy 
liand. 

As  soon  as  the  two  brothers  of  the  king  were  gone,  a  levy 
of  soldiers  was  commenced,  and  Palestine  was  placed  in  a 
state  of  defence.  But  that  which  most  materially  favoured 
the  Crusaders,  and  gave  a  chance  of  security  to  the  Christian 
colonies,  was  the  discord  that  then  prevailed  among  the 
Saracens.  After  the  murder  of  Almoadam,  the  Mussuhnans 
of  Syria  rri'used  to  recognise  the  authority  of  the  Mame- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    CKUSADES.  459 

a:kes.  Tiie  principality  and  city  of  Damascus  had  recently 
been  given  up  to  Nasser,  wiio  was  preparing  to  march 
against  Cairo,  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  army ;  the  great- 
est agitation  reigned  amongst  the  Mamelukes  of  Egypt,  in 
whom  remorse  seemed  to  be  accompanied  bv  fear.  The 
sultana,  Chegger-Eddour,  was  forced  to  descend  from  the 
throne,  and  to  yield  the  supreme  authority  to  the  Tui'comau 
Ezz-Eddiji,  whose  wife  she  had  become.  This  change  allayed 
agitation  for  a  time  ;  but  in  such  a  state  of  things,  one 
revolution  seemed  immediately  to  bi-ing  on  another.  The 
turbulent,  restless  soldiery,  that  had  overthrown  the  empire 
of  the  Ayoubites,  could  neither  endure  that  which  was 
ancient,  nor  that  which  was  new.  To  supprer.s  sedition,  the 
leaders  at  one  time  exhibited  to  the  multitude  a  child  ot 
that  family  which  they  had  proscribed,  and  decorated  him 
with  the  vain  title  of  sultan.  They  afterwards  declared  that 
Egypt  belonged  to  the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  and  that  they 
governed  it  in  his  name. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  sultan  of  Aleppo  and 
Damascus  sent  ambassadors  to  Louis  IX.  to  invite  the 
French  monarch  to  unite  with  him  to  chastise  the  pride  and 
the  revolt  of  the  soldiery  of  Cairo.  He  promised  the  Chris- 
tians to  share  with  them  the  spoils  of  the  conquered,  and  to 
restore  to  them  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  These  brilliant 
promises  were  likely  to  produce  an  eifect  upon  the  king  of 
Eranee,  and  at  least  merited  all  his  attention.  The  emirs 
of  Egypt  equally  solicited  the  alliance  of  the  Christians, 
and  proposed  very  advantageous  conditions.  In  the  choice 
before  him,  there  were  powerful  motives  to  incline  the  king 
to  the  party  of  the  sultan  of  Damascus.  He  had,  on  one 
side,  to  treat  with  emirs  whose  good-will  was  very  uncertain, 
whose  fortune  might  be  transitory,  and  whose  authority 
was  menaced  and  tottering.  On  the  other,  he  had  to  deal 
with  a  powerful  prince,  whose  authority  being  mueli  better 
established,  offered  a  more  sure  guarantee  to  his  allies. 
Another  motive,  which  could  not  be  indift'erent  in  the 
eyes  of  the  virtuous  monarch,  was,  that  the  only  aim  ot 
tlie  policy  of  the  Mamelukes  was  to  secure  impunity  for 
a  great  crime,  and  that  the  sovereign  of  Damascus  was 
aiming  to  avenge  the  cause  of  princes.  All  these  consider- 
ations were,  no  doubt,  presented  in  the  council  of  Louis, 


it60  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

and  iTiust  have  left  the  monarch  great  diificulty  in  deciding 
which  side  it  would  be  best  for  him  to  take.  But  he  could 
not  forget  that  he  had  signed  a  treaty  w't\i  the  emirs,  and 
that  nothing  could  liberate  him  from  his  oath ;  but  above 
all,  he  could  not  forget  that  the  Mamelukes  still  held  in 
their  hands  the  destiny  of  twelve  thousand  Christian  pri- 
soners, and  tliat  by  breaking  with  them,  he  should  renuunce 
the  hope  of  delivering  tlie  unhappy  companions  of  his  cap- 
tivity. Louis  answered  the  Syrian  ambassadors,  that  he 
would  willingly  join  his  arms  to  those  of  the  sultan  of 
Damascus,  if  the  Mamelukes  did  not  perform  their  treaties. 
At  the  same  time,  he  sent  John  de  Valence  to  Cairo,  with 
directions  to  offer  the  emirs  peace  or  war.  The  latter  pro- 
mised at  length  to  fulfil  all  the  conditions  of  the  treaty,  if 
Louis  should  consent  to  become  their  ally  and  aus-iliary : 
more  than  two  hundred  knights  were  immediately  set  at 
liberty. 

These  unfortunate  victims  of  the  crusade  arrived  at  Ptole- 
mais  about  the  month  of  October  (1251) :  the  people 
flocked  in  crowds  to  see  them  land ;  they  exhibited  too  e^'i- 
dent  signs  of  their  late  captivity,  and  the  remembrance  of 
what  they  had  undergone,  together  with  their  present 
wretchedness,  drew  tears  of  compassion  from  all  the  specta- 
tors. These  prisoners,  whose  chains  Louis  had  succeeded 
in  breaking,  brought  with  them,  in  a  kind  of  triumph,  a 
cofHn,  containing  the  bones  of  Gauthier  de  Brienne,  who 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  infidels  at  the  battle  of  Gaza,  and 
had  been  massacred  by  a  furious  mob  at  Cairo.  The  clergy 
accompanied  the  remains  of  tlie  Christian  hero  to  the 
church  of  the  Hospitallers  ;  and  the  companions  in  arms  of 
Gauthier  described  his  exploits  and  the  glorious  death  he 
had  undergone  for  the  cause  of  Christ.  Religion  displayed 
all  its  pomps,  and  in  its  holy  songs  celebrated  the  glory  of 
a  martyr,  and  the  devotion  that  it  alone  had  inspired.  The 
charity  of  the  faithful  relieved  and  consoled  the  misery  of 
the  captives,  and  Louis  took  into  his  service  all  whom  age 
or  infirmities  rendered  incapable  of  bearing  arms-. 

The  king  learnt  with  much  pain  that  many  Christian  pri- 
Bjners  still  remained  in  Egypt.  As  the  Egyptian  ambassa- 
dors arrived  at  tliat  time  at  Ptolemais,  Louis  IX.  declared 
that  they  must  not  at  all  depend  upon  the.  alliance  they 


HISTOET    OF    THE    CKUSADKS.  46i 

«ame  to  solicit,  if  the  emir.s  did  not  hasten  to  liberate  all  tba 
captives  and  all  the  children  of  Christians  brought  up  in  the 
JMussuhnau  faith,  and  even  send  to  him  the  heads  of  the 
Crusaders  tliat  had  been  exposed  upon  the  walls  of  Cairo. 

Thus  the  position  of  the  Christians  was  ameliorated  daily 
by  the  divisions  among  their  eneinies.  The  king  of  France 
dictated  the  conditions  to  the  emirs,  and  if  he  had  had 
troops,  he  might  have  repaired  some  of  the  reverses  he  had 
experienced  in  Egypt;  but  the  East  furnished  him  with  but 
a  very  small  number  of  soldiers,  and  the  AYest  did  not  seem 
at  all  disposed  to  send  him  any  supplies. 

The  king  of  Castile,  who  had  taken  the  cross,  died  at 
the  moment  he  was  preparing  to  set  out.  In  England, 
Henry  III.,  who  had  likewise  assumed  the  cross,  obtained 
from  the  pope  and  the  pai-liament  the  power  to  levy  a 
tenth  upon  his  people  and  clergy  ;  he  at  the  same  time 
imposed  enormous  taxes  upon  tlie  Jews  of  his  kingdom. 
The  preaeliers  of  the  crusade  were  directed  to  announce  his 
approaching  departure  for  the  East,  and  he  himself  swoi-e 
upon  the  Cxospel,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  barons 
and  people,  that  he  would  go  to  the  Holy  Land,  at  the  head 
of  his  army ;  but  after  having  obtained  what  he  wanted,  he 
foi'got  all  his  promises. 

Frederick  IL,  at  the  moment  he  was  about  to  assist 
Louis  IX.,  died  at  Naples ;  and  his  death  proved  to  be  a 
fresh  source  of  trouble  and  agitation  for  Christendom.  Al- 
though he  had,  when  dyuig,  bequeathed"  a  hundred  thousand 
ounces  of  gold  for  the  succour  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  by 
his  testament  had  restored  to  the  Church  all  that  had 
belonged  to  it.  Innocent  received  the  news  of  his  death 
with  a  joy  that  he  did  not  seek  to  conceal.  "Let  the 
Heavens  rejoice  !"  wrote  he  to  the  clergy  and  people  of  SicUy ; 
"let  the  earth  be  in  gladness!"  and  he  pursued  with  anathemas 
the  memory  of  a  prince  who  had  borne  the  title  of  king  of 
Jerusalem  during  thirty-eight  years.  He  excommunicated 
Conrad,  whom  Frederick  had  named  as  his  successor  to  the 
empire  ;  he  sent  emissaries  into  the  kingdoni  of  Naples,  .to 
cortupt  the  fidelity  of  the  people  ;  and  ecclesiastics  in  Grer- 
many  received  the  mission  to  preach  a  crusade  against  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Swabia. 

France  .vas  not  less  agitated  than  other  countries ;  on  the 


462  msTOBT  OF  the  CUL'SADKS. 

return  of  the  dukes  of  Anjou  and  Poictiers.  the  letter  of 
Louis  addressed  to  his  subjects  was  read  in  all  the  churclies. 
This  letter  revived  all  the  sorrow  that  had  been  felt  when 
the  account  was  received  of  the  captivity  of  the  king  and 
his  army.  The  exhortations  which  Louis  addressed  to  the 
French  to  obtain  assistance,  together  with  the  news  that 
arrived  daily  from  the  East,  affected  all  hearts ;  and  as  the 
people  have  no  idea  of  moderation  in  either  grief  or  joy,  a 
spirit  of  sedition,  mixed  with  enthusiasm  for  the  crusade, 
agitated  the  cities,  pervaded  the  provinces,  and,  for  a  time, 
placed  the  kingdom  in  peril. 

Princes  and  magnates  having  failed  in  their  enterprise, 
the  multitude  was  led  to  believe  that  Christ  rejected  the 
great  ones  of  the  earth  from  his  service,  and  was  only  willing 
to  have  for  defenders  humble  men,  shepherds,  and  labourers. 
A  man  appeared,  who  undertook,  with  the  help  ol"  this 
popular  opinion,  to  inflame  the  public  mind,  and  to  create  a 
general  movement.  This  man,  named  Jacob,  born  in  Hun- 
gary, and  far  advanced  in  age,  w^as  said  to  have  preaclied  the 
crusade  of  children,  of  which  we  have  spoken  in  the  twelfth 
book  of  this  work.  A  long  beard,  which  descended  to  his 
girdle,  with  a  pale  face  and  mysterious  language,  gave  him 
the  air  of  a  prophet.  He  passed  from  hamlet  to  hamlet, 
saying  that  he  was  sent  by  Heaven  to  deliver  the  city  of 
God,  and  avenge  the  king  of  France.  Shepherds  left  their 
ilocks,  labourers  laid  down  the  plough  to  follow  his  footsteps. 
Jacob,  who  was  called  the  master  of  Hungary,  caused  a 
standard  to  be  borne  before  him,  upon  which  was  painted 
a  lamb,  the  symbol  of  the  Saviour  of  the  world ;  provisions 
were  brought  to  him  from  all  parts,  and  his  disciples  asserted 
that,  like  Christ,  he  had  the  gift  of  multiplying  loaves. 

The  name  of  Pastors  was  given  to  these  villajre  Crusaders. 
Their  first  meetings,  to  which  little  attention  was  paid,  were 
held  in  the  provinces  of  Flanders  and  Picardy ;  they  then 
directed  their  course  towards  Amiens,  and  afterwards  towards 
the  capital ;  increasing  as  they  went,  with  a  crowd  of  vaga- 
bonds, thieves,  and  prostitutes.  Although  they  had  com- 
mitted some  disorders,  Queen  Blanche  tolerated  them,  in  the 
hope  they  might  be  the  means  of  procuring  some  assis*:anee 
for  the  king.  The  implied  protection  of  the  queen  regent 
uiflaraed  their  pride,  and  impunity  increased  their  license 


HISTORY    OF    CHE    CEUSADES.  103 

and  redoubled  their  audacity.  The  impostor  Jacob  and  tlie 
other  heads  of  his  gang,  with  whom  chance  or  corruption  had 
associated  Idm,  declaimed  with  vehemence  against  the  wealth 
and  the  supremacy  of  the  clergy,  which  pleased  the  multi- 
tude they  drew  at  their  heels  ;  to  the  great  scandal  of  all 
pious  men,  they  themselves  performed  aacerdotal  functions, 
iiid  took  the  place,  in  the  pidpits,  of  the  sacred  orators,  em- 
ploying violence  against  the  ministers  of  the  altars,  and 
seeking  to  awaken  the  passions  of  the  people.  At  length, 
assembled  to  the  number  of  more  than  a  hundred  thousand, 
these  redoubtable  pilgrims  left  Paris,  and  divided  themselves 
iirto  several  troops,  to  repair  to  the  coast,  whence  they  were 
to  embark  for  the  East.  The  city  of  Orleans,  which  hap- 
pened to  be  in  theii'  passage,  became  the  tlieatre  of  friglitful 
disorders.  The  progress  of  their  enormities  at  length 
created  serious  alarm  in  the  government  and  the  magistracy; 
orders  were  sent  to  tlie  provinces  to  pursue  and  disperse 
these  turbulent  and  seditious  bands.  The  most  numerous 
assemblage  of  the  pastors  was  fixed  to  take  place  at  Bourges, 
where  the  master  of  Hungary  was  to  perform  miracles  and 
communicate  the  will  of  Heaven.  Their  arrival  in  that  city 
was  the  signal  for  murder,  fire,  and  pillage.  The  irritated 
people  took  up  arms  and  marched  against  these  disturbers 
of  the  public  peace  ;  they  overtook  them  between  Morteiuer 
and  Villeneuve-sur-le-Cher,  where,  in  spite  of  their  numbfrs, 
they  were  routed,  and  received  the  punishment  due  to  their 
brigandages.  Jacob  had  his  head  cut  off  by  the  blow  of  an 
axe ;  many  of  his  companions  and  disciples  met  with  death 
on  the  field  of  battle,  or  were  consigned  to  punishment ;  the 
I'emainder  took  to  flight.* 

Thus  this  storm,  formed  so  suddenly,  was  dispersed  in  the 
same  manner;  another  band,  which  had  directed  its  course 
towards    Bordeaux,  was    likewise    subdued ;    some   of    the 

*  Among  the  great  number  of  historians  who  have  spoken  of  this 
movement,  William  de  Guy,  Matthew  Paris,  William  of  Nangis,  and  the 
Annals  of  Waverley  may  be  consulted. 

[Some  historians  relate  the  catastrophe  differently.  One  says:  "The 
pastors  were  aocustomed  to  preach,  surrounded  by  armed  men  for  their 
defence;  one  day,  by  the  command  of  Blanche,  an  executioner  introduced 
himself  among  these,  and  gliding  behind  Jacob,  struck  his  head  off  at  a 
blow,  before  the  eyes  of  the  spectators,  who  were  chilled  with  horror, 
Some  knights  then  appeared  and  dispersed  the  pastors."] — Trans. 


464  HISTORY'    OF    THE    CRrSAUES. 

pastors  who  succeeded  in  getting  to  England,  were  served  h 
the  same  way.  A  report  was  spread  that  correspondoices 
Avith  the  Saracens  had  been  found  upon  tlie  persons  of  their 
leaders,  and  they  were  accused  of  having  formed  the  project 
of  delivering  up  Christian  people  to  the  swords  of  the  in- 
fidels ;  which  accusation,  however  improbable,  completed  the 
hatred  the  people  began  to  entertain  for  them.  Tlie  govern- 
ment, which  had  not  at  first  strength  enough  to  oppose 
Ihem,  armed  the  passions  of  the  nudtitude  against  them, 
and  tranquillity  was  soon  reestablished  in  the  kingdom. 

In  tlie  mean  time  the  crusade  to  the  East  was  preaclied  iu 
most  of  the  countries  of  Europe ;  new  indulgences  were 
added  to  those  which  had  been  accorded  to  the  soldiers  of 
Christ ;  the  bishop  of  Avignon  received  power  to  absolve 
tliose  who  had  stru.'k  clerks,  or  burnt  churches ;  the  same 
bishop  had  the  faculty  of  converting  all  vows,  except  that  of 
religion,  into  a  vow  for  the  crusade:  similar  powers  were 
given  to  the  prior  of  the  Jacobins  at  Paris.  These  new 
eiicouragenients  might  have  aroused  a  momentary  ardour  in 
the  faithful,  if  the  coui-t  of  Home  had  not  been  constantly 
diverted  from  the  cares  of  a  crusade  in  the  East,  by  the  war 
it  had  declared  against  the  house  of  Swabia.  The  Holy  See 
willingly  granted  dispensations  to  Crusaders  who  took  a 
part  in  its  cause,  or  who  paid  it  a  tribute;  which  made  the 
good  bishop  of  Lincoln  accuse  Innocent  of  exchanging  the 
treasures  of  heaven  for  those  of  earth,  and  of  selling  the 
Crusaders  as  the  heifers  and  rams  of  sacrifice  were  formerly 
sold  in  the  Temple.  At  length,  no  longer  concealing  either 
his  hatred  or  his  ambition,  the  sovereign  pontifi"  ordered  the 
Cordeliers  to  preach  a  crusade  against  the  heir  and  successor 
of  Frederick ;  the  indulgence  for  those  who  took  the  cross 
extended  to  the  father  and  mother  of  the  Crusaders,  a  thing 
that  had  never  taken  place  in  any  other  crusade.  At  the 
moment  when  Louis  IX.  was  so  earnestly  requesting  suc- 
cour, the  preaching  of  this  impious  crusade  excited  great 
scandal  among  the  French  nobility  ;  the  new  Crusaders  were 
treated  as  rebels ;  Queen  Blanche  caused  their  lands  to  be 
seized ;  and  the  princes  and  lords  ibilowed  the  example  of 
the  queen  in  their  domains.  The  Cordeliers  were  severely 
reprimanded,  and  their  preaching  proved  ineifectual. 

Whi'st  the  crusade  against  Conrad  was  being  suppressed. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  465 

no  increased  zeal  was  exhibited  for  the  war  iu  the  Eaet. 
Those  who  entertained  the  warmest  attachment  for  Louis  IX. 
might  with  justice  believe,  that  by  sending  him  assistance 
they  should  prolong  liis  absence.  Thus,  in  spite  of  the 
reiterated  prayers  of  the  king,  France,  which  had  shed  so 
many  tears  over  his  captivity,  could  not  resolve  to  take  up 
arms  to  succour  him,  and  was  satisfied  with  putting  up  vows 
lor  his  return. 

All  that  Blanche  was  able  to  do  for  her  son  was  to  send 
him  a  vessel  laden  with  mojiey,  which  was  lost  on  the  coast 
of  yyria.  A  small  number  of  those  who  had  taken  the  cross 
in  the  West,  determined  to  cross  the  sea;  the  young  count 
of  Eu,  and  Raymond  count  of  Turenne,  whom  the  queeu 
commanded  to  set  out  for  Palestine,  were  almost  the  only 
nol^les  of  this  party.  Most  of  the  knights  and  barons  that 
had  remained  in  Palestine  with  the  king,  having  spent 
everything,  and  being  entirely  ruined,  fixed  so  high  a  price 
upon  their  services,  and,  according  to  the  expression  of  the 
commissaries  of  Louis,  7na(/e  fhfinsclves  so  clear,  that  the 
treasury  of  the  monarch  would  not  suffice  to  support  them.* 
Levies  were  made  in  Greece,  in  Cyprus,  and  in  the  Christian 
cities  of  Syria;  but  these  levies  only  brought  to  the  banners 
of  the  crusade  a  few  adventurers,  very  ill  calculated  to  share 
the  labours  and  dangers  of  a  great  enterprise. 

Among  the  warriors  whom  the  love  of  danger  and  distant 
adventures  led  at  this  time  to  the  Holy  Land,  history  speaks 
of  Alemar  of  Selingan.  This  knight  had  come  from  a  country 
of  the  West,t  in  which  the  summer,  he  said,  had  almost  no 
nights.  Selingan  and  his  companions  sought  every  oppor- 
tunity for  signalizing  their  skill  in  arms  and  their  romantic 
bravery.  "Whilst  waiting  for  the  happy  moment  at  which 
they  might  fight  vvitli  the  Saracens,  they  made  war  upon  the 
1  ons,  which  they  pursued  on  horseback  into  the  deserts,  and 
Killed  with  their  arrows ;  which  was  a  subject  of  great  sur- 
prise and  admiration  for  the  French  warriors. 

Another  very  noble  knight  also  arrived,  says  Joinville, 

*  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  wf  r  ;he  case  with  those  who  re- 
mained with  him  ;  sven  the  worthy  senfs  lial  and  all.  His  determination 
to  go  to  Antioch  proves  that  he  had  no  res./urce  in  Europe.  It  wa?  a 
dcs))eiate  game,  and  they  were  obliged  to  play  it  out. — Trans. 

f  Norway. 


466  niSTORT    OF    TKE    CRUSABES, 

who  was  called  De  Toucy.  The  chevalier  de  Touey  had  beer 
regent  of  the  Latin  empire  of  Constantinople,  in  the  absence 
of  Baldwin,  and  prided  himself  npon  belonging  to  the  farc'V 
of  the  kings  of  France.  In  company  with  nine  other 
knights,  he  abandoned  an  empire  which  was  falling  rapidly 
to  rnin,  in  order  to  endeavou'  Vo  snpport  the  miserable  re- 
mains of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  Toucy  related  the 
misfortunes  of  Baldwin,  and  the  deplorable  circumstances 
that  had  forced  a  Christian  emperor  to  ally  himself  with  a 
chief  of  the  Comans.  According  to  the  custom  of  the  bar- 
barians, the  prince  of  the  Comans  and  the  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople had  punctured  themselves,  and  mixing  the  blood 
in  a  cup,  had  both  drunk  of  it,  as  a  sign  of  alliance  and 
brotherhood.  The  knights  who  accompanied  the  seigneur 
de  Toucy  had  borrowed  this  practice  of  the  barbarians :  the 
French  warriors  at  first  were  disgusted  with  it ;  but  soon, 
led  away  by  the  strange  novelty  of  the  thing,  they  them- 
selves mingled  their  blood  with  that  of  their  companions, 
and  diluting  it  with  floods  of  wine,  they  got  intoxicated 
together  over  the  mystical  draught,  which,  as  they  said, 
made  them  brothers. 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  Eastern  nations  strongly 
raised  the  curiosity  and  fixed  the  attention  of  the  Crusaders. 
When  the  missionaries  whom  Louis  IX.  had  sent  into  Tar- 
tary  returned  to  Ptolema'is,  the  French  warriors  were  never 
tired  of  interrogating  and  listening  to  them.  Andrew  de  Lon- 
jumeau,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  mission,  had  set  out 
from  Antioch,  and  travelling  ten  leagues  every  day,  had 
prosecuted  his  journey  for  a  year  before  he  arrived  at  the 
place  at  which  the  great  khan  of  the  Tartars  resided.  The 
missionaries  traversed  deserts  where  they  met  with  enormous 
heaps  of  human  bones — sad  monuments  of  the  victories  of 
a  barbarous  people :  they  related  marvellous  things  of  the 
court  of  the  monarch  of  the  Moguls,  of  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  countries  they  had  travelled  through,  of  the 
conquests  and  legislation  of  Gengiskhan,  and  of  the  prodigies 
which  had  prepared  the  power  and  greatness  of  the  cor- 
queror  of  Asia.  Among  the  extraordinary  and  somewhat 
fabulous  circumstances  they  related,  the  Christians  learned 
with  much  joy  that  the  religion  of  Christ  was  extending  its 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES.  467 

empire  among  the  most  distant  nations ;  the  missionaries 
declared  they  had  seen,  in  a  single  horde  of  Tartars,  more 
than  eight  hundred  chapels,  in  ^vllich  the  praises  of  the  true 
God  were  celebrated.  Louis  IX.  hoped  that  the  Mogids 
might  some  day  become  auxiliaries  of  the  Christians  in  the 
great  struggle  against  the  infidels ;  and  this  hope  made  him 
resolve  to  send  fresh  missionaries  into  Tartary. 

But  if  the  Crusaders  were  thus  astonished  at  all  they 
heard  concerning  the  most  distant  regions  of  Asia,  they  liad 
close  to  them  a  barbarous  colony  which  must  have  excited 
their  surprise  to  a  still  greater  degree.  Some  months  after 
his  arrival,  Louis  received  an  embassy  from  the  Old  Man  of 
the  Mountains,  who,  as  we  have  already  said,  reigned  over 
about  thirty  villages  or  towns,  built  on  the  southern  declivity 
of  Mount  Libanus.  The  envoys  of  the  prince  of  the  Assas- 
sins, when  admitted  into  the  presence  of  the  king  of  France, 
asked  him  if  he  was  acquainted  with  their  master.  "  I  have 
heard  of  him,"  replied  the  monarch.  "  Why,  then,"  added 
one  of  the  ambassadors,  "  have  you  not  sought  after  his 
friendship  by  sending  him  presents,  as  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many, the  king  of  Hungary,  tlie  sultan  of  Cairo,  and  so 
many  other  great  princes  have  done  ?  "  The  king  listened 
to  this  strange  language  without  anger,  and  appointed  the 
ambassadors  another  audience,  at  wliich  the  grand  masters  of 
the  Templars  and  the  Hospitallers  were  present.  The  name 
alone  of  the  two  military  orders,  which  the  poniard  of  the 
Assassins  did  not  venture  to  attack,  inspired  some  degree  of 
terror  in  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain,  who  had  been  con- 
strained to  pay  them  a  tribute.  In  the  second  audience,  the 
two  grand  masters  sternly  reproved  the  ambassadors,  and 
told  them  that  if  the  lord  of  the  Mountain  did  not  send 
presents  to  the  king  of  France,  his  insolence  would  draw 
upon  him  a  prompt  and  just  chastisement.  The  envoys 
repeated  these  threatening  words  to  their  master,  who  him- 
self experienced  some  of  the  fear  he  wished  to  Inspire,  and 
sent  them  back  to  Louis  to  express  much  more  pacific  sen- 
timents. Among  the  presents  which  they  were  charged  to 
offer  to  the  king  of  the  Franks,  there  were  several  vases,  a 
chess-board,  and  an  elephant  in  rock  crystal ;  to  these  the 
lord  of  the  Mountain  added  a  slurt  and  a  ring,  as  symbola 


^68  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSAJES. 

of  alliance,  according  to  which,  said  the  envoys  to  the 
French  monarch,  "  you  and  our  master  will  remain  united 
as  the  fingers  of  the  hand  are,  and  as  the  shirt  is  to  the 
body."* 

Louis  IX.  received  this  new  embassy  with  distinction,  and 
by  their  hands  sent  to  the  prince  of  the  Assassins  vases  of 
gold  and  silver,  and  stuffs  of  scarlet  and  silk  ;  he  commanded 
brother  Yves,  a  man  learned  in  Arabic,  to  accompany  them. 
Yves,  who  remained  for  some  time  at  the  court  of  the  Old 
Man  of  the  Mountain,  on  his  return  related  many  curious 
particulars,  which  history  has  not  despised.  The  prince  of 
the  Assassins  belonged  to  the  sect  of  Ali,  and  prol'essed 
some  admiration  for  the  Gospel.  He  had,  in  particular,  a 
veneration  for  Monseigneur  St.  Feter,  who,  according  to  his 
belief,  was  still  living,  and  whose  soul,  he  said,  had  been 
successively  that  of  Abel,  Noah,  and  Abraham.  Brother 
Yves  spoke  strongly  of  the  terror  with  which  tlie  Old  Man 
of  the  Mountain  inspired  his  subjects.  A  fearful  silence 
reigned  around  his  palace,  and  when  he  appeared  in  public, 
he  was  preceded  by  a  herald-at-arms,  who  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  "  Whoever  you  may  be,  dread  to  appear  before  him 
wlio  holds  the  life  and  death  of  kings  in  his  hands." 

AYhilst  these  marvellous  recitals  were  amusing  the  leisure 
of  the  Crusaders,  war  was  declared  between  the  sultans  of 
Damascus  and  Cairo.  The  Christian  warriors,  impatient 
for  fight,  sighed  at  being  thus  condemned  to  waste  their 
time  in  listless  idleness.  But  they  mustered  scarcely  seven 
hundred  knights  beneath  the  banners  of  the  cross ;  and 
their  small  number  would  not  permit  Louis  to  think  of 
attempting  any  important  enterprise. 

Whilst  anxiously  looking  forward  to  the  perils  and  hazards 
of  war,  the  holy  monarch  never  relaxed  in  his  endeavours  to 
anu^liorate  the  destiny  and  break  the  chains  of  the  captives 
who  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Mussulmans.  But 
the  captivity  of  the  Christian  warriors  was  not  tlie  only 
grief  with  which  his  heart  was  afilicted :  it  added  greatly  to 
his  sorrow  to  learn  that  many  of  his  companions  in  arms 
had  embraced  Islamism.     It  is  a  singular  circumstance  to 

*  The  reader  may  remember  a  curious  ceremony  of  alliance,  in  th« 
last  volume,  wherein  tlie  one  party  passes  through  the  shirt  of  the  other 
whilst  he  has  it  on. — Trans. 


HISTORY    OF    :HE    CUUSADE8.  469 

i-eniark,*  that  the  Crusaders,  ,vhose  aim  always  was  to  bring 
about  the  triumph  of  Christianity,  present  us  with  frequent 
examples  of  apostasy,  and  liistory  does  not  hesitate  to  alhrni, 
tliat  during  the  course  of  the  holy  wars  more  Christians  be- 
came ]\lussulmans  than  Mussulmans  became  Christians.  Join- 
ville  informs  us  in  his  Memoirs,  that  most  of  the  mariners  who 
manned  the  Christian  fleet  in  the  retreat  from  Mansourah, 
renounced  their  faith  to  save  their  lives  :  in  these  disastrous 
days,  many  warriors  were  unable  to  resist  the  menaces  of  the 
Saracens,  and  the  fear  of  death  made  them  forget  a  religion 
for  which  they  had  taken  up  arms.  We  have  seen  what 
evils  the  Crusaders  had  endured  in  the  expeditions  to  the 
East ;  among  the  crowd  of  pilgrims  there  were  always  some 
who  had  not  sufficient  virtue  to  pass  through  tlie  ordeal  of 
great  misfortunes :  on  the  arrival  of  Louis  IX.  in  Egypt, 
'that  country  already  contained  many  of  these  perjured  and 
unfaithful  Christians,  who,  in  the  perils  and  calamities  of 
preceding  wars,  had  forsaken  the  God  of  their  fathers.  All 
these  renegadoes  were  despised  by  the  Saracens.  Oriental 
authors  quote  a  saying  of  Saladiu's  on  this  subject,  which 
expresses  an  opinion  generally  established,  and  which  was 
maintained  to  the  very  last  days  of  the  crusades ;  he  said 
that  a  good  Christian  was  never  made  of  a  bad  3IussuJman, 
nor  a  good  Mussulman  of  a  bad  Christian.  H  istory  affords 
a  few  details  upon  the  lives  of  these  degenerate  Franks,  who 
had  renounced  tlieir  religion  and  their  country  ;  many  em- 
ployed themselves  in  agriculture  and  the  mechanical  arts ;  a 
great  number  were  enrolled  in  the  Miissulman  armies  ;  some 
obtained  employments,  and  succeeded  in.  amassing  great 
wealth.  We  may  well,  hovvever,  believe,  that  remorse  era- 
poisoned  every  moment  of  their  lives,  and  would  not  permit 
them  to  enjoy  the  advantages  they  liad  acquired  among  the 
infidels  :t  the  religion  they  had  quitted  still  inspired  them 

*  M.  Michaud  observes  this  is  a  remarkable  circumstance;  but  it  is 
rruch  more  remarkable,  that  whilst  instructing  his  readers,  he  appeals  to 
gather  no  wisdom  himself.  Every  page  of  his  book  tells  us,  that  though 
there  were  many  examples  of  sincere  piety  and  virtue  among  the  Cru- 
saders, the  bulk  of  them  were  adventurers,  to  whom  the  most  profitable 
religion  would  be  the  best.  He  is  so  iii  love  with  his  drama,  that  he 
wishes  to  think  the  actors  and  their  motives  of  action  much  better  than 
they  are. — Trans. 

t  M.  Ancel(;t,  in  his  tragedy  of  Louis  IX.,  has  painted  with  much 
truthfulness  the  character  of  a  renegade. 


4:70  HISTOEY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

\vitli  respect,  and  the  presence  and  language  of  the  Franks, 
who  had  been  their  brothers,  recalled  to  thei  i  the  most  sad- 
dening remembrances ;  but,  withheld  by  I  know  not  what 
false  shame,  and  as  if  God  had  struck  them  with  an  eternal 
reprobation,  they  remained  chained  to  their  error  by  an 
invincible  link,  and  although  sensible  of  the  misery  of  living 
in  a  foreign  land,  they  did  not  dare  to  entertain  the  idea  of 
returning  to  their  own  country. 

One  of  these  renegadoes,  born  at  Provins,  who  had  fought 
uuder  the  banners  of  John  of  Brienne,  came  to  salute 
Louis  IX.,  and  bring  him  presents,  at  the  moment  the 
monarch  was  embarking  on  the  Nile,  to  repair  to  Palestine. 
As  Joinville  told  him,  that  if  he  persisted  in  practising  the 
religion  of  Mahomet,  he  ivould  go  straight  to  hell  after  his 
death  ;  he  replied,  that  he  believed  the  religion  of  Christ  to 
be  better  than  that  of  the  prophet  of  Mecca;  but,  he  added,* 
that  if  he  returned  to  the  faith  of  the  Christians,  he  shoidd 
sink  into  poverty,  and  that  during  the  rest  of  his  life  he 
should  be  loaded  with  infamous  reproaches,  and  be  every- 
where hooted  as  a  renegade  !  a  renegado  !  Thus,  the  fear  of 
poverty,  together  with,  a  dread  of  the  judgments  of  the 
Avorld,  held  iiist  the  desertei's  from  the  Christian  ftiith,  and 
prevented  their  return  to  the  belief  they  had  abandoned. 
Louis  IX.  neglected  no  means  to  bring  them  back  to  the 
right  path ;  his  liberality  always  met  half-way  sucli  as  were 
disposed  to  revert  to  Christianity  ;  and  to  shield  them  from 
the  contempt  of  men,  he  issued  an  ordinance  that  none 
should  reproach  them  with  their  apostasy. 

The  king  of  France  expended  considerable  sums  in  placing 
several  of  the  Christian  cities  in  a  state  of  defence ;  the 
towers  and  walls  of  C"sesarea,  as  well  as  those  of  Ptolemais, 
were  heightened  and  enlarged;  the  walls  and  fortifications 
of  Jaffa  and  Caipha,  whicl\  were  almo&t  in  ruins,  were  re- 
paired. Amidst  these  useful  labours,  carried  on  in  peace, 
the  warriors  remained  idle,  and  not  a  few  of  them  began  to 
be  forgetful  of  both  military  discipline  and  Gospel  morality. 
The  precaution  that  the  sieur  de  Joinville  took  to  place  his 
bed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  remove  all  evil  thoughts  respect- 
iug  his  familiarity  with  Avoinen,  proves  that  the  morals  of 
the  Christian  knights  were  not  entirely  free  from  suspicion 
at  least.     Louis  was  much  more  severe  asainst  licentiousness 


HISTORY    OF    rUK    CKUSVDKS.  471 

of  mauners  than  he  had  been  during  his  abode  at  Dainietta. 
History  mentions  several  instances  ot"  his  severity  ;  and  such 
was  the  strangeness  of  the  penal  laws  charged  with  the 
protection  of  public  decency  and  morality,  that  excess  of 
libertinism  would  at  the  present  day  appear  less  scandalous 
than  the  punishments  then  inflicted  on  the  guilty. 

Tlie  clergy,  however,  never  relaxed  in  their  endeavours  to 
recall  the  Crusaders  to  the  principles  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion ;  and  their  efforts  were  not  fruitless.  There  was  no  city, 
no  place  in  Palestine,  that  did  not  remind  the  warriors  of 
the  holy  traditions  of  the  Scriptures,  or  of  the  mercy  and 
justice  of  Grod.  Many  of  the  French  nobles,  who  had  been 
models  of  courage,  showed  an  equally  bright  example  of 
devotion  and  piety ;  it  was  common  to  see  the  bravest 
knights  lay  down  their  arms,  and  assuming  the  scrip  and 
staff'  of  the  pilgrim,  repair  to  the  spots  consecrated  by  the 
miracles  and  the  presence  of  Christ  and  the  holy  personages 
whose  memory  is  preserved  by  religion.  Louis  himself 
visited  Mount  Thabor  and  the  village  of  Cana  several  times, 
and  went  on  a  pilgrhnage  to  Nazareth.  The  sultan  of  Da- 
mascus, who  sought  every  opportunity  of  forming  an  alliance 
with  him,  invited  him  to  come  as  far  as  Jerusalem  ;  and  this 
pilgrimage  woidd  have  crowned  the  wishes  of  the  pious 
monarch  ;  but  his  barons,  and  more  particularly  the  bishops, 
represented  to  him  that  it  was  not  befftting  for  him  to  enter 
Jerusalem  as  a  simple  pilgrim,  and  that  he  had  come  into 
the  East  not  only  to  visit,  but  to  deliver  the  holy  tomb. 
They  added,  that  the  Western  princes  who  should  take  the 
cross  after  him,  would  believe,  from  his  example,  that  they 
had  fultilled  their  duty,  and  pei'forraed  their  vow,  by  merely 
visiting  the  holy  city  ;  and  thus  the  devotion  of  the  Crusaders 
would  no  longer  have  the  deliverance  of  the  sepulchre  ol 
Clirist  for  its  object.  Louis  IX.  yielded  to  the  representa- 
tions of  the  prelates,  and  consented  not  to  visit  Jerusalem 
at  that  time,  as  he  still  cherished  the  hope  of  one  day  en- 
tering it  sword  in  hand.  But  this  hope  was  doomed  soon  to 
fiide  away — God  never  afterwards  permitted  the  holy  city 
to  be  wrested  from  the  yoke  of  the  iuffdels. 

The  sultans  of  Cairo  and  Damascus  continued  to  nego 
tiati)  with  the  monarch  of  the  Pranks.  Each  of  these  two 
JMn>-iilinan  princes  ho  ed  to  have  the  Christians  for  allieb, 


472  HISTORY    OF    THE    CKUSADES. 

and  was  particularly  anxious  not  to  liave  them  fo:  e*iemies 
Every  time  they  eutertained  a  fear  of  being  vanqu  shed,  the 
emirs  of  Egypt  renewed  their  proposals,  and  they  at  leugth 
accepted  all  the  conditions  that  the  Cln-istians  required.  A 
treaty  was  concluded,  by  which  the  Mamelukes  engaged  to 
liberate  all  the  captives  that  remained  in  Egypt,  the  children 
of  Christians  brought  up  in  the  Mussulman  faith,  and, 
whi^h  had  often  been  demanded  by  ]jouis,  the  heads  of  the 
martyrs  of  the  cross  that  had  been  exposed  upon  the  walls 
of  Cairo.  Jerusalem  and  all  the  cities  of  Palestine,  v\ith 
the  exception  of  Gaza,  Daroum,  and  two  other  fortresses, 
were  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Franks.  The  treaty 
likewise  stipulated  that,  during  fifteen  years,  the  kingdom  of 
JeiMisalem  should  have  no  war  with  Egypt ;  that  the  two 
states  should  combine  their  forces ;  and  that  all  conquests 
should  be  shared  between  the  Christians  and  the  Mamelukes. 
(Some  ecclesiastics  expressed  their  doubts  and  scruples  upon 
an  alliance  with  the  enemies  of  Christ;  but  the  pious 
monarch  disdained  to  notice  their  reprei'.entations  ;  no  treaty 
had  ever  offered  so  many  advantages  for  the  Christian  cause, 
if  good  faith  had  presided  over  its  execution :  but  the 
generous  loyalty  of  Louis  rendered  him  incapable  of  sus- 
pecting fraud  or  perfidy  in  his  allies,  or  even  in  his 
enemies. 

The  leaders  of  the  Mussulmans  were  to  repair  to  Gaza, 
and  from  thence  to  Jafla,  to  confirm  the  alliance  they  had 
just  contracted,  and  to  arrange  with  the  French  king  the 
plan  for  carrying  on  the  war.  When  the  sultan  of  Damas- 
cus heard  of  the  treaty  thus  entered  into,  he  sent  an  army 
of  twenty  thousand  men  to  take  a  position  between  Gaza 
and  Daroum,  so  as  to  prevent  the  junction  of  the  Egyptians 
and  Franks.  Whether  the  Mame!  'kes  were  prevented  by 
their  internal  divisions,  or  whether  they  did  not  dare  to  face 
the  troops  of  Damascus,  they  did  not  appear  at  Jaffa  at  the 
time  agreed  upon.  They,  however,  fulfilled  all  the  other  con- 
ditions of  the  treaty,  and  added  to  the  convoy  of  caiitives  and 
funereal  relics,  the  present  of  an  elephant,  which  Louis  sent 
to  Henry  III.  of  England.  As  they  often  repeated  their 
promise  of  coming  to  Jaflli,  Louis  was  constantly  in  expec- 
tation of  them,  and  waited  for  them  an  entire  year.  The 
French  monarch  being  thus  deceived  in  his  hopes,  might, 


UISTORY    OF    THE    CRU3ADE3.  478 

without  injustice,  have  renounced  a  treaty  that  the  other  con- 
tracting party  did  not  execute  ;  he  might  again  have  opened  a 
communication  with  the  sultan  of  Damascus,  who  offered  the 
same  advantages,  with  much  more  probability  of  his  promises 
being  fulfilled.  The  emirs  of  Egypt  had  sought  the  alliance 
of  the  Christians  when  their  own  situation  appeared  despe* 
rate,  and  when  they  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  king  of 
Trance  would  receive  succours  from  the  West ;  seeing,  how- 
ever, that  Louis  had  no  army,  and  that  all  the  forces  he 
could  muster  did  not  amount  to  more  than  seven  hundred 
knights,  they  were  fearful  of  entering  too  deeply  into  en- 
gagements that  would  expose  them  to  the  hatred  of  the 
Mussulmans,  without  offering  them  any  substantial  support 
against  their  enemies.  All  these  emirs  besides,  only  fought 
to  secure  for  themselves  impunity  for  their  crime,  and  to  be 
left  in  quiet  possession  of  the  fruits  of  their  revolt.  They 
were  at  all  times  ready  to  lay  down  their  arms,  if  they  pro- 
cured pardon  for  the  past,  and  had  Egypt  abandoned  to 
them.  The  caliph  of  Bagdad  was  always  anxious  to  estab- 
lish peace  among  the  Mussulman  powers  ;  he  prevailed  upon 
the  sidtan  of  Damascus  and  Aleppo  to  forget  his  causes  of 
resentment,  and  upon  the  emirs  of  Egypt  to  expresi^  re- 
pentance, with  a  desire  for  peace.  Several  battles  were 
fought  without  any  decisive  results  ;  in  one  of  these  battles 
a  party  of  Syrian  troops  were  defeated  by  the  Mame- 
lukes, and  fled  away  towards  Damascus ;  whilst  other 
bodies  of  Mamelukes  were  beaten  by  the  Syrians,  and  pur- 
sued up  to  the  gates  of  Cairo.  A  war  in  which  victory  was 
always  uncertain,  necessarily  weakened  the  courage  and 
exhausted  tlie  patience  of  both  parties  ;  and  they  appealed  to 
the  spiritual  father  of  the  Mussulmans  to  arbitrate  between 
them.  The  sultans  of  Syria  and  Egypt  at  length  concluded 
a  peace,  and  agreed  to  unite  their  arms  against  the  Chris- 
tians. From  that  time  the  hopes  of  the  Crusaders  all 
Tanished ;  the  king  of  France,  from  having  procrastinated 
so  long,  and  at  the  same  time  neglected  a  favourable 
opportunity,  liad,  all  at  once,  two  united  enemies  to  dread. 
It  is  necessary  to  be  perfectly  acqtiamted  with  the  situation 
and  policy  of  the  Mussulman  powers,  to  ascertain  how  far 
history  has  reason  to  blame  the  indecision  and  tardiness  of 
Louis  IX.  Le  pere  Maimbourg  does  not  scruple  to  blame 
Vol.   IL— 21 


474  UISTOKi'    OF    THE    CllUSABKS. 

him  with  much  severity,  aud  dechires  phiiiily,  that  to  he  a 
saint,  it  appears  not  necessary  to  he  infallihle,  particularly  in 
political  affairs,  and  even  stiU  less  in  those  of  war. 

The  treaty  concluded  between  the  Mamekdies  aud  Syrians 
was  tlie  signal  for  war  ;  the  sultan  of  Damascus,  at  the  head 
of  an  army,  came  under  the  very  walls  of  Ptolemais,  and 
threatened  to  ravage  the  gardens  and  fields  which  supplied 
the  city  with  provisions,  if  the  inhabitants  did  not  pay  him 
a  tribute  of  fifty  thousand  golden  byzants.  The  Christians 
were  not  in  a  condition  to  resist  their  enemies,  if  the  latter 
had  theu  had  any  intention  of  attacking  them  in  earnest ; 
but  the  Syrians,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  were  in  want  of  pro- 
visions, and  returned  to  Damascus,  whilst  the  Mamelukes, 
at  the  same  time,  retook  the  route  to  Cairo  ;  both  of  them 
departing  with  an  intention  of  returning  on  the  first  favour- 
able occasion  to  invade  and  desolate  Palestine. 

The  threats  of  the  Mussulmans  redoubled  the  zeal  and 
the  efibrts  of  Louis  to  place  the  Christian  cities  in  a  state 
of  defence ;  he  determined  to  restore  the  fortifications  of 
Sidon,  which  had  been  demolished  by  the  Saracens  of  Da- 
mascus, at  the  time  that  the  Crusaders  landed  in  Egypt. 
He  sent  a  great  number  of  workmen  into  this  city,  and  the 
Avorks  were  rapidly  advancing,  when  they  were  all  at  once 
interrupted  by  the  most  deplorable  occurrence.  The  place 
having  a  weak  garrison,  was  surprised,  and  every  Christian 
it  contained  put  to  the  sword  by  the  Turcomans,  a  wander- 
ing, ferocious  race,  accustomed  to  live  by  murder  and  plunder. 
Loius  was  at  Tyre  when  he  learned  this  disastrous  news, 
and  was  about  to  go  to  Sidon.  Some  of  the  few  Syrian  in- 
habitants that  had  escaped  the  carnage,  described  to  him 
the  unheard-of  cruelties  of  the  barbarians  ;  the  fury  of  the 
Turcomans  had  spared  neither  age  nor  sex,  and  in  their  re- 
treat they  had  slaughtered  two  thousand  prisojiers.  Louis, 
deeply  afflicted  by  what  he  heard,  formed  at  once  the  deter- 
mination to  go  and  attack  the  Turcomans  in  Beliuas,  to 
which  place  they  had  retired.  At  the  first  signal  all  the 
warriors  that  accompanied  him  eagerly  assumed  their  armour. 
The  king  vvashed  to  place  himself  at  their  held,  but  the 
barons  strongly  opposed  his  intention,  saying,  "  that  he  uuist 
not  expose  a  life  of  so  much  consequence  to  the  Holy  Laud, 
in  such  an  ex])('dition."     The  Christian  warriors  set  forward 


UlSTORY    01'    Tin;    CKUSADES.  475 

on  their  inarch.  Beliuas,  or  Ciesarea  Philippi,  was  biiilt 
upon  a  declivity  of  Mounii  Libauus,  near  the  sources  of  tlie 
Jordan :  the  place  was  only  to  be  approached  by  narrow 
roads  and  steep  ascents ;  but  nothing  could  stop  the  Cru- 
saders, impatient  to  avenge  their  murdered  brethren.  Upon 
tlieir  arrival  at  Beiinas,  the  enemy  fled  in  all  directions ;  the 
city  was  taken,  and  tliis  victory  would  have  been  complete,  if 
the  Christian  warriors  had  observed  the  laws  of  discipline, 
and  followed  the  orders  of  their  leaders.  AV^hilst  the  French 
were  taking  possession  of  Beiinas,  the  Teutonic  knights 
weiit  to  attack  a  Mussulman  castle,  built  upon  the  neigh- 
bouring heights,  whose  towers  appeared  mingled  with  the 
peaks  of  Libauus.  The  Saracens,  who  had  rallied  at  this 
place,  and  began  to  recover  their  courage,  repulsed  the  as- 
sailants, and  pursued  them  across  the  rocks  and  precipices. 
The  precipitate  retreat  of  the  Teutonic  knights  threw  the 
other  Christian  warriors  into  confusion  ;  these  latter  being 
huddled  together  upon  a  mountainous  piece  of  ground, 
wliei-e  they  could  neither  fight  on  horseback  nor  form  a 
line  of  battle.  The  sieur  de  Joinville,  who  led  the  king's 
guards,  was  more  than  once  upon  the  point  of  losing  his  life, 
or  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Turcomans.  At  length 
the  French,  by  hard  fighting,  repaired  the  error  of  the  Ger- 
mans ;  Olivier  de  Thermes,  and  the  warriors  he  commanded, 
succeeded  in  repulsing  the  Mussulmans.  The  Crusaders, 
after  having  pillaged  Beiinas,  abandoned  it,  and  returned  to 
Sidon. 

Louis  IX.  arrived  there  before  them :  on  his  approach  to 
the  city,  wliat  was  his  sorrow  at  seeing  on  his  route  the 
ground  covered  \\'ith  plundered  and  bloody  carcases  !  These 
were  the  miserable  remains  of  the  Christians  that  had  been 
slain  by  the  Turcomans.*     They  were  putrefying  fast,  and 

*  Joinville's  account  is  very  confused  here  ;  indeed,  almost,  unintelligible. 
He  says  at  first  that  the  king  was  at  Sidon,  and  that  he  retired  into  t)ie 
castle  on  the  arrival  of  the  Saracens.  Two  panes  further  on  he  says  : 
"  V\hsn  the  king  had  finished  the  fortifying  of  Jaffa,  lie  formed  the  inten- 
tion of  doing  the  same  for  Sidon  as  he  had  done  for  Jaffa''  We  cannot 
foil  to  observe  a  contradiction  here.  We  can  suppose  that  Louis  had 
been  to  Sidon,  had  left  it,  and  had  again  returned  ;  but  one  circumstance 
proves  the  contrary.  Histury  says  that  two  tlmusand  Christians  were 
killed  at  Sidon,  or  in  the  vi<:inity  of  that  city  ;  if  Louis  had  then  been 
opou  the  spot,   It  is  most  probable  he  would  have  buried  the  dead  before 


17G  HlSTOllY    OF    THE    CKUSAUES. 

there  bad  been  no  one  to  undertake  the  charge  of  burying 
thorn.  Louis  stopped  at  beliolding  the  melancholy  spectacle, 
and  turning  to  the  legate,  requested  him  to  consecrate  a 
cemetery,  and  then  gave  orders  for  the  burial  of  the  dead 
that  covered  the  roads;  but  instead  of  obeying  him,  every 
one  turned  away  his  eyes  and  recoiled  with  disgust.  Louis 
then  sprang  from  his  horse,  and  taking  in  his  hands  one  of 
the  bodies  from  which  exhaled  an  infectious  odour,  exclaimed, 
"  Come,  my  friends,  come,  Jet  its  bestow  a  little  earth  upon  the 
martyrs  of  Jesus  Christ.'"  The  example  of  the  kiug  reanimated 
the  com-age  and  the  charity  of  the  persons  of  his  suite ;  all 
were  eager  to  imitate  him,  and  the  Christians,  whom  the 
barbarians  had  slaughtered,  thus  received  the  honours  of 
sepulture.  This  act  of  pious  devotedness  of  Louis  IX.  to 
the  memory  of  his  companions  in  arms,  has  been  celebrated 
by  all  historians ;  it  presents  a  strange  contrast  to  the  in- 
sensibility of  a  hero  of  modern  times,  who,  in  a  circumstance 
almost  similar,  and  in  the  same  country,  caused  all  the 
wounded  who  were  left  upon  a  field  of  battle  to  be  poisoned. 

The  king  remained  several  months  at  Sidon,  employed  in 
fortifying  the  city.  In  the  mean  time  Queen  Blanche  was 
constantly  writing  to  him  and  entreating  him  to  retui'u  to 
Prance,  as  she  greatly  feared  she  should  never  see  her  sou 
again. 

Her  presentiments  were  but  too  quickly  realized.  Louis 
was  still  at  Sidon,  when  a  message  arrived  in  Palestine, 
announcing  that  the  queen  regent  was  no  more.  It  was 
the  legate  of  the  pope  who  first  received  this  melancholy 
jiews.  He  went  to  seek  the  king,  accompanied  by  the  arch- 
bishop of  Tyre  and  Geoffrey  de  Beaulieu,  Louis's  confessor. 
As  the  prelate  announced  that  he  had  something  important 
to  communicate,  and  at  the  same  time  exhibited  marks  ot 
great  grief  upon  his  countenance,  the  monarch  led  him 
into  his  chapel,  which,  according  to  an  old  author,  "  was 
his  arsenal  ayainst  all  the  crosses  of  the  loorld."  The  pre- 
late began  by  reminding  the  king  that  all  that  man  loves 
^pon  the  earth  was  perishable  ;  "  be  thankful  to  God,"  added 

his  departure,  and  would  not  have  dfferi-ed  the  performance  of  this  pioua 
duly  till  his  return.  It  is  e\ddent  that  Joinville's  account  lias  been 
altered  at  this  part;  unfortunately,  this  alteratioc  is  not  t!.e  only  ons 
ifhicli  this  precious  historical  uioiiument  ha»  undergone. 


HISTORY    Ol'    THE    CHL'SAUES.  477 

he,  "  for  having  given  you  a  mother  vi'ho  has  watched 
over  your  family  and  your  kingdom  with  such  anxious 
care,  and  so  much  ability."  The  legate  paused  for  a  mo- 
ment, and  theuj  breathing  a  profound  sigh,  continued, 
"  This  tender  mother,  this  virtuous  princess,  is  now  in 
heaven."  At  these  words,  Louis  uttered  a  piercing  cry, 
and  then  burst  into  a  torrent  of  tears.  As  soou  as  he  had  a 
little  recovered  himself,  he  fell  on  his  knees  before  the  altar, 
and  joining  and  raising  his  hands,  exclaimed,  "  I  thank  you 
0  my  Grod  !  for  having  given  me  so  good  a  mother ;  it  was 
a  gift  of  your  mercy  ;  you  take  her  back  to-day  as  your 
own ;  you  know  that  I  loved  her  above  all  creatures  ;  but 
since,  before  all  tilings,  your  decrees  must  be  accomplished, 
O  Lord!  be  your  name  blessed  for  ever,  and  for  ever!" 
Louis  sent  away  the  two  prelates,  and,  remaining  alone  with 
his  confessor,  he  recited  the  service  for  the  dead.  Two  days 
passed  away  before  he  would  see  anybody.  He  then  desired 
Joinville  to  be  called,  and  upon  seeing  him,  said,  "  Ah  !  se- 
neschal, I  have  lost  my  mother."  "  Sire,"  replied  Joinville, 
"  I  am  not  surprised  at  that ;  you  knew  that  she  must  die  at 
some  time  ;  but  I  marvel  at  the  great  and  extravagant  grief 
that  you  feel  for  it,  you  who  have  always  been  so  wise  a 
prince."  When  Joinville  left  the  king,  Madame  Marie  de 
bonnes  Vertus  came  to  beg  that  he  would  come  to  the  queen 
and  endeavour  to  console  her.  The  good,  seneschal  found 
IMarguerite  bathed  in  tears,  and  could  not  refrain  from  ex- 
pressing his  surprise  by  saying  to  her,  "It  is  a  difficult  matter 
to  believe  you  are  a  woman  by  your  weeping,  for  the  grief 
you  show  is  for  the  loss  of  a  woman  that  you  hated  more 
than  any  other  in  the  world."  IMarguerite  replied  that  it 
was  not,  in  fact,  for  the  death  of  Blanclie  she  was  weeping, 
"  but  for  the  great  vuieasiness  in  which  1  see  the  king,  and 
also  for  our  daughter,  left  under  the  guardianship  of  men." 

Louis  IX.  was  present  every  day  at  a  funeral  service  cele- 
brated in  memory  of  his  motlier.  He  sent  into  the  AV^est  a 
great  number  of  jewels  and  precious  stones  to  be  distributed 
among  the  principal  churches  of  France ;  at  the  sune  time 
exhorting  the  clergy  to  put  up  prayers  for  him  and  for  the 
repose  of  the  queen  Blanche.  In  proportion  with  his  en- 
deavours to  procure  prayers  for  his  mother,  his  grief  yielded 
to  the  hope  of  seeing  her  again  in  heaven ;  and  his  mind, 


i7S  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

when  calmed  by  resignation,  found  its  most  effectual  conso- 
lations in  that  mysterious  tie  which  still  unites  us  with  those 
we  have  lost,  in  that  religious  sentiment  which  mixes  itself 
with  our  affections  to  purify  them,  and  wifh  our  regrets  to 
mitigate  them. 

The  death  of  Queen  Blanche  seemed  to  impose  an  obhga- 
tion  upon  Louis  IX.  to  return  to  his  dominions  ;  and  the 
news  he  received  from  the  West  convinced  him  that  his  pre 
sence  was  becoming  more  necessary  every  day.  A  war  for 
the  succession  of  Flanders  had  broken  out  again :  tlie  truce 
with  England  had  just  expired  ;  the  people  were  murmuring  : 
on  the  other  hand,  Louis  had  now  nothing  he  could  under- 
take in  Palestine.  He  therefore  gave  his  serious  attention 
to  the  subject  of  his  return ;  but  as  if,  on  this  occasion,  he 
mistrusted  his  own  understanding,  he  determined,  before  he 
formed  a  definitive  resolution,  to  consult  the  will  of  God. 
Processions  were  made,  and  prayers  were  put  up  in  all  the 
Christian  cities  of  Palestine,  that  Heaven  might  deign  to 
enlighten  those  who  had  been  charged  with  the  directing  of 
a  war  undertaken  in  its  name.  The  clergy  and  barons  of 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  persuaded  that  the  presence  of 
Louis  was  no  longer  necessary,  and  that  his  return  to  the 
West  might  rouse  the  enthusiasm  of  the  French  warriors 
for  a  new  crusade,  advised  him  to  embark  for  Europe  ;  at  the 
same  time  expressing  their  fervent  gratit\ide  for  all  the  ser- 
vices he  had  rendered  to  the  cause  of  Jesus  Christ  during 
five  years.  On  preparing  for  his  departure,  Louis  left  a 
hundred  knights  in  the  Holy  Land,  under  the  command  of 
Geoffrey  de  Sergines,  who  fought  against  the  Saracens  for 
thirty  years,  and  became,  in  his  old  age,  viceroy  of  Jerusalem. 
Louis  quitted  Sidon,  and,  with  the  queen  and  three  cliildren 
that  he  had  had  in  the  East,  repaired  to  Ptolemais,  in  the 
spring  of  1254.  A  fleet  of  fourteen  vessels  was  ready  to 
receive  him  and  all  that  remained  of  the  warriors  of  the 
crusade.  The  day  being  arrived  (April  24th),  the  king, 
walking  on  foot,  followed  by  tlie  legate,  the  patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  and  all  the  nobles  and  knights  of  Palestine,  took 
the  road  to  the  port,  amidst  an  immense  crowd  collected  on 
his  passage.  All  classes,  as  they  saw  him  depart,  recollected 
the  virtues  of  which  he  had  given  so  bright  an  example, 
particularly  his   kindness  to  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine, 


UISTOKY    OF    THE    CRV  JADES.  47% 

wlwm  he  had  treated  as  his  own  subjects.  Some  expressed 
their  gratitude  by  warm  acclamatious,  others  by  a  melancholy 
silence ;  but  all  proclaimed  him  the  father  of  the  Christians, 
and  implored  Heaven  to  shower  its  blessings  upon  the  vir- 
tuous monarch,  and  upon  the  kingdom  of  France.  The 
countenance  of  Louis  plainly  indicated  that  he  fully  partook 
uf  the  regrets  of  the  Christians  of  the  Holy  Land ;  he 
addressed  a  few  consoling  words  to  them,  gave  them  useful 
counsels,  reproached  himself  with  not  haWng  done  enough 
lor  their  cause,  and  expressed  an  earnest  desire  that  God 
■wo\dd  some  day  judge  him  worthy  of  finishing  the  work  of 
their  deliverance. 

At  length  the  fleet  set  sail.  Louis  had  obtained  per- 
mission from  the  legate  to  take  with  him,  in  his  vessel,  the 
Holy  Sacrament,  for  the  assistance  of  the  dying  and  the 
sick ;  so,  when  beholding  altars  raised  on  board  a  ship, 
priests  clothed  in  their  sa^'.'rdotal  habits,  celebrating  divine 
service,  and  invoking  thr  protection  of  Heaven  at  every 
hour  in  the  day,  it  was  easy  to  recognise  the  pious  wreck  ot 
a  crusade,  and  the  last  trophies  of  the  war  of  Jesus  Clirist.* 
As  the  fleet  approached  the  isle  of  Cyprus,  the  vessel  in 
which  the  king  was  struck  violently  against  a  saiid-bank ; 
all  the  crew  were  seized  with  terror ;  the  queen  and  her 
children  uttered  piercing  cries;  but  Louis  prostrated 
himself  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  addressed  himself 
to  Him  who  connnands  the  sea.  When  the  vessel  was 
examined,  it  was  found  that  it  had  received  considerable 
damage,  and  the  pilots  pressed  the  king  to  leave  it ;  but 
seeing  that  they  themselves  did  not  purpose  to  abandon  the 
ship,  he  determined  to  remain  in  it.  "  There  is  no  one 
here,"  said  he,  "  who  does  not  love  his  body  as  dearly 
as  I  do  mine ;  if  I  leave,  they  will  leave  also,  and,  ])erhai)s, 
■will  not  see  their  country  for  a  length  of  time ;  I  prefer 
placing  myself,  my  queen,  and  my  children  in  the  hands  of 
God,  to  doing  such  an  injury  to  so  great  a  number  of  people 

*  It  is  not  uninteresting  or  Iwrren  of  instruction,  to  think  how  different 
would  be  the  rr-flections  of  a  Voltaire  or  a  Gibbon  on  this  subject  !  Th« 
reader  may  safely  take  a  po.-ition  between  the  two  extremes :  Louis  was  a 
good  and  i)ious  nan,  but  a  very  mistaken  one  ;  as  king  of  a  great  peopio; 
he  certainly  liad  not  performed  his  duties  during  the  last  five  years.—- 
Trans, 


i>SO  IlISTOKY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

as  tliere  are  here."  These  words,  inspired  by  an  lieroic 
charity,  revived  the  courage  of  the  sailors  and  the  pilgrirus*. 
and  they  resumed  their  course.  AVhen  leaving  the  coasts  oi 
Sicily,  the  fleet  very  carefully  kept  clear  of  the  coast  of 
Tunis,  as  if  a  secret  presentiment  warned  the  French  Cru- 
saders of  the  misfortunes  that  awaited  them  upon  that  shore 
in  a  still  more  disastrous  expedition.  A  tempest  placed  the 
fleet  in  great  peril ;  it  was  upon  this  occasion  Queen  JNlar- 
guerite  made  a  vow  to  offer  a  ship  of  silver  to  St.  Nicholas 
of  Lorraine,  and  requested  Joinville  to  become  her  security 
with  the  patron  saint  of  such  as  are  shipwrecked.  Whilst 
everybody  else  was  in  despair,  Louis  found  calmness  in  a 
philosophy  derived  from  religion ;  and  when  the  danger  was 
past,  he  said  to  his  companions  :  "  See  if  God  has  not  proved 
to  us  how  vast  is  his  power,  when  by  means  of  a  smgle  one 
of  the  four  winds,  the  king  of  France,  the  queen,  their 
children,  and  so  many  other  persons  have  escaped  drowning." 
The  navigation  lasted  more  than  two  months,  during  which 
many  marvellous  adventures  and  accidents  were  encountered 
by  the  pilgrims,  which  history  has  preserved  an  account  of,  and 
which  would  not  figure  unworthily  in  a  Christian  Odyssey. 

The  fleet  at  length  cast  anchor  at  the  isles  of  Hierea. 
Louis  crossed  Provence,  and  passing  by  Auvergne,  arrived 
at  Yincennes  on  the  5th  of  September,  1254.  The  people 
flocked  from  all  parts  to  greet  him  on  his  passage  ;  the  more 
they  appeared  to  forget  his  reverses,  the  more  strongly  was 
Louis  aftected  by  the  remembrance  of  his  lost  companions ; 
and  the  melancholy  that  clouded  his  countenance  formed  a 
paxuful  contrast  with  the  public  joy.  His  first  care  was  to 
go  to  St.  Denis,  to  prostrate  himself  at  the  feet  of  the 
apo-itle  of  France;  on  the  following  day  he  made  his  public 
ent'  nnce  into  his  capital,  preceded  by  the  clergy,  the  nobility, 
and  *^he  people.  He  continued  to  wear  the  cross  upon  his 
shoi  ider,  the  sight  of  which,  whilst  recalling  the  cause  of  his 
lon/j  absence,  gave  his  subjects  reason  to  fear  that  he  had 
not  yet  abandoned  his  enterprise  of  the  crusade.  The 
greater  number  of  the  barons  and  knights  that  had  gone 
with  Louis,  had  found  a  grave  in  either  Syria  or  Egypt. 
Such  as  had  survived  so  many  disasters,  reentered  their 
castles,  which  they  found  deserted  and  falling  to  ruins.  The 
good  seneschal,  after  having  revisited  his  home,   repaired. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  481 

barefooted,  to  the  church  of  St.  Nicholas  of  Lorraine,  to  dis- 
charge the  vow  of  Queen  Marguerite.  He  then  set  earnestly- 
about  repairing  the  evils  his  absence  had  caused,  and  swore 
never  again  to  quit  the  castle  of  Joinville  to  seek  adveutiu-es 
in  Asia. 

Thus  terminated  this  holy  war,  the  commencement  of 
which  had  filled  the  Christian  nations  with  so  much  delight, 
and  which  had,  in  the  end,  plunged  the  whole  West  into 
mourning.  Throughout  the  events  I  have  just  described, 
the  seneschal  de  Joinville  has  been  my  guide,  and  I  cannot 
terminate  my  recital  without  paying  him  the  just  tribute  of 
my  gratitude.  The  unpretending  tone  of  his  narration,  the 
simplicity  of  his  style,  the  gaiety  of  his  character,  have 
aiforded  me  a  happy  relief  amidst  a  labour  always  dry  and 
sometimes  revolting.  I  take  delight  in  beholding  him  in- 
trepid in  the  field  of  battle,  preserving  his  cheerfulness 
amidst  the  misfortimes  of  war,  resigned  in  his  captivity,  and 
in  all  his  actions  recalling  to  our  minds  the  true  spirit  of 
chivalry.  Like  his  compatriot  Yillehardouin,  he  often  makes 
his  heroes  weep,  and  as  often  weeps  himself.  He  braves 
danger,  when  danger  is  present ;  but  he  thanks  God  with  all 
his  heart  when  he  has  no  longer  anything  to  fear. 

When  I  read  his  memoirs,  I  am  transported  back  to  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  I  think  I  am  listening  to  a  knight 
who  is  returned  from  the  crusade,  and  who  tells  to  me  all  he 
has  seen  and  all  he  has  done.  He  has  neither  method  nor 
rule  ;  he  drops  the  line  of  his  discourse,  and  takes  it  up 
again ;  and  he  extends  or  abridges  his  narration,  as  his 
imagination  is  more  or  less  struck  by  that  which  he  .'elates. 
AVhen  we  read  the  narratives  of  Joinville,  we  are  not  sur- 
prised that  Louis  should  have  taken  so  much  delight  in  hia 
conversation ;  there  is  not  one  of  his  readers  wlio  does  not 
feel  the  same  confidence  and  friendship  for  him  that  the  vir- 
tuous monarch  accorded  him,  and  history  adopts  without 
hesitation  all  that  he  affirms  tcpon  his  honour,  persuaded 
that  he  who  was  bold  enough  to  speak  the  truth  in  the  courts 
of  kings  \v\\\  not  deceive  posterity. 

The  crusade  of  St.  Louis  was  like  thafwhich  immediately 
preceded  it.  The  enthusias!n  for  these  distant  expeditious 
was  daily  losing  its  vivacity  and  its  energy  :  the  ciusade  no 
longer  appeared  anything  to  the  knights  beyond  a  coinnioxj 

21* 


4.82  HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

war,  in  which  the  spirit  of  chivalry  was  a  r  lore  powerfu. 
principle  than  religion.  It  was  only  a  religious  affair  to 
Louis  IX. 

The  manner  in  which  tliis  crusade  was  preached  in  Europe, 
the  troubles  amidst  which  the  voices  of  the  preachers  were 
raised,  and  particidarly  the  means  that  were  employed  to 
levy  the  tributes  in  the  AVest,  were  calculated  to  turn  away 
all  minds  from  the  object  that  would  be  supposed  to  be  the 
governing  one  in  a  holy  expedition. 

And  yet  Louis  took  precautions  that  had  been  neglected 
in  preceding  wars.  Three  years  were  employed  in  preparing 
this  great  enterprise  ;  the  knights  who  arrived  in  the  isle  of 
Cyprus  could  not  express  their  astonishment  at  seeing  the 
casks  of  wine  piled  one  upon  another,  so  high  that  they  ap- 
peared like  houses ;  and  heaps  of  wheat,  barley,  and  other 
grains,  so  immense,  that  they  miyht  he  helieved  to  be  moun- 
tains. Tliere  is  no  doubt  that  the  princes  and  nobles  who 
accompanied  Louis  imitated  his  example  :  happy  had  it  been 
for  tlie  Crusaders,  if  their  leaders  had  slaown  in  war  the 
same  prudence  and  sagacity  they  displayed  in  preparing  for 
their  expedition ! 

The  French  warriors  upon  all  occasions  evinced  their 
accustomed  bravery ;  but  throughout  the  crusade  there  was 
never  exhibited  one  instance  of  the  genius  of  a  great  cap- 
tain ;  Louis  himself,  wlien  in  danger,  afforded  no  example  to 
his  troops  beyond  courage  and  firmness.  We  have  related  ^ 
the  prodigies  of  French  valour,  and  we  have  described  the 
prodigies  of  pious  resignation  in  reverses ;  the  Crusaders 
and  their  leaders  merited,  even  in  their  disasters  and  in  th(; 
depth  of  their  misery,  the  esteem  and  admiiation  of  tlieir 
enemies ;  and  it  is  here  that  history  presents  the  most  beau- 
tiful spectacle  she  can  offer  to  man  :  "  Olory,  the  faithful 
companion  of  misfortune.^'' 

AVe  have  had  occasion,  in  the  course  of  our  narrative,  to 
remark  that  French  gaiety  never  abandoned  the  cro^^s- 
knights  in  their  distant  expeditions.  Tliis  gaiety  often 
mixed  itself  with  the  saddest  images,  and  sometimes  even 
did  not  respect  severe  propriety.  AYe  beg  to  be  permitted 
to  repeat  on  this  head  a  singular  anecdote  related  by  Join- 
viUe.  On  the  eve  of  the  battle  of  Mansourah,  one  of  tiie 
kuiglits  of  the  seneschal  of  Champagne,  named  Landricourt, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    .CRUSADES.  483 

died ;  and  wliilst  the  funeral  honours  were  being  paid  to 
him,  six  of  his  companions  in  arms  talked  so  loud  that  they 
interrupted  the  priest  who  was  chanting  mass.  Joinville 
reproved  them  warm.ly,  and  they  then  laughed  aloud,  saying 
they  were  talking  about  remarrying  the  wife  of  Messire 
Hugh  de  Landricourt,  loho  teas  on  the  bier  there.  The  good 
Joinville  was  very  much  scandalized  at  such  discourse,  and 
ordered  them  to  keep  silent.  When  speaking  of  this  indis- 
creet gaiety  of  his  knights,  the  seneschal  takes  care  to  add 
that  God  punished  them  on  the  day  of  battle  ;  for  of  all  tlie 
six,  he  says,  there  was  not  one  that  was  not  killed  and 
buried,  and  whose  wife  did  not  afterwards  find  it  conve- 
nient to  marry  again. 

The  manners  of  the  European  knights  formed  a  veiy 
striking  contrast  with  those  of  the  Mussulmans,  who  were 
always  grave  and  serious,  even  amidst  the  festivities  in 
which  they  celebrated  the  deliverance  of  their  country  and 
the  defeat  of  the  Christians. 

We  have  spoken  many  times  of  the  want  of  discipline  of 
the  Crusaders  ;  the  Saracens  were  very  little  better  in  this 
respect;  but  in  addition  to  having  the  advantage  of  fighting 
in  their  own  country,  with  every  foot  of  which  they  were 
acquainted,  fortune  gave  them,  in  their  greatest  dangers, 
skilful  and  experienced  leaders,  who  knew  how  to  take  ad- 
var.tage  of  all  the  errors  of  the  Christians,  and  bring  back 
to  their  banners  that  victory  that  appeared  to  have  been 
driven  away  b,y  the  valour  of  their  enemies. 

History  describes  the  whole  Egyptian  nation  as  struck 
with  terror  at  the  first  appearance  of  the  Crusaders  ;  but 
the  Mussulmans,  reassured  by  their  leaders,  soon  felt  as 
much  security  and  confidence  as  they  had  experienced  alarm  ; 
and  as  if  there  was  nothing  that  men  forgot  so  easily  as 
danger,  a  year  after  the  taking  of  Damietta,  they  could  not 
conceive  what  species  of  madness  had  led  a  king  of  France 
to  the  banks- of  the  Nile.  The  continuator  of  Tabary  relates 
a  circumstance  on  this  subject,  which  paints  at  once  tlie 
opinion  and  the  character  of  the  Mussulmans.  The  emir 
Hossam-Eddin,  in  the  course  of  a  conference  with  the  cap- 
tive monarch,  said  to  him  :  "  How  did  it  come  into  the  mind 
of  the  king,  whom  I  perceive  endo\\ed  with  wisdom  and 
pood  qualities, — how  did  it  ever  enter  his  tlioughts  to  trust 


184  HISTORY    OF    TKJ.    CRTSADES. 

himself  to  a  fragile  wooden  bark,  to  brave  the  rocks  ol" 
the  sea,  to  venture  into  a  country  filled  with  warriors  impa- 
tient to  fight  for  the  Mussulman  faith ;  how  could  he  pos- 
sibly believe  that  he  should  take  possession  of  Egypt,  or 
that  he  should  land  upon  these  coasts,  without  exposing 
both  himself  and  his  people  to  the  greatest  dangers  ?"  The 
king  of  France  smiled,  but  made  no  reply ;  arid  the  emir 
thus  continued :  "  Some  of  the  doctors  of  our  law  have 
decided  that  he  who  embarks  upon  the  sea  twice  consecu- 
tively, by  thus  exposing  his  life  and  his  fortime,  renders 
himself  unfit  to  have  his  evidence  taken  in  a  court  of 
justice,  because  such  gross  imprudence  sufficiently  proves 
the  weakness  of  his  reason  and  the  unsoundness  of  his 
judgment."  Louis  IX.  again  smiled,  and  answered  the 
emir :  "  He  who  said  so  was  not  deceived ;  that  is  a  wise 
decision."* 

We  have  transcribed  the  account  of  the  Arabian  histo- 
rian, without  according  him  rhore  credit  than  he  merits. 
Christian  authors  have  not  been  less  severe  towards  St. 
Louis,  and  can  find  no  excuse  for  his  expedition  beyond  the 
seas.  Without  seeking  to  justify  this  crusade,  we  will  con- 
tent ourselves  with  saying  here*  that  the  aim  of  Louis  IX. 
was  not  only  to  defend  the  Christian  states  of  Syria  and  to 
fight  with  the  enemies  of  the  faith,  but  to  found  a  colony 
which  might  unite  the  East  and  the  West  by  the  happy 
interchange  of  productions  and  knowledge.  AV^e  have  pro- 
duced, in  the  thirteenth  book  of  this  history,  a  letter  from 
the  sultan  of  Cairo,  by  which  it  may  be  plainly  perceived, 
tliat  the  king  of  France  had  other  views  than  those  of  a 
mere  conqueror.  The  historian  Mezerai  formally  says  that 
the  project  of  the  king  of  France  was  to  establish  a  colon^j 
in  Egypt,  a  project  of  which  the  execution  has  been  at 
tempted  in  modern  times.  "  For  this  purpose,"  says  Meze 
rai,  "  he  took  with  him  a  great  niunber  of  labourers  and 
artisans,  capable,  nevertheless,  of  bearing  arms  and  fighting 
in  case  of  need."  To  support  our  opinion,  we  might  add  to 
the  authority  of  Mezerai  that  of  Leibnitz,  who,  in  a  memoir 
addi'essed  to  Louis  XIV.,  does   not  hesitate  to  affirm  that 

*  The  continuation  of  the  conversation  of  King  Louis  with  the  emii 
has  for  its  object  the  manner  in  which  the  Mussnlman  doctors  inter})ret 
the  precept  for  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADE8.  486 

the  motives  wHch  determined  Louis  IX.  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  Egypt,  were  inspired  by  profound  wisdom,  and 
merited  the  attention  of  the  most  slvilful  statesmen,  and  of 
the  most  enliglitened  political  writers. 

AYc  must  however  believe  that  Louis  IX.  did  not  con- 
template in  their  full  extent  the  advantages  that  might  be 
derived  from  his  expedition,  or  that  have  been  discovered  in 
our  age.  All  the  policy  of  those  distant  ages  consisted  in 
religious  ideas,  which  insinuated  themselves  into  human 
affiiira,  and  often  directed  them  towards  an  end  that  human 
intelligence  was  incapable  of  perceiving.  What  we  do  now 
for  the  interests  of  commerce  or  ci\'ilization,  was  then  done 
for  the  interests  of  Christianity  ;  and  the  results  were  often 
the  same.  Religion,  in  those  times  of  barbarism  and  igno- 
rance, was  like  a  mysterious  reason,  like  a  sublime  instinct, 
given  to  man  to  assist  him  in  his  search  for  all  that  was 
doomed  to  become  good  and  useful  to  him..  AVe  must  not 
forget  that  the  Christian  religion  always  directed  the  con- 
duct of  Louis  IX.,  and  that  it  was  to  the  religious  inspira- 
tions of  this  monarch,  that  France  owed  those  treaties,  at 
which  frankness  and  good  faith  presided  ;  those  institutions 
that  consecrated  the  principles  of  justice ;  and  all  those 
monuments  of  a  wise  policy,  to  which  modern  philosophers 
have  not  been  able  to  refuse  their  admiration. 

The  expedition  of  Louis  IX.  produced  two  results  for 
Egypt  that  were  not  at  all  expected.  Two  years  after  the 
deliverance  of  the  king,  and  whilst  he  was  still  in  Palestine, 
the  Mamelukes,  fearing  a  fresh  invasion  of  the  Pranks,  in 
order  to  prevent  their  enemies  from  taking  Damietta  and 
fortifying  themselves  in  that  city,  entirely  destroyed  it. 
Some  years  after,  as  their  fears  wei'e  not  yet  removed,  and 
the  second  crusade  of  Louis  IX.  spread  fresh  alarms  through- 
out the  East,  the  Egyptians  caused  immense  heaps  of  stones 
to  be  cast  into  the  mouth  of  the  Nile,  in  order  that  the 
Christian  fleets  might  not  be  able  to  sail  up  the  river.  Since 
that  period  a  new  Damietta  has  been,  built  at  a  small  dis- 
tance from  the  site  of  the  former  city ;  but  the  entrance  to 
the  Nile  is  still,  in  our  days,  closed  against  all  vessels,  a  sad 
and  deplorable  testimony  of  the  terror  which  the  arms  of 
the  Franks  formerly  inspired. 

History  has  a  deeper  lament  to  make  over  the  second 


486  HISTOKY    OF    THE    CKUSADE8. 

consequence  of  this  crusade.  It  is  certain  that  it  contributed  ~ 
greatly  to  cliange  the  form  of  the  Egyptian  government, 
and  to  hll  that  unliappy  country  witli  all  the  scourges  that 
military  despotisui  brings  in  its  train.  It  was  a  spectacle 
worthy  of  our  attention  and  our  pity,  to  see,  after  a  bloody 
revolution,  a  rich  and  vast  country  abandoned  all  at  once  to 
slaves  purchased  m  the  most  barbarous  regions  of  Asia. 
Despotism,  which  always  suspects  everything  that  approaches 
it,  dreaded  the  natural  defenders  of  Egypt,  and  was  willing 
to  confide  its  safety  to  men  without  country  and  without 
family ;  to  those  men  who,  according  to  the  expression  ot 
Tacitus,  when  speakiug  of  the  guards  of  Artabanus,  have 
not  the  least  idea  of  virtue,  are  incapable  of  remorse,  are  in- 
struments always  ready  for  crime,  and  only  know  the  hand 
that  pays  them.  Most  of  the  dynasties  of  Syria  had  ali'eady 
perished  victims  of  their  imprudent  confidence  in  foreign 
soldiers.  That  of  Saladin  shared  the  same  fate,  and  was, 
like  all  the  others,  overthrown  by  the  barbarians  whom  it 
had  intrusted  with  its  defence.  The  dynasty  of  the  Baharite 
Mamelukes,  which  succeeded  that  of  Ayoub,  was  not  des- 
tined to  have  a  long  duration ;  and  a  body  of  slaves,  pur- 
chased in  Circassia,  in  their  turn  got  possession  of  the 
power  that  had  armed  them.  Two  centuries  after,  the 
Ottoman  empire  overcame  the  second  dynasty  of  the  Mame- 
lukes ;  but  their  military  government,  amidst  the  crimes  oi 
tyranny  and  excesses  of  disorder,  for  a  long  time  braved  the 
power  of  the  conqueror,  and  subsisted  to  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  when  the  presence  of  a  French  army 
completed  its  annihilation.  Thus,  two  French  expeditions 
into  Egypt  were  marked,  one  by  the  revolt  and  elevation  of 
the  Mamelukes,  the  other  by  their  destruction. 

Philosophy  and  humanity,  however,  derived  some  advan- 
tages from  the  expedition  of  St.  Louis,  which  history  does 
not  dispute.  The  French  monarch  heard  in  Syria  that  a 
powerful  emir  was  collecting  a  great  number  of  books,  and 
forming  a  library  which  was  to  be  open  to  all  the  learned, 
and  to  all  desirous  of  gaining  knowledge.  He  became 
anxious  to  imitate  this  noble  example,  and  gave  orders  for 
having  all  the  manuscripts  preserved  in  the  monasteries 
transcribed.  This  literary  treasure,  confided  to  the  care  of 
Vincent  de  Beauvais,  was  placed  in  an  apartment  near  the 


HISTOBY    OF   THE    CRUSADES.  487 

holy  chapel,  and  became  the  first  model  of  those  bibliogra- 
phical establishments,  of  those  precious  depositories  of 
letters  and  sciences,  of  which  the  capital  of  France  is  now 
so  justly  proud. 

it  has  often  been  said,  that  the  hospital  of  the  Quinze- 
Vingts  was  established  by  Louis  IX.  as  an  asylum  for  three 
h.undred  gentlemen  who  had  returned  bluid  from  the  holy 
war.  The  ordinance  by  which  Louis  founded  this  hospital 
Bays  nothing  to  confirm  the  opinion  at  first  spread  by  several 
writers,  and  which  has  since  become  sanctioned  as  a  popular 
tradition.*  Joinville  speaks  of  the  institution  of  the  Quinze- 
Vingts ;  but  he  says  nothing  of  the  motives  that  induced 
the  pious  monarch  to  found  this  establishment.  Besides, 
we  should  add  that  the  origin  of  the  Qiiiuze-Vingts  is  pos- 
terior by  several  years  to  his  return  from  the  crusade. 
Mezerai  relates  in  his  history,  that  an  hospital  for  the  blind 
was  established  at  Rouen  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury ;  and  this  ancient  monument  of  charity  might  give  Louis 
the  idea  of  founding  a  similar  institution  in  his  capital. 

Before  this  crusade,  Tartary  was  only  known  by  the  for- 
midable emigrations  of  the  Moguls.  This  vase  region  was  in 
some  sort  revealed  to  the  West  by  the  missionaries  sent 
thither  by  the  king  of  France.  AVilliam  de  Longjumeau, 
who  set  out  from  the  isle  of  Cyprus,  collected  a  great  number 
of  fabulous  traditions  in  the  course  of  his  voyage ;  but  he 
likewise  brought  back  some  curious  notices  and  some  exact 
observations.  Eubruquis,  who  started  during  the  king's 
abode  in  Palestine,  and  returned  after  the  departure  of  the 
Crusaders,  did  not  succeed  in  his  embassy  to  the  powerful 
emperor  of  the  Moguls  :  but,  as  a  traveller,  he  observed 
with  sagacity  the  country,  the  manners,  and  the  laws  of  the 
Tartars  ;  and  his  relation  is  still  a  valuable  monument,  that 
more  recent  voyages  have  not  thrown  into  oblivion. 

The  chroniclers  of  the  time,  even  Joinville  himself,  who 
never  tux-ned  their  attention  to  anything  but  the  events  of 

*  But  there  is  one  piece  of  internal  evidence  in  this  tradition,  tliat  we 
think  should  obtain  it  credit,  notwithstanding  the  silence  of  history. 
When  we  remember  how  the  European  armies  in  Egypt,  at  the  end  of  the 
last  century,  suffered  from  ophthalmia,  we  think  there  is  strong  reason  to 
believe  that  Louis  might  found  such  an  iastitutiou  on  his  return. — 
Trans. 


488  HISTOBT    OF   THE    CBUSADES. 

the  war,  and  gave  no  heed  to  the  progress  of  cmlizatiori, 
have  said  nothing  of  the  knowledge  Louis  miglit  liave  acquired 
concerning.the  legislation  of  the  East.  What  interest  would 
not  the  old  chronicles  possess  in  our  eyes,  if  they  had  re- 
ported the  conversations  of  the  royal  legislator  w'th  the 
Oriental  Cliristians  versed  in  the  study  of  the  laws  and 
customs  that  prevailed  in  the  colonies  of  the  Eranks !  It 
was  during  the  sojourn  of  the  king  in  Syria,  that  the  chan- 
cellor of  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus  collected  all  the  laws  that 
formed  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem.  Should  we  not  be  warranted, 
then,  in  saying  that  we  owe  this  precious  collection  to  the 
counsels,  and  still  more  to  the  encouragement,  of  Louis  IX.  ? 
It  is  certain  that  the  pious  monarch  neglected  nothing  that 
would  enable  him  to  acquire  a  knowlmlge  of  the  usages  and 
customs  of  the  countries  he  visited ;  and  that  the  Assizes  of 
Jerusalem  served  as  a  model  for  the  monument  of  legislation 
which  afterwards  constituted  the  greatest  glory  of  his  reign. 

One  advantage  of  this  crusade,  and  that,  doabtless,  the 
greatest  of  all,  was,  that  Louis  returned  much  better  than 
he  was  when  he  went,  and  that  adversity  deveioped  and 
perfected  in  him  all  the  qualities  to  which  his  subjects  looked 
for  their  future  prosperity.  A  Protestant  historian,  when 
speaking  of  this  subject,  makes  use  of  these  remarkable 
words :  "  The  fruit  of  his  voyage  and  of  his  affliction  was, 
that  he  returned  a  much  better  man,  having  increased  in. 
zeal,  modesty,  prudence,  and  diligence ;  and  that  he  was 
more  honoured  and  beloved  by  his  people  than  he  Lad  ever 
been  before  his  departure  ;  and  by  the  universal  ea^'th  was 
held  in  singular  admiration  for  his  good  life  and  constancy 
amidst  dangers,  as  a  miracle  among  kings."* 

Far  from  seeking  to  forget  his  misfortunes,  Louis  was 
constantly  referring  to  them,  as  a  great  example  that  God 
had  been  willing  to  present  to  the  world.  He  attributed 
them  principally  to  his  own  faults;  and  the  austeiities  to 
which  he  condemned  himself  during  the  remaindei-  of  his 
life,  were,  says  Fatlier  Daniel,  a  kind  of  mourning,  which  he 
always  wore  for  the  brave  men  who  had  perished  in  the 
crusade.  On  his  return,  he  reformed  the  coinage,  and  by  hia 
order,  silver  Parisis  and  Gros  Toui'nois  were  struck,  upop 

*  Verit.  Invent,  de  V  His  loir  e  de  France,  by  John  de  Serres,  p.  152. 


UISTOBT   OF    THE    CRUSADES,  489 

which  chains  were  figured,  in  order  to  preserve  the  memory 
of  his  captivity.  These  remembrances  rendered  him  more 
dear  to  his  people,  and  greater  in  the  eyes  of  all -Christians. 
Happy  are  princes  upon  whom  the  lessons  of  misfortune  are 
not  lost !  happy  also  is  the  age  in  which  men  are  not  judged 
according  to  the  favours  of  fortune,  and  in  which  the  adver- 
aitv  of  the  great  ones  of  the  earth  has  in  it  something 
respectable  and  sacred ! 

The  misfortunes  of  the  time,  as  we  have  already  said,  had 
ruined  a  great  number  of  the  most  illustrious  families  of  the 
kingdom.  We  know  that  many  nobles  had  sold  their  lands 
to  provide  means  for  luidertaking  the  crusade  ;  and  history 
has  preserved  acts  passed  in  the  camp,  even  of  ]\Iansoiu"ah, 
by  which  several  gentlemen  sold  their  domains  to  the  crowu. 
Louis  was  not  at  all  willing  tliat  his  companions  in  arms 
should  be  condemned  to  poverty  for  having  followed  him 
into  the  East,  and  for  having  shared  with  him  the  labours 
and  perils  of  the  holy  war ;  he  therefore  ordered  a  list 
to  be  made  of  the  indigent  nobility,  and  found  means  to 
assist  them  out  of  his  own  revenue ;  he  relieved,  with 
affecting  kindness,  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  brave 
knights  he  had  seen  fall  by  his  side ;  and  his  solicitude  ex- 
tended even  to  the  poor  labourers  who  had  suffered,  either 
in  the  war  of  the  Pastors,  by  his  absence,  or  by  the  in- 
efficiency of  the  laws.  "  Serfs,"  said  he,  "  belong  to  Jesus 
Christ  as  well  as  to  us,  and  in  a  Christian  kingdom  we 
ought  never  to  forget  that  they  are  our  brethren."  Since 
his  war  with  the  Mussulmans,  he  could  not  endure  the 
idea  of  the  blood  of  Christians  being  shed  in  battle.  His 
ordinances  forbade  war  between  individuals  in  all  the  do- 
mains of  the  crown ;  and  the  authority  of  his  example 
contributed  to  maintain  order  and  peace  throughout  the 
provinces. 

Before  his  departure,  Louis  had  sent  commissaries  to 
repair  the  iniquities  committed  in  the  government  of  his 
kingdom.  On  his  return,  he  was  determined  to  see  every- 
thing himself,  and  pervaded  his  pro\ances ;  being  convinced 
that  God  will  not  pardon  kings  who  have  neglected  any 
opportunity  or  means  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
truth.  What  a  touching  spectacle  it  must  have  been  to 
see  a  king  as    anxious    to  discover   all    the    ills  that  had 


■iOO  niSTOET    OF    THE    CBUSADES. 

been  effected  in  his  name,  as  other  men  are  to  trace  out 
any  injustice  done  to  themselves  !  In  short,  his  paternal 
vigilance  succeeded  in  destroying  all  abuses,  and  repairing 
all  faults;  "and  finally,"  says  the  noble  confidant  of  hia 
thoughts,  "  in  lapse  of  time,  the  kingdom  of  Prance  multi- 
plied so  greatly  by  tlie  justice  and  rectitude  that  reigned 
m  it,  that  the  domains,  feudal  fines,  rents,  and  revenues, 
increased  in  one  year  by  a  half,  and  vastly  improved  the 
kingdom  of  France." 

We  cannot  finish  the  account  of  this  crusade  without 
speaking  of  the  emperor  Frederick  II.  and  Innocent  IV., 
who  had  so  much  influence  over  the  events  we  have  de- 
scribed. It  may  be  said  of  Frederick,  that  his  glory  under- 
went as  many  vicissitudes  as  his  fortune.  Contemporary 
chronicles  sometimes  praise  him  with  exaggeration,  and  at 
others  blame  him  without  measure.  Such  is  ever  the  fate 
of  princes  who  have  lived  amidst  the  conflict  of  parties. 
The  spirit  of  party,  which  has  judged  them  in  their  life- 
time, leaves  to  history  nothing  but  uncertainties,  and  ap- 
pears still  to  exist  for  them  in  posterity.  No  historian  has 
denied  the  talent  or  the  genius  of  Frederick  ;  he  was  one 
of  the  most  illustrious  captains  of  his  times ;  he  is  placed 
among  the  princes  who,  by  their  example  and  their  muni- 
ficence, encouraged  the  re\aval  of  letters  in  the  middle  ages. 
He  displayed  great  qualities  upon  the  throne,  but  he 
did  not  know  how  to  put  himself  in  harmony  with  the 
spirit  of  his  contemporaries  ;*  he  had  neither  the  defects 
nor  the  virtues  of  his  age,  and  that  is  the  reason  that  he 
succumbed  in  the  obstinate  struggle  with  the  popes.  If 
this  struggle  had  not  troubled  and  divided  Europe,  and  if 
Frederick  had  been  animated  by  the  same  sentiments  aa 
St.  Louis,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Christianity  woidd  have 
triumphed  over  Islamism,  and  that  the  Crusaders  would 
have  subdued  a  great  portion  of  the  East. 

Tiie  memory  of  Innocent  IV.  has  been  judged  as  variously 
as  that  of  his  redoubtable  adversary.  When  looking  at  hia 
manifestoes,  his  warhke  enterprises,  his  spiritual  and  tem- 

*  One  thing  worthy  of  remark  is,  that  the  emperor  Frederick  resembled 
closely,  both  in  character  and  policy,  Frederick  II.,  king  of  Prissia;  but 
the  latter  was  in  harmony  with  his  age,  and  his  age  has  named  fiim  the 
great  Frederick. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  491 

poral  triumphs,  we  might  believe  that  the  most  able  and 
ambitious  of  conquerors  was  seated  in  the  chair  of  St. 
Peter.  The  events  to  which  he  has  attached  his  name, 
and  which  he  directed  bj  liis  policy,  leave  us  nothing  to 
say  regarding  his  genius  or  his  character.  After  the  deatb 
of  Frederick,  this  pontiff  retui'ned  to  Italy,  which  counrry 
he  traversed  in  triumph  ;  but  by  a  singular  contrast,  he^nho 
had  shaken  the  power  of  emperors,  only  entered  Eome  trem- 
blingly. The  Romans  had  sent  envoys  to  him  to  expn.^ss 
their  surprise  at  seeing  him  lead  a  wandering  life  far  from 
his  capital,  and  from  the  flock  of  which  he  would  have  to 
render  an  account  to  the  sovereign  judge. 

Although  obedient  in  this  respect  to  the  will  of  the  people 
of  Eome,  Innocent  pursued  his  projects  against  the  remams 
of  the  imperial  family,  and  death  surprised  him  in  the  king- 
dom of  Naples,  of  which  he  was  taking  possession  in  tlie 
name  of  the  Church ;  having  lost  all  care  for  the  fate  of  the 
Christian  colonies  of  the  East.  The  pontiff"  who  succeeded 
him,  although  he  had  neither  his  ambition,  nor  his  authority, 
nor  his  genius,  followed  not  the  less  the  career  that  had  been 
marked  out  for  him.  He  endeavoured  to  accomplish  all 
the  threats  of  the  Holy  See,  and  the  thunders  of  Eome  re- 
posed no  more  in  the  hands  of  Alexander  VI.  than  they  had 
done  in  those  of  his  predecessors. 

That  which  might  justify  the  persevering,  obstinate  ardour 
with  which  the  popes  pursued  the  posterity  of  Frederick,  is 
that  bv  it  they  liberated  Italy  from  the  yoke  of  the  empe- 
rors ol  Germany  ;  and  that  this  rich  country  remained  sixty 
years  without  seeing  the  armies  of  the  Germanic  empire. 
But,  on  the  other  side,  this  advantage  was  purchased  by  so 
much  violence,  and  by  so  many  calamities,  that  the  nations 
were  never  able  to  enjoy  or  know  the  value  of  it.  The  popes, 
who  were  not  always  sufficiently  strong  to  maintain  the  work 
of  their  policy,  were  sometimes  obliged  to  call  in  foreign 
princes  to  their  aid,  who  introduced  fresh  subjects  of  discord 
into  Italy.  War  constantly  brought  on  war ;  conquerors 
were  expelled  by  other  conquerors.  This  revolution  lasted 
during  several  centuries,  and  became  fatal,  not  only  to  Italy, 
but  to  Germany,  France,  and  Spain,  to  all  who  wished  to 
partake  of  the  spoils  of  the  house  of  Swabia. 

It  is  not  our  task  to  describe  these  afflicting  scenes:  to 


492  HiSTOEY  or  the  ceusades. 

return  to  that  which  more  particularly  belong:s  to  our  sub« 
joct,  we  will  glance,  whilst  terminating  these  general  con- 
siderations, at  the  crusade  which  was  then  being  preached 
in  all  the  Italian  cities  against  Eccelino  de  liomano,  whom 
the  voice  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  voice  of  the  Churcli, 
bad  declared  to  be  the  enemy  of  God  and  men. 

This  Italian  noble  had  taken  advantage  of  the  disorder  of 
the  civil  wars,  to  usurp  a  tyrannical  domination  over  several 
cities  of  Lombardy  and  Trevisano.  All  that  we  are  told  of 
the  tyrants  of  fabulous  antiquity  falls  short  of  the  cruelties 
of  Eccelino.  Contemporary  history  compares  his  barbarous 
reign  to  pestilence,  inundations,  conflagrations,  and  the  most 
terrible  convulsions  of  nature.  The  pope  at  first  excom- 
municated Eccelino,  in  tvJiom  he  could  see  nothing  but  a  wild 
beast  in  a  human  form  ;  a  short  time  afterwards  he  published 
a  crusade  against  this  scourge  of  God  and  humanity.  John 
of  Vicenza,  who  had  preached  public  peace  twenty  years 
before,  was  the  first  preacher  of  this  holy  war.  The  faithful 
who  took  up  arms  against  Eccelino,  w^ere  to  receive  the  same 
indulgences  as  those  wdio  went  to  Palestine.  This  crusade, 
which  was  imdertaken  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  liberty, 
was  preached  in  all  the  republics  of  Italy :  the  eloquence  of 
the  holy  orators  easily  prevailed  over  the  multitude ;  but 
that  which  most  inflamed  the  zeal  and  ardour  of  the  people, 
was  the  sight  of  the  wretches  whom  Eccelino  had  caused  to 
be  mutilated  amidst  tortures,  and  the  groans  and  lamenta- 
tions of  the  families  from  which  the  t3a\ant  had  chosen  his 
victims.  In  most  of  the  provinces  of  Italy,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  cities  and  country  took  up  arms  to  defend  the  cause 
of  religion  and  their  native  land ;  eager  to  obtain  the  civic 
crown,  if  tliey  triumphed  over  tyranny,  and  the  crown  of 
martyrdom,  if  they  chanced  to  fall. 

The  standard  of  the  cross  was  displayed  at  the  head  of  the 
army  ;  the  crowd  of  Crusaders  marched  against  Eccelino, 
singing  this  hymn  of  the  Church, — 

"  Vexilla  regis  prodeunt, 
Fulget  crucis  mysteriuin. '' 

The  army  of  the  faithful  at  first  obtained  rapid  successes  j 
but  as  the  archbishop  of  Eaveuua,  who  commanded  it, 
wanted  skill,  and  as  the  Crusaders  of  each  town  had  no 
leaders  but  monks  and  ecclesiastics,  they  did  not  profit  by 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CRUSADES.  493 

their  early  advantages.  The  intrigues  of  policy  and  the 
spirit  of  rivalry  relaxed  the  ardour  of  the  combatants ;  vic- 
tory -was  sometimes  balanced  by  reverses :  four  years  of 
labours  and  perils  scarcely  sufficed  for  the  suppression  of  an 
impious  domination,  or  to  avenge  humanity  by  the  defeat 
and  death  of  Eccelino. 

I  regret  that  the  plan  of  this  work  does  not  permit  me  to 
speak  in  greater  detail  of  this  war,  in  which  religion  so  hap- 
pily assisted  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  which  forms  so  great  a 
contrast  with  most  contemporary  events.  At  this  period 
such  a  number  of  crusades  were  preached,  that  history  can 
scarcely  follow  them,  and  we  feel  astonished  that  the  popu- 
lation of  the  AVest  was  not  exhausted  by  so  many  unfor- 
tunate wars.  Whilst  Louis  IX.  was  retiu-niug  from  the 
East,  where  he  had  left  his  army,  and  a  holy  league  was 
being  formed  in  Italy  against  the  tyrant  Eccelino,  sixty 
thousand  Crusaders,  conmianded  by  a  king  of  Bohemia, 
marched  against  the  people  of  Lithuania,  still  addicted  to 
the  worship  of  idols ;  and  another  army  of  Crusaders  was 
leaving  the  banks  of  the  Oder  and  the  Vistula  to  combat 
the  pagans  of  Prussia,  so  many  times  attacked  and  conquered 
by  the  Teutonic  knights.  History  is  gratified  at  being 
able  to  remark  that  in  this  last  expedition  the  cities  of 
Brunsbad  and  Konigsberg  were  founded ;  but  the  founding 
of  two  flourishing  cities  cannot  obliterate  the  remembrance 
of  the  desolation  of  many  pro\dnees.  If  any  advantages 
could  arise  from  these  sanguinary  expeditions,  they  were 
certainly  the  progressive  steps  of  Christianity,  which  brougb.t 
together  people  till  that  time  separated  by  difference  in  man- 
ners and  religious  belief;  they  were  the  lessons  of  misfor- 
tune and  the  fruits  of  experience,  which  in  the  end  enJigbt- 
ened  Europe,  and  gave  to  the  human  mind  a  new  direction 
more  conformable  with  the  laws  of  justice  and  reason,  more 
favourable  to  the  interests  of  humaruty.  It  is  thus  that 
ProWdence,  always  mixing  good  with  evil,  renews  human 
societies,  and  sows  the  prolific  seeds  of  civilization  in  the 
veiy  heart  of  disorder  and  barbarism. 

BND   OF   VOL.   U. 


